Apollonios of Tyana

Apollonios of Tyana on a late antique counterpart

Apollonios of Tyana ( Greek  Ἀπολλώνιος ὁ Τυανεύς Apollṓnios ho Tyaneús , Latin Apollonius Tyan (a) eus ; * around 40 ; † around 120 probably in Ephesus ) was an ancient Greek philosopher . He came from the city of Tyana in Cappadocia and spent his life wandering and teaching in the east of the Roman Empire . Since he confessed to the model and teaching of Pythagoras , he is counted among the New Pythagoreans .

His apparently extraordinary personality and his exemplary philosophical way of life impressed his contemporaries and had a broad aftereffect. Numerous legends have grown up about his life and work . The extensive biography of Apollonios by Philostratus , which gathers a large part of the stories and glorifies the philosophers, offers a wealth of legendary material. Although it represents a central source for the ancient reception of Apollonios, it is far less productive for the historical figure. Only a small part of the surviving biographical information and teaching content can be considered certain.

A large part of the ancient legend of Apollonios is made up of the numerous reports of miracles that the wandering sage is said to have performed. Even in antiquity, parallels to the reports about Jesus of Nazareth and his miracles were observed and used for polemical comparisons: Christians and non-Christians portrayed their respective heroes as superior. In the early modern period , too , Apollonios was often seen as a pagan counter-figure or parallel figure and alternative to Jesus Christ perceived and judged from this point of view. Modern research has on the one hand carried out a source criticism with regard to the historical form , on the other hand it has examined the formation of legends and the use of the philosopher in religious conflicts in detail.

The historical Apollonios

swell

Works of Apollonios

Some of the works ascribed to Apollonios have not survived, some are controversial in terms of their authenticity, or they are certainly not authentic. The writings that can be considered as possibly authentic are primarily letters, a lost biography of Pythagoras and the probably real or at least in the environment of Apollonios the work About the Sacrifice Customs , of which only a fragment has survived.

Philostratos, Johannes Stobaios and a separate collection of letters come down to us with numerous letters supposedly written by Apollonios or addressed to him. Some of them are reproduced in full, others only in part or as a paraphrase . Apparently letters were collected as early as the 2nd century, some of which were bogus. To what extent there is real material among the received letters is difficult to assess. It is likely that Philostratus wrote a large part of the letters he cites himself; others are older fictional letters that he used.

The Neo-Platonists Porphyrios and Iamblichus apparently still had access to the Pythagoras biography, which is now lost; they invoked this work. In the Suda , a medieval Byzantine encyclopedia, a life of Pythagoras is cited among the writings of Apollonios of Tyana. The Apollonios mentioned by Porphyrios and Iamblichos is traditionally equated with the Tyaneer, but Peter Gorman objected to it in 1985, and since then the voices of the doubters have increased. Gregor Staab rejects the attribution to the Tyaneer. He attributes the Suda entry to a mix-up and suspects that the author of the biography is the Hellenistic scholar Apollonios Molon .

Other sources

By far the most detailed source is an extensive, eight-book biography of Apollonios ( Ta es ton Tyanéa Apollonion , Latin Vita Apollonii ), which the sophist Flavius ​​Philostratos wrote in Greek and completed between 217 and 238. Philostratus wrote on behalf of the Roman empress dowager Julia Domna († 217). However, he was unable to present the result of his efforts to her, as she had already passed away when he finished his work. His description has shaped the image of Apollonios to the present day. He made use of material from older, now lost writings and tried to give the impression of conscientiousness, reliability and great expertise. But literary design was also very important to him; He laid out the biography like a novel and decorated it with an abundance of miracle stories. For this reason and because of numerous discrepancies, modern source criticism has in many respects denied its credibility. Its unreliability is shown, among other things, by incorrect information on the chronology.

Philostratus claimed that his biography of Apollonios was primarily a revision of an older work, the records (hypomnḗmata) of Damis . Damis was a student of Apollonios, he accompanied his teacher on his travels and, as an eyewitness, recorded the events and the utterances of the philosopher in writing. A relative of Dami's had submitted the notes of the philosopher's student to Julia Domna. She wanted the material to be treated more pleasantly, because Damis was a conscientious reporter, but not a good writer. That is why she commissioned him, Philostratus, to write a biography on the basis of Damis' information, which could also be satisfactory from a stylistic point of view.

These statements by Philostratus have been subjected to a fundamental criticism by modern research. It turned out that the "Diary of Damis" is a literary fiction. Authentic records by a student of Apollonios named Damis certainly never existed. Either Philostratus invented the diary freely or it is a script used by him by an unknown author who claimed to be a pupil of Apollonios. In favor of the latter hypothesis, it is asserted that Philostratus could not have dared to invoke the Empress in order to give credibility to an invented source. Another, more weighty argument is that Philostratos was embarrassed that the portrayal of the pseudo-Damis he reproduced paints a picture of his protagonist that he sees as undesirable. This is incomprehensible if one assumes that he invented his source himself. Although this discrepancy could be a subtle ruse to increase one's own credibility, such an approach is unprecedented in ancient literature.

One of the older main sources that have been lost today is apparently a work written by Maximos of Aigeai, a secretary to Emperor Hadrian , in the first half of the 2nd century. As Philostratus reports, it dealt with the deeds of Apollonios in the city of Aigeai (Aigai) in Cilicia . Whether this font is a real source or a source invented by Philostratos is disputed in research. Today it is predominantly believed that Maximus actually lived under Hadrian and wrote the work ascribed to him and that Philostratus had access to this source. However, the doubts have not been completely eliminated.

The four books of the Apollonios biography des Moiragenes (Memories of the magician and philosopher Apollonios of Tyana) , which certainly existed, as they are attested by the church writer Origen in addition to Philostratus, are also not preserved . Philostratus made derogatory comments about this biography. He said Moiragenes was not credible because he was poorly informed. In research it is certain that Moiragenes conveyed a positive image of Apollonios and his deeds. Presumably Philostratus exaggerated the difference between Moiragenes and himself for reasons of competition.

The oldest surviving testimony of Apollonios comes from the late 2nd century; it is mentioned in Lukian of Samosata . From his information it is deduced that Apollonios had companions and students who continued the tradition after his death. Lukian reports of such a student, who in turn gave lessons.

Life

According to the current state of research, Apollonios was born around 40 and died around 120. This dating replaces the older one, according to which Apollonios was born around 3 BC. Lived until approx. 97 AD.

Philostratus describes Apollonios as a wandering preacher and miracle worker, who was active in Italy, Spain and Ethiopia, who fearlessly confronted the Emperor Domitian in Rome and who came as far as Babylon , Arabia and India. It is true that Apollonios was a hiking philosopher, but long-distance travel was invented. In all likelihood, Apollonios never left the east of the Roman Empire. The cities he stayed in were Ephesus , Aigeai , Antiocheia and his hometown Tyana. Presumably he died in Ephesus.

to teach

Few of the legendary details of the sources can be plausibly related to the historical figure of Apollonios and his authentic teachings. What is certain is that he adored Pythagoras, admitted to the New Pythagorean ideal of wisdom and placed great emphasis on a corresponding way of life. The reports that, according to the Pythagorean tradition, he opposed animal sacrifices and followed a vegetarian diet are credible ; he is also said to have refused clothing made of animal material. An insight into his theological way of thinking is provided by a fragment from the lost scripture on sacrificial customs (Peri thysiōn) , which was probably written by him or in his environment and which presented his authentic view. The author describes God as the most beautiful being, who cannot be influenced by prayers and sacrifices and who is not interested in human veneration, but can be reached in a spiritual way. God is nous (spirit, intellect) and therefore accessible to the human spirit.

The 58th letter, which probably originates from the historical Apollonios or from his environment, provides further information. The recipient of the letter is a Valerius, probably Decimus Valerius Asiaticus Saturninus , who was the proconsul of the province of Asia . Valerius fell into despair after the death of his son. In the letter of consolation, which is strongly influenced by Middle Platonic ideas, he is told that birth is only a transition from the realm of pure being ( ousía ) to the realm of nature ( phýsis ) , death is a transition in the opposite direction. Nothing comes into existence or perishes, but there is only an alternation between becoming visible and invisible. If something is, it is not created and imperishable. In this way, a child is not produced by its parents, but the parents are only a means that is necessary for it to come into the world. Death is just a change of whereabouts. Therefore he should not be lamented, but honored. After a death, it is not the passage of time, but reason that should bring about an improvement in the state of mind of the bereaved. It is unworthy of a good person to let time ease pain, because the suffering of the bad also passes with time. Rather, it is important to change your attitude towards death. Anyone who has authority as an official should first learn to control himself. If he is unable to do so, he cannot even manage his own household, let alone cities and provinces.

Ancient iconography

Statue of a wandering philosopher, presumably Apollonios, 2nd century, Archaeological Museum, Heraklion

Philostratus mentions images of the philosopher that would have been in a sanctuary of Apollonios in Tyana at his time.

In Gortyn on Crete , a well-preserved statue of an ascetic wandering philosopher from the 2nd century was excavated, which is now in the Archaeological Museum of Heraklion . It used to be wrongly believed that it was a portrait of the pre-Socratic Heraclitus . A closer examination has shown that the sitter is a wandering and teaching philosopher, and not an illiterate and unkempt cynic , but - as his bundle of scrolls shows - a scholar. The combination of wandering life - as the club-like stick indicates -, asceticism (he wears no undergarment), well-groomed appearance and erudition goes well with Apollonios. It can therefore be assumed that the philosopher von Gortyn is either Apollonios himself or a charismatic traveling teacher of his kind.

A statue was probably made in the early 3rd century, the upper part of which has been preserved. According to the inscription, it is Apollonios, so this was considered the one depicted in older research. The piece was in the possession of an art dealer in Milan in 1972. Since the inscription comes from a modern scholar, the reason for the identification with Apollonios is omitted. The head of a late antique shield portrait of Apollonios from Aphrodisias in Caria , identifiable from the inscription, has been lost, only part of the garment has been preserved.

In late antiquity, contornians (medallions) were minted, on which famous personalities from Greek and Roman cultural history are depicted. This coinage, valued by the educated elite of that time, was probably initiated in the milieu of traditional Pagan senators . According to the Latin inscription, Apollonios is shown on a large number of Kontorniat, coined around 395. He wears a laurel wreath.

The author of the late antique Historia Augusta reports of a vision of the emperor Aurelian , to whom Apollonios appeared in the year 272 "in the figure in which one sees him (in portraits)". The emperor recognized the philosopher because he was familiar with his facial features from portraits in many temples. From this it can be seen that at the time this source was created, images of Apollonios were widespread and that there was a generally known iconographic type.

reception

During his lifetime, Apollonios seems to have been little known outside the places of his life and work. No contemporary historian or philosopher mentions his name. The literary preoccupation with him began - as far as recognizable - in the decades after his death, the popular legend formation only reached its climax in late antiquity.

2nd and 3rd centuries

Miracle stories

From the longevity of Apollonios' fame as a miracle worker, it can be inferred that not only during his lifetime but also in the decades after his death at the sites of his activity he had a significant number of admirers who ascribed him to superhuman qualities. The beginnings of the legendary tradition are, however, in the dark.

Among the miracles that have been attributed to him are extrasensory perceptions . In the year 96 in Ephesus, for example, he is said to have witnessed and described the murder of Emperor Domitian, which took place in Rome at the same time. This episode is reported by Cassius Dio and Philostratus, probably on the basis of oral tradition. Both report that the philosopher welcomed the act as tyrannicide .

Philostratus says that Apollonios freed the Ephesians from a plague epidemic by getting the city's youth to stone a beggar at the statue of Heracles. According to Philostratus' description, it was the plague demon who had taken the form of a beggar and turned into a lion the size of a dog when stoned; then the epidemic died down. This episode has been used in research as evidence of a pharmakós sacrifice, a human sacrifice as part of a cleansing ritual. Walter Burkert sees it as a late and "almost unritualized [it]" example of pharmakós sacrifice. The legend seems to be linked to a real practice of sacrifice. A connection between a human sacrifice and the historical Apollonios can, however, be ruled out, since according to the sources he was primarily a Pythagorean and the strict rejection of all bloody sacrifices was one of the most important principles of the imperial New Pythagoreanism.

For Philostratus, an essential aspect of the superhuman nature of Apollonios is his internal and external freedom from any coercion. Before his birth, the Egyptian god Proteus appears to his pregnant mother and announces that she will give birth to him herself - that is, a second Proteus. In addition, Philostratus points out a characteristic property of Proteus: This god is agile and knows how to change his shape again and again and to evade any access. Superiority over any fixation is also a characteristic of Apollonios. In prison, where he is with Damis, he demonstrates his power to the student: He pulls his foot out of the fetter to give Damis proof of his freedom. Then he pushes his foot back in and pretends to have always been tied up. Philostratus emphasizes that the miracle happened without previous prayer and sacrifice, i.e. not through the intervention of a deity, but through Apollonios' own power.

Parallels to the Christian image of Jesus

In the biography written by Philostratos a number of similarities with the depiction of the life of Jesus in the Gospels stand out, especially with regard to the miracles (birth story, casting out demons , raising the dead, ascension , epiphany of the deceased). Whether this was intended and therefore a literary relationship of dependency can be assumed has been a matter of dispute for a long time. In more recent research, a direct influence is predominantly considered to be improbable, but voices to the contrary have not died down. If there is a direct connection, the parallels were probably not originally intended in terms of a rivalry with Christianity.

In his monograph The History of the Synoptic Tradition (1921), the New Testament scholar Rudolf Bultmann examined the parallels between Christian and pagan miracle narratives, including evaluating the material from the Vita Apollonii . His concern was the determination of the Greek influence on the early Christian miracle stories. He came to the conclusion that most of the New Testament miracle stories are likely to have a Greek origin. However, he hardly took into account the late emergence of the Vita Apollonii and the unclear origin of its material, whose old age he took for granted. The question of dating was irrelevant for him, because it was not about determining certain relationships of dependency, but about capturing a general spiritual milieu that he wanted to work out as the background of the Hellenization of early Christianity.

Researchers with a focus on shape history attribute the similarities between the Apollonios legends and the Gospels not to a direct relationship of dependency, but to an already existing reservoir of narrative motifs shared by the authors. Such motifs can be grasped in various literary, philosophical, religious and popular traditions. Marc Van Uytfanghe speaks of a " hagiographic discourse " when the narration of extraordinary events serves to glorify a figure who is presented from the beginning as the heroic embodiment of a certain ideal type . One of the characteristics of this idealized representation is the description of deeds which illustrate the superiority of the leading figure and make her life appear as an all-round successful realization of the respective ideal, which at the same time underpins the credibility of her teaching. The static conception of exemplary people is typical: their virtues are given to them from the start, development does not take place or only takes place as a perfection. The hagiographic discourse is common to pagan, Jewish and Christian authors. Van Uytfanghe points out that "motifs and narratives could also circulate parallel to one another [...] in different places and in different traditions". Since not every match of narrative motifs is evidence of imitation of one tradition by the other or even of a literary relationship of dependency, Van Uytfanghe believes that the importance of the question of priority is overestimated. From his point of view, it is not primarily a matter of where a particular motif is first documented.

The older research was shaped by the point of view of Richard Reitzenstein and above all by the results of Ludwig Bieler . The view established that the type of the “divine man” (theíos anḗr) was the general concept that, as the common content of consciousness of people at that time, formed the basis for the reception of figures such as Apollonios and Christ. The concept determined the expectations of the reading public. A divine man was imagined as a prophetic miracle worker and savior, equipped with superhuman abilities. The expression refers to a traveling missionary, a charismatic leader who preached a religious message and acted as a mediator between the divine and the human realm. The classic example of this type is Apollonios. In recent research, Hans Dieter Betz in particular has made this approach his own. He adopts an overall conception of the divine man as a scheme given since Hellenism . The scheme was authoritative for both Christian and pagan authors during the imperial era . The Evangelists would have applied it to Christ in order to interpret his life in a way that even pagan readers could understand. The ideal image of the divine human being was essential as a model. Both the Christian and the pagan storytellers are concerned with the portrayal of an exemplary implementation of this ideal, not with the historical details of individual life. The biographical facts were presented during the narration and, if necessary, rearranged in such a way that the impression of a perfect realization of the ideal was given.

However, the results of this research direction have been subjected to fundamental criticism. Critics deny the existence of a unified concept of the divine man within pagan literature and the assumption of a common basis of pagan and Christian ideas of God man. "Divine man" was not a fixed term to designate a certain class of people.

According to recent studies, there was a concept of the divine man - although neither clearly defined nor uniform - in imperial literature, but superhuman abilities and miracles were not part of this concept. Even if one believed in miracles, one did not make the status of the divine man dependent on them. Philostratus referred to models like Pythagoras and Apollonios as "divine people" because of their character and way of life, not because of the wonderful events in their lives. Thus, according to this research opinion, the concept of the divine man does nothing to explain the striking correspondence between the Vita Apollonii and the Gospels.

Alleged trip to India

Philostratus tells in detail about Apollonios' trip to India, to which he devotes two and a half of the eight books of his work. On the way, Apollonios is said to have met Damis in Hierapolis Bambyke (not Nineveh , as was wrongly assumed) , who became his student and constant companion. Pythagoras, the model of Apollonios, was assumed to have stayed in India since the Hellenistic period. The idea of ​​looking for sources of wisdom there was therefore obvious for a New Pythagorean like Apollonios. However, because of the inappropriateness of a number of research details, the report of Philostratus is viewed with the greatest skepticism. Sometimes it is considered to be fictitious and the whole trip is assessed as fictional, sometimes it is stated that a real journey as the historical core of the legendary story cannot be ruled out.

In 1943, Vidhushekhara Bhattacharya pointed out Sanskrit texts in which Apollonios was recorded as "Apalūnya". Classical philologists then suspected that these Indian sources depend on Philostratos and that his work was thus translated into Sanskrit; an independent Indian Apollonios tradition has even been considered, which would be evidence of a historical trip to India. It was not until 1995 that it was proven that the relevant passages in the Indian factories were insertions by a modern forger who was active in the late 19th century.

Dispute over the magic charge

An important topic of the ancient assessment of Apollonios was the controversial question of whether he should be regarded as a magician. The term "magician" or "magician" (góēs) usually had a negative connotation and was used in this sense by critics of Apollonios. This posed a problem for the admirers of the Tyaneer: on the one hand, they considered the miracles ascribed to him to be genuine, on the other hand, sorcery was considered unworthy of a philosopher and the performance of deeds that could be interpreted as magic was in need of justification.

In the 2nd century, Lukian of Samosata sharply criticized the neo-Pythagorean tendency which referred to Apollonios. After 180 he wrote a pamphlet in which he made derogatory comments about Apollonios and portrayed his pupils as magicians and charlatans.

Philostratus turned against the point of view put forward by critics such as Lukian. He emphasized that although some people thought Apollonios was a magician, it was a slander. The New Pythagorean had a gift of prophecy, but such foreknowledge was no reason to count him among the magicians. In contrast to the magicians who tried to change fate by violent measures, he only announced what the gods had revealed to him about the future. He renounced ritual practices and was not interested in learning magical skills. He also never asked for money, but the magicians are greedy for money.

The historian Cassius Dio described Apollonios as a magician and sorcerer in a derogatory sense. His concern was to discredit the emperor Caracalla , who he hated and who practiced a cult of Apollonios, as a promoter of charlatanism.

Adoration of Apollonios at the imperial court

In the west of the Roman Empire, Apollonios was little known until the early 3rd century. Julia Domna, who herself came from the East, brought the legendary tradition to the capital of the empire by commissioning Philostratus to write the biography in which Apollonios is glorified as a sage with supernatural abilities. Julia's son Emperor Caracalla (211-217) worshiped Apollonios and built a sanctuary for him. This is probably to be identified with the Apollonios sanctuary in Tyana attested by Philostratus; In 215, Caracalla was on the move in the hometown of the New Pythagorean. Emperor Severus Alexander (222–235), a great-nephew of Julia Domna, is said to have placed a cult image of Apollonios in his lararium , but the credibility of this message from a late ancient source is doubtful.

Apollonios is said to have appeared to the Emperor Aurelian in a vision in 272 to prevent him from destroying the city of Tyana.

Political and cultural engagement

An essential aspect of the image of Apollonios propagated by Philostratus was the advocacy of the sage for his political convictions. In most of the philosophical traditions of antiquity, including the Pythagoreans, political activity on the part of philosophers was considered desirable or even the fulfillment of an ethical duty. Advising benevolent rulers was seen as an important task of a philosopher. The ideal of the intrepid philosopher who only serves the common good also included a frank demeanor towards tyrants regardless of the personal danger involved. Generally speaking, a philosopher had to put his knowledge to the service of society. This included conflict resolution as well as commitment to a reasonable state and social order and against luxury and effeminacy. The Apollonios of Philostratus met these expectations. In doing so, he proved to be an exemplary sage for the reading public in terms of the prevailing ideal of wisdom.

With Philostratus, Apollonios takes a resolute political side. He is a friend of the emperors Vespasian and Titus , who adore him, a courageous critic of Nero and an opponent of Domitian , whom he fearlessly counters as a defendant with a frank defensive speech. Emperor Nerva tries to win him over as an advisor.

One of the letters that Apollonios is said to have written and received also included a correspondence with emperors - certainly fictitious. In it Vespasian praises the philosopher, but is severely reprimanded by Apollonios for having enslaved the Greeks. Titus, on the other hand, receives the praise of Apollonios for his generosity. Two letters are addressed to Domitian, who is admonished to seek wisdom.

In terms of cultural policy, Apollonios is said to have campaigned for the maintenance and purity of the Greek language and the preservation of Greek customs. Both in the Vita Apollonii and in the letter tradition independent of Philostratos, he appears as a defender of Greece. With Philostratus he demands that the Romans show consideration for the concerns of the Greeks. He thinks that a Roman governor in Greece can be expected to speak the Greek language and understand the Greek mentality. In one of the letters attributed to him, the custom of contemporary Greeks to adopt Roman names is condemned as a renunciation of their own ethnic identity. The letters also received attention from a stylistic point of view. In the 3rd century, the sophist Philostratus of Lemnos judged that Apollonios and Dion Chrysostom were the best stylists among the philosophers as letter writers apart from the old classics.

Late antiquity

Literary reception

The poet Soterichos , who came from Libya or Egypt and lived around 300, wrote a biography of Apollonios that is only known from its mention in the Suda. Possibly it was an adaptation of Philostratus' work in an epic poem. In the west, the educated senator Virius Nicomachus Flavianus dealt with Philostratus in the 4th century ; however, he probably did not translate the Apollonios Vita into Latin, as was previously believed, but only made a Greek copy. It was not until the 5th century that Sidonius Apollinaris , a Christian admirer of Apollonios, translated the work of Philostratus into Latin. This translation, which has not survived, had no discernible aftereffect.

Apollonios as a controversial pagan leading figure

At the beginning of the 4th century, the worship of Apollonios was used directly for anti-Christian purposes within the framework of the then state fight against Christianity. 302/303 wrote the governor Sossianus Hierocles , who played a decisive role in the persecution of Christians from 303, a pamphlet in which he tried to prove Apollonios as a personality superior to Christ. With this he wanted to make the philosopher the leading figure for the opponents of the Christians, starting with the Apollonios image of Philostratus. He argued, among other things, that while it is appropriate to regard a miracle worker like Apollonios as someone loved by the gods, it is frivolous and inappropriate to call the person Christ God just because he performed miracles. In addition, the deeds of Apollonios are better attested than those of Christ, for his biographers, in contrast to the ignorant apostles, were educated, truth-loving men. The anti-Christian pamphlet led to violent reactions from the church fathers Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius . Eusebius wrote a reply in which he attacked Philostratus as the inventor of lies. The historical Apollonios may have been a wise man, but one should not exaggerate him legendarily, otherwise one would turn a philosopher into a magician, a donkey in a lion's skin . If one followed the account of Philostratus, one could not even consider Apollonios to be a respectable philosopher. The initiative of Sossianus Hierocles led to a sharp rise in interest in Apollonios in the context of the serious, ongoing conflict over Christianity.

It was not until 1978 that an epigram glorifying Apollonios was published. It is an inscription on a marble architrave block that is difficult to date and was probably made at the end of the 3rd or early 4th century and is in the Museum of Adana . The block probably comes from a shrine to Apollonios. The role of Apollonios is emphasized as a healer, to whom a heavenly power has given the ability to redeem people from suffering.

The exuberant praise that the unknown author donated to the Historia Augusta Apollonios shows how important the New Pythagorean was in the circles of this pagan historian as a model of non-Christian piety. In the Historia Augusta , Apollonios is presented as a sage who enjoys the highest reputation. He is not only a true friend of the gods, but also to be worshiped as a divine being. There is no one among men more holy, more venerable and more divine than he. The latter claim was an open challenge to Christians. The historian added that he intended to write a description of the deeds of Apollonios himself so that they would be known everywhere. By this he meant a Latin script for readers in the west of the empire who were not familiar with Greek.

The historian Ammianus Marcellinus believed that Apollonios, like the famous philosophers Pythagoras, Socrates and Plotinus, as well as important statesmen, had been under the direction of a genius , a personal guardian spirit, and received instruction from him. Every person is connected to such a genius for his protection, but only a few particularly virtuous personalities are able, thanks to the purity of their souls, to perceive their geniuses and to be instructed by them.

The Neoplatonist Eunapios of Sardis († after 414) considered Apollonios to be superhuman, he described him in his collection of philosopher biographies as an intermediate being between God and man. In the "Tübingen Theosophy", an excerpt from a collection of pagan texts made by a late antique Christian, the oracle of the god Apollon names three people who, thanks to their outstanding life practice, have been given special closeness to the deity: Hermes Trismegistus , Moses and Apollonios.

The role of Apollonios as a pagan leading figure led to some violent rejection of his person by the Christians. Among the Christian authors the opinion was widespread that his miracles, insofar as they were not pure inventions, were the work of demons . The Church Father Augustine argued that there was a lack of credible witnesses to the miracles. The influential preacher John Chrysostom presented Apollonios as a swindler, whose influence was only of regional importance and had proven to be transitory. In contrast to Christ, Apollonios left no church and no believers. The church father Hieronymus expressed himself contemptuously about the magic, which one should not compare with the miracles of God, but also expressed his respect for the thirst for knowledge of the "extraordinary philosopher": Apollonios found and used opportunities everywhere to learn and benefit to improve.

Talismans

In late antiquity, talismans allegedly made by Apollonios were popular in the east of the empire as a means of protection against the forces of nature, diseases and vermin such as mosquitoes, scorpions and mice. Most of them were stone or metal animal figures or columns that were ascribed a strong apotropaic effect. When the use of such talismans began is unknown. It is noticeable that no source before late antiquity mentions it; the earliest mention can be found in the battle script of Eusebius of Caesarea against Hierocles.

Even after the complete Christianization of the Roman Empire, the popular belief in the helping power of talismans remained unbroken in the east. From the theological point of view, this was a serious problem. For ecclesiastical authors the question arose as to how God could allow the talismans of the pagan Apollonios to develop a miraculous, healing effect and thereby represent a seduction to paganism. The simple answer was widespread that it was a question of deceptive sorcery, of wicked and godless creations whose effectiveness was based on the power of demons. But this declaration did not satisfy all troubled minds. In the 5th century, a theological writer - "Pseudo Justin ", presumably Bishop Theodoret of Kyrrhos - gave a more nuanced explanation in the work Quaestiones et responsiones ad orthodoxos ("Questions and answers to the orthodox "). He admitted that the talismans actually had the power ascribed to them. He saw the difference between the miracles of Christ and those of Apollonios in the fact that Christ acted as absolute Lord of creation due to his divine authority, while Apollonios was only able to perform his deeds thanks to his knowledge of the forces of nature. The church writer thus differentiated between a supernatural miracle activity of Christ and a power that only works within the framework of natural laws, which Apollonios had at his disposal as a connoisseur of the natural properties of his materials. There are no superhuman abilities of Apollonios, but only special properties of the substances used that give the talismans effectiveness. God allow this because it is legitimate within the framework of natural laws and the effects only affect the body, not the soul. The Christians who found talisman magic harmless included Johannes Malalas and Hesychios of Miletus . The unknown Christian writer, now known as "Pseudo-Nonnos", who was active in the early 6th century, credited Apollonios with having turned to benevolent spirits with good intentions and erecting the talismans for a good cause.

The late antique monk and church father Neilos (Nilus) von Ankyra presented a different line of thought in a letter. He considered the question of the effectiveness of the talismans to be irrelevant, since they did not contain any heavenly blessings and would not bring any benefit to the soul. For a person who strives for imperishable goods, what can be obtained by means of the talismans is no more valuable than a handful of barley.

The “Book of Wisdom and Understanding of Effects” allegedly written by Apollonios, which among other things contains instructions for setting up talismans, was probably created in circles of late antique Christian Gnostics. This syncretistic script combines pagan, Jewish and Christian ideas. Here Apollonios appears as a connoisseur of hidden natural forces and cosmic laws and as a benefactor who, according to the will of God, makes talismans for the needs of people. He also foretells the birth of Christ; from this it can be seen that the legends were partly developed in a milieu in which one had no clear idea of ​​the chronological order of one's life.

middle Ages

Byzantium

In the Byzantine Empire the memory of the Tyaneer remained alive. In the 9th century, Patriarch Photios I of Constantinople , an important scholar and connoisseur of ancient literature, criticized the portrayal of Philostratus, whom he accused of having created a collection of nonsense. The talismans were still known, and belief in their beneficial effects persisted. Byzantine authors studied the talisman magic ascribed to Apollonios until the 15th century. For some of them the talismans were the work of the devil, others rated them positively. The opponents did not doubt the effectiveness either. Not all talismans disappeared in the Middle Ages; some, including a bronze eagle in the hippodrome of Constantinople holding a snake in its clutches, were still present at the beginning of the 13th century. The eagle was destroyed by the Crusaders of the Fourth Crusade , who took Constantinople in 1204.

Islamic world and Christianity in the Orient

In the Arabic-speaking world, the figure of Apollonios was known in the Middle Ages. Arab authors called him Balīnūs or Balīnās or Abulūniyūs . They saw in him the "lord of talismans" (ṣāḥib aṭ-ṭilasmāt) and attributed to him the erection of statues that would magically have saved cities from disaster. He played an important role in Arabic occult literature as an alleged master of alchemy and a source of hidden knowledge. He was regarded as the author of occult writings or, if these writings were ascribed a mysterious origin, as their discoverer, recipient, transmitter or translator. Among them were The Big Book of Talismans and About the Moon Talismans . In addition, sayings of wisdom ascribed to Apollonios have been handed down in Arabic collections of aphorisms . The best-known and most extensive work distributed under his name was the book on the mystery of creation (kitāb sirr al-ḫalīqa) , written in the early 9th century , a comprehensive natural-philosophical explanation of the nature of the universe. According to the associated legend, Balinus discovered this book in a cave in Tyana.

In the prologue of the book on the mystery of creation , Balinus is described as a poor orphan from Tyana, in contrast to the depiction of Philostratus, according to which Apollonios came from an upper-class family. In this Arabic tradition, the tyaneer is not the heir of the wisdom of Pythagoras as in the ancient tradition, but the owner of hermetic knowledge. Balinus also appears as a hermetic in two other authors of the 9th century: the philosopher al-Kindī referred to him as a student of Hermes Trismegistos , the mythical author of hermetics, and the Persian scholar Abū Maʿšar equated him with Asclepius, who according to the ancient tradition was a son of Hermes Trismegistus.

Balīnūs as pseudo-Apollonios can possibly be equated with (Johannes) Paulinus (or pseudo-Johannes Paulinus ), who is mentioned as the author of a treatise on miracle drugs that was translated from Arabic into Latin before 1300 and was given the Latin title Salus vitae . The work was also translated into Hebrew in 1338. Based on the Latin version, several German versions were created in the 14th and 15th centuries, for which the terms snake skin tract and adder shirt tract are common. In German, the work was widely used as a medical specialist journal until the 17th century.

In the Syrian Orthodox Church the prevailing opinion was that the talismans were the work of the devil. This opinion was for example the well-known scholar Bar Hebraeus († 1286), who represented Apollonios as a rival of Christ. A speech about wisdom ascribed to Apollonios has come down to us in the Syrian language .

Western and Central Europe

In Western and Central Europe, there was hardly any knowledge about Apollonios in the Middle Ages. As far as anyone knew of him, he was perceived as the owner of secret knowledge. The reception was largely limited to occult and natural philosophical literature that circulated under his name, but did not come from the historical Apollonios. Occult writings include the Book of Apollonius on the Main Causes of Things (Liber Apollonii de principalibus rerum causis) and the Golden Flowers of Apollonius (Apollonii flores aurei) .

The work On the secrets of nature (De secretis naturae) is a Latin translation of the Arabic book on the mystery of creation , which Hugo von Santalla wrote in the 12th century. Hugo, an excellent expert on ancient literature, recognized that the person referred to in the Arabic text as "Balinus the Wise, Lord of Talismans and Miracle Worker" is Apollonios of Tyana.

On several occasions, the name was Balinus in Latin occult medieval texts garbled when the identity of the carrier name was unknown to Apollonius. The Arabic Balīnūs al-Ḥākim (Balinus the Wise) became Latin Galienus Alfachimus , and in the alchemical script Turba philosophorum Balinus appears as Bonellus , Bonilis and Bodillus .

Early modern age

Humanistic source reception

In the early 15th century, Philostratos' work came back to the West in the original Greek version. It met with great interest and was translated into Latin in 1473 by the Florentine humanist Alamanno Rinuccini. Many manuscripts from his translation were already in circulation during Rinuccini's lifetime; after his death the first print came out in Bologna in 1501. Eleven more prints followed, the last published in 1608. The Greek text was first published in 1501 by Aldo Manuzio ; the edition was accompanied by Rinuccini's translation. Manuzio added the text of Eusebios' Philostratos criticism to his edition because he regarded the Vita Apollonii , as he explained in the dedication letter, as a poison for which an antidote must be provided. Later editors followed his example. Three Italian translations were published in 1549, one French in 1599.

The first edition of the letters attributed to Apollonios appeared in Venice in 1498; the editor was Bartolomeo Pelusio (Bartholomaeus Iustinopolitanus). Marcus Musurus , who published the letters in an Aldine the following year , took over Bartolomeo's text.

Ideological differences of opinion

The humanists Marsilio Ficino (1433–1499) and Johannes Reuchlin (1455–1522) valued Apollonios. Reuchlin placed him next to Socrates and compared his own struggle against slanderer with the relentless advocacy of the truth of the ancient philosopher, as described by Philostratus. Gianfrancesco Pico della Mirandola († 1533), on the other hand, the nephew of the famous humanist Giovanni Pico della Mirandola , criticized him sharply and extensively because he saw in the veneration of Apollonios a threat to the sole truth claim of the Christian faith.

In general, before the Age of Enlightenment, an image dominated by the Christian tradition hostile to Apollonia, which had numerous ardent advocates even in the 18th century and into modern times. Representatives of this assessment of the ancient philosopher were, for example, Johannes Trithemius (1462–1516), Jean Bodin († 1596) and Cesare Baronio (1538–1607). The critics used to portray the miracles as either fraud or evidence of collaboration with the devil. In 1646 the theologian Bartolomeo Tortoletti published a pamphlet under the title Academia Tyanaea , in which he broadly expounded the Christian criticism of Apollonios, according to which it was devilish idolatry, with the usual vehemence. Bishop Antoine Godeau described Apollonios in his Church History , which appeared in several editions from 1653, as the greatest enemy of Christianity in all of history. He identified him with the "angel of the abyss" mentioned in the Revelation of John , a sinister figure who, according to Revelation, was called Abaddon in Hebrew , "Apollyon" ("Corrupter") in Greek. The historian Louis-Sébastien Le Nain de Tillemont joined Godeau's view in his History of Emperors and other Princes, which appeared in several editions from 1690 on.

As in late antiquity, polemical comparisons with Christ were made not only from a church perspective, but also from a church-critical perspective. The demonization of the Tyaneer by church-oriented authors was opposed by deists and enlighteners from the late 17th century . It all started with the Deist Charles Blount. In 1680 he published an annotated English translation of the first two books of Philostratos' biography of Apollonios. For Blount, Apollonios was a representative of natural religiosity and its ethical principles, which he opposed to the claims of exclusivity of the revealed religions. His translation of Philostratos was severely condemned by the Church of England in 1693 .

Jean Castillon (Giovanni Salvemini da Castiglione), an Italian mathematician and philosopher living in Prussia, published a French translation of Philostratos in Berlin in 1774, including the commentary by Blount's English translation. An introduction to this in the form of an ironic dedication letter to Pope Clement XIV was written by the Prussian King Frederick the Great under the pseudonym Philalethes ("Truthful Friend"). The king's intention corresponded to his anti-clerical sentiments; he called for the fight against the devil and against belief in the miracles of Apollonios in order to ridicule the Catholic Apollonios criticism, referring to Tillemont's statement.

Voltaire expressed admiration for Apollonios, whom he considered a humble, just philosopher and wise advisor. The miracles were said to him by enthusiastic students.

Christoph Martin Wieland processed the Apollonios material in his novella-like story Agathodämon , which appeared in 1799. A framework plot surrounds fictional dialogues by Apollonios, who as an old man tells his life to a visitor and explains his philosophy. Wielands Apollonios is the "Agathodämon" (good spirit), a philanthropic, idealistic-minded philosopher. He used to develop an intensive socio-political activity in order to improve morals in the Roman Empire, now he spends his old age in Crete . He is not a miracle worker, but is revered as such, as he has occasionally presented himself as a magician to gain influence over the common people. He made the belief in miracles useful as an educational tool, based on the idea that one shouldn't try to rashly enlighten the "big bunch" who are inaccessible to reasonable explanations. Rather, one should use people's love of the wonderful "for the benefit of the good cause". He considers fiction to be permitted if it serves to outsmart ignorant people into their own happiness and to instruct and improve them. Nonetheless, Wieland's Apollonios judges the propensity to believe very negatively. He sees it as a "general weakness of men" and the root of numerous evils, since faith obscures reason and morality and affects human freedom.

Visual arts

The Flemish painter and draftsman Jan van der Straet (1523–1605) made twelve pen drawings for the Vita Apollonii .

In 1560, in the monastery of Agios Nikolaos on the island of Lake Ioannina in Epirus, a wall fresco was painted showing Apollonios in a group of important ancient figures. He wears a turban, probably because of his legendary connection with the Orient.

In the 17th century, Pietro Liberi († 1687) painted a scene from Apollonios' stay in India, which Philostratus has handed down: the Greek philosopher meets the wise Brahmin Iarchas. The large, lush oil painting is now in Weissenstein Castle in Pommersfelden near Bamberg .

Modern

Classical and religious studies research

Modern cultural history and religious studies research has dealt in particular with the formation of legends and with the parallels and comparisons between Apollonios and Christ. One of the main themes is the characteristics of the ideal figure of the exemplary “divine man” in literary tradition. At the same time there was an intensive, source-critical examination of the representation of Philostratus.

The investigation of the relationship between the Apollonios legends and the New Testament received an important impetus from a treatise published in 1832 by the church historian and New Testament scholar Ferdinand Christian Baur . Baur assumed that Philostratus knew the image of Christ in the Gospels and that he wanted to present his hero as an alternative to Christ. This hypothesis was temporarily well received. However, it was later replaced by a different point of view, according to which in texts of this type the conclusion that content-related parallels with literary dependency are premature. However, in 2016 Heinz-Günther Nesselrath pleaded for “taking up the possibility again” that Philostratos intended to react to traditions about Christ. Nesselrath gave a detailed reason for this demand in the following year.

The hypothesis put forward in 1913 by the classical philologist Eduard Norden that a passage in the Acts of the Apostles of Luke in the New Testament, where there is talk of an altar for the "unknown God" in Athens, is dependent on the Apollonios tradition, caused a sensation . In the Vita Apollonii , Apollonios refers to such altars in Athens. Nord's hypothesis was discussed intensively and ultimately rejected.

A milestone in the source criticism was Eduard Meyer's study published in 1917 on the source value of Philostratos' account, which Meyer estimated as low. Meyer, who followed an opinion expressed as early as 1832 by Ferdinand Christian Baur and in 1896 by Eduard Schwartz , considered Damis to be a figure invented by Philostratos. He viewed Apollonios as a mere magician with no philosophical competence. Numerous works followed, which started out from the question of the historical Apollonios and aimed at distinguishing between legends and facts.

Attempts to save the historicity of the alleged Apollonios student Damis were undertaken by Fulvio Grosso, Ferdinando Lo Cascio, Bruce L. Taggart and - cautiously - Graham Anderson. However, their view is almost unanimously rejected in today's research.

Meyer's view has met with much approval in recent times. According to a widespread research opinion, the alleged records of Damis are to be regarded as fiction, as a literary aid of Philostratus. In doing so, reference is made to a common representation practice in which biography, historiography and fiction are mixed. Some researchers also consider Meyer's assumption plausible that Philostratos signaled the fictionality of the “Diary of Damis” to those who know literary technology among his readers. Ewen Bowie , Thomas Schirren and Verity Platt represent this interpretation .

From a philological point of view, the literary form and the aim of Philostratos' work as well as its relation to Greek fiction have been examined.

Ideological disputes

As in antiquity, the analogies between Apollonios and Christ have provided material for ideological conflicts in modern times. Opponents of Christianity use the similarities between the reports about the two ancient teachers of life for their criticism of the Bible, while Christian apologists point out the differences.

From a critical point of view of Christianity, the uniqueness of Christ and the credibility of the descriptions of his deeds in the Gospels are also disputed in modern times, as in the early modern period. Among other things, reference is made to the Apollonios legends. The argument goes that the miracle stories in the New Testament came from a generally widespread material fund, from which the admirers of Apollonios would have drawn to glorify their hero. Analogous expectations of the respective followers were served with amazingly similar legends. This is how Karlheinz Deschner argues, for example .

The challenge posed by the Apollonios tradition and its instrumentalization critical of Christianity caused the young John Henry Newman , who later became a cardinal, to react violently. In 1826 he published a polemical essay in which he dealt with the miracles attributed to Apollonios and defended the exclusive authenticity of the miracles wrought by the biblical God.

At the end of the 20th century, the Catholic philosopher René Girard followed up on the traditional Christian criticism of Apollonios . He tried to work out a striking contrast between Apollonios and Christ. The starting point of his considerations was his novel interpretation of the story told by Philostratus about the epidemic, from which Apollonios is said to have freed the city of Ephesus. According to Philostratus' account, the philosopher instructed the Ephesians to eliminate the demonic originator of the plague, a ghost (phásma) , disguised as a beggar . Although the text of the source only mentions a disease (nósos) rampant in Ephesus , Girard understood the "plague" not as a bacterial epidemic, but as a social crisis. He claimed that Apollonios used the archaic sacrificial ritual knowledge to resolve social tensions in the city through a unanimous lynching. The inhumanity shown by the Pythagoreans contrasts with the humane disposition of Christ. Girard did not go into the lack of credibility of Philostratus with regard to the historical figure of Apollonios.

Esoteric currents

In modern theosophy , Apollonios was valued as a wisdom teacher. The leading theosophist Helena Petrovna Blavatsky expressed herself about his role in her works "Isis unveiled" ( Isis unveiled , 1877) and "The Secret Doctrine" ( The Secret Doctrine , 1888). She said that he had impressed his contemporaries "on the same level of moral truths" as Christ, but made the great mistake of "associating too closely with the higher classes of society" instead of turning to the poor like Christ. The theosophist George Robert Stowe Mead published a monograph on Apollonios in 1901. According to his presentation, the ancient philosopher practiced and proclaimed a universal religiosity based on knowledge about hidden connections. This is superior to the individual historical religions and denominations.

Also Rudolf Steiner , the founder of anthroposophy , took issue with Apollonius. In 1921 he stated in a lecture that Christ and Apollonios had "a larger number of outward appearances in the biographical element [...] that show a similarity". But this is not essential, rather “Apollonius of Tyana and Christ Jesus are the greatest opposites”. Apollonios was looking for a localized earthly wisdom, whereas Christ spoke “entirely from the unearthly”.

Fiction and Music

Gustave Flaubert had in his novel The Temptation of Saint Anthony (La Tentation de saint Antoine) , the last version of which he published in 1874, Apollonios and Damis appear among the characters who tempted the hermit Antonius .

The Czech composer Karel Boleslav Jirák created the opera Apollonius z Tyany (Apollonius von Tyana) in 1912/1913 , which premiered in Brno in 1928. The libretto was written by the writer and poet Jiří Karásek ze Lvovic .

The Greek poet Konstantinos Kavafis wrote about Apollonios, whom he admired, the poems If He Is Actually Dead (published in 1920) and Apollonios of Tyana on Rhodes (published in 1925).

The American poet and essayist Charles Olson created the "dance game" Apollonius of Tyana in 1951 .

In 1948, Apollonios became the title hero of a novel by Maria Schneider in esoteric fiction.

Editions and translations of sources

• Christopher P. Jones (Ed.): Philostratus: Apollonius of Tyana. Letters of Apollonius, Ancient Testimonia, Eusebius's Reply to Hierocles (= Loeb Classical Library 458). Harvard University Press, Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2006, ISBN 0-674-99617-8 (Greek texts with English translations; review )
• Vroni Mumprecht (ed.): Philostratos: The life of Apollonios of Tyana . De Gruyter, Berlin 2014 (first published in 1983), ISBN 978-3-11-036115-5 (Greek text with German translation)
• Robert J. Penella (Ed.): The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana. A Critical Text with Prolegomena, Translation and Commentary . Brill, Leiden 1979, ISBN 90-04-05972-5 .

literature

Overview display

• Michael Frede : Apollonios of Tyana. In: The New Pauly (DNP). Volume 1, Metzler, Stuttgart 1996, ISBN 3-476-01471-1 , Sp. 887.

Overall representations

• Ewen Lyall Bowie : Apollonius of Tyana: Tradition and Reality. In: Rise and Fall of the Roman World , Vol. II 16.2. De Gruyter, Berlin 1978, ISBN 3-11-007612-8 , pp. 1652-1699.
• Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History (= Problemi e ricerche di storia antica 10). "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, Rome 1986, ISBN 88-7062-599-0 .
• Gerd Petzke: The traditions about Apollonius of Tyana and the New Testament (= Studia ad Corpus Hellenisticum Novi Testamenti , Bd. 1). Brill, Leiden 1970 (dissertation)

reception

• Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist. On the reception of Philostrat's Vita Apollonii in the Renaissance (= Kalliope vol. 8). Winter, Heidelberg 2008, ISBN 978-3-8253-5412-1 (dissertation)
• Johannes Hahn : Wise, divine person or charlatan? The image of Apollonius of Tyana among pagans and Christians . In: Barbara Aland et al. (Hrsg.): Literary constitution of figures of identification in antiquity . Mohr Siebeck, Tübingen 2003, ISBN 3-16-147982-3 , pp. 87-109.
• Christopher P. Jones: Apollonius of Tyana in Late Antiquity . In: Scott Fitzgerald Johnson (Ed.): Greek Literature in Late Antiquity . Ashgate, Aldershot 2006, ISBN 0-7546-5683-7 , pp. 49-64
• Jean-Marc Mandosio: Les vies legendaires d'Apollonius de Tyane, mage et philosophe. In: Micrologus , Vol. 21, 2013, pp. 115-143
• Wolfgang Speyer : On the image of Apollonios of Tyana among pagans and Christians. In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum , vol. 17, 1974, pp. 47–63.

Web links

Commons : Apollonios von Tyana  - collection of images, videos and audio files

• Literature on Apollonios von Tyana in the catalog of the German National Library
• English translation of the Vita Apollonii

Remarks

1. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp 129-149; Gerd Petzke: The Traditions about Apollonius von Tyana and the New Testament , Leiden 1970, pp. 36–45; Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 76-79.
2. ↑ Robert J. Penella (Ed.): The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana , Leiden 1979, pp. 1-4, 23-29. See Graham Anderson: Philostratus , London 1986, pp. 185-191.
3. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p 38f, 41-44, 54, 80f, 134f .;.. Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, p. 25f .; Nikoletta Kanavou: Philostratos' Life of Apollonius of Tyana and its Literary Context , Munich 2018, p. 17f. and note 32.
4. ↑ Porphyrios, Vita Pythagorae 2; Iamblichos, De vita Pythagorica 254.
5. ↑ Suda , keyword Apollonios ( Ἀπολλώνιος ), Adler number: alpha 3420 , Suda-Online .
6. ↑ Peter Gorman: The 'Apollonios' of the Neoplatonic Biographies of Pythagoras . In: Mnemosyne 38, 1985, pp. 130-144.
7. ↑ See Constantinos Macris: Becoming divine by imitating Pythagoras? In: Mètis 4, 2006, pp. 297–329, here: p. 322 and note 111; Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 77-79; Carl O'Brien: The Philosophy of Apollonius of Tyana: An Attempt at Reconstruction. In: Dionysius 27, 2009, pp. 17–31, here: 27f.
8. ^ Gregor Staab: The informant 'Apollonios' in the Neo-Platonic Pythagoras Vitus - wonder man or Hellenistic literary man? In: Michael Erler , Stefan Schorn (eds.): The Greek Biography in Hellenistic Time , Berlin 2007, pp. 195–217.
9. ↑ On the dating see Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 25–27; Ewen Lyall Bowie: Apollonius of Tyana: Tradition and Reality. In: Rise and Decline of the Roman World , Vol. II 16.2, Berlin 1978, pp. 1652–1699, here: 1669f.
10. ↑ See also Nikoletta Kanavou: Philostratos' Life of Apollonius of Tyana and its Literary Context , Munich 2018, pp. 15-17.
11. ↑ On the novel-like aspects and their transformation in the biography of the philosopher see Alain Billault: Les formes romanesques de l'héroïsation dans la Vie d'Apollonios de Tyane de Philostrate . In: Bulletin de l'Association Guillaume Budé 1991, pp. 267-274.
12. ↑ See Vroni Mumprecht (Ed.): Philostratos: Das Leben des Apollonios von Tyana , Berlin 2014, pp. 990–1008.
13. ↑ See on the chronology Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 32–38.
14. ^ Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 1,3. Cf. Thomas Schirren: Philosophos Bios. The ancient philosopher's biography as a symbolic form , Heidelberg 2005, p. 2.
15. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 12f., 19–49, 141, Ewen Lyall Bowie: Apollonius of Tyana: Tradition and Reality. In: Rise and Fall of the Roman World , Vol. II 16.2, Berlin 1978, pp. 1652–1699, here: 1653–1666, Erkki Koskenniemi: Der Philostrateische Apollonios , Helsinki 1991, pp. 9–15, 85f. and Thomas Schirren: Philosophos Bios. The ancient philosopher's biography as a symbolic form , Heidelberg 2005, p. 5f.
16. ↑ Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 79-88; Robert J. Penella (Ed.): The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana , Leiden 1979, p. 1 note 3; Wolfgang Speyer: On the image of Apollonios of Tyana among pagans and Christians. In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum , vol. 17, 1974, pp. 47–63, here: 49–53. See Graham Anderson: Philostratus , London 1986, pp. 155-173.
17. ↑ Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, paideia & Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 84f., 231f.
18. ^ Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 1, 3 and 1, 12.
19. ↑ Thomas Schirren provides a research overview: Philosophos Bios. The ancient philosopher's biography as a symbolic form , Heidelberg 2005, pp. 2–5. Cf. Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p. 34f .; Ewen Lyall Bowie: Apollonius of Tyana: Tradition and Reality. In: Rise and decline of the Roman world , Vol. II 16.2, Berlin 1978, pp. 1652–1699, here: 1684f .; Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 68f. Fritz Graf : Maximos von Aigai also pleaded for historicity . In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum 27/28, 1984/1985, pp. 65–73, although he assumed a chronology that is outdated today.
20. ↑ Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 1,3 and 3,41; Origen, Contra Celsum 6.41.
21. ^ Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 1,3. For the background to Philostratus' criticism of Moiragenes, see Duncan H. Raynor: Moeragenes and Philostratus: two views of Apollonius of Tyana . In: The Classical Quarterly, 34, 1984, pp. 222-226; Ewen Lyall Bowie: Apollonius of Tyana: Tradition and Reality. In: Rise and decline of the Roman world , Vol. II 16.2, Berlin 1978, pp. 1652–1699, here: 1673–1679.
22. ↑ Peter Grossardt : Ironic structures in Flavius ​​Philostrat's Vita Apollonii. In: Würzburger Yearbooks for Classical Studies , New Series 39, 2015, pp. 93–135, here: pp. 93 f. and note 4.
23. ↑ Lukian of Samosata, Alexander 5f. Cf. Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p. 38; Patrick Robiano: Lucien, un témoignage-clé sur Apollonios de Tyane. In: Revue de philologie, de littérature et d'histoire anciennes 77, 2003, pp. 259-273.
24. ↑ See on the chronology Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 30–38.
25. ↑ On the meaning of fictional journeys in the context of the creation of legends, see John Elsner: Hagiographic geography: travel and allegory in the Life of Apollonius of Tyana . In: The Journal of Hellenic Studies 117, 1997, pp. 22-37.
26. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp 51-84.
27. ↑ Peter Grossardt: Ironic structures in Flavius ​​Philostrat's Vita Apollonii. In: Würzburg Yearbooks for Classical Studies , New Series 39, 2015, pp. 93–135, here: 124 f.
28. ↑ On the imitation of Pythagoras see Constantinos Macris: Becoming divine by imitating Pythagoras? In: Mètis 4, 2006, pp. 297–329, here: 300f., 306–309, 311–316, 320–322.
29. ↑ Karin Alt : Sacrificial cult and vegetarianism in the view of Greek philosophers (4th century BC to 4th century AD) . In: Hyperboreus 14/2, 2008, pp. 87–116, here: 104f .; Johannes Haussleiter: The vegetarianism in antiquity , Berlin 1935, pp. 299-312. See Jaap-Jan Flinterman: 'The ancestor of my wisdom': Pythagoras and Pythagoreanism in Life of Apollonius. In: Ewen Bowie, Jaś Elsner (eds.): Philostratus , Cambridge 2009, pp. 155–175, here: 157–163.
30. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp 139-141; Bruce L. Taggart: Apollonius of Tyana: His Biographers and Critics , Ann Arbor 1972 (Dissertation, Tufts University), pp. 90-98; German translation of the fragment by Matthias Dall'Asta: Philosopher, Magier, Scharlatan and Antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, p. 23.
31. ↑ For authenticity see Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 33f., 143-145.
32. ↑ Werner Eck : On the new fragment of the so-called testamentum Dasumii . In: Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 30, 1978, pp. 277–295, here: 292–295.
33. ↑ Robert J. Penella (ed.): The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana , Leiden 1979, pp. 66-71 (text and English translation).
34. ↑ Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 8.29.
35. ↑ Paul Zanker : The mask of Socrates. The image of the intellectual in ancient art , Munich 1995, p. 250f.
36. ^ Salvatore Settis : Severo Alessandro ei suoi Lari . In: Athenaeum 50, 1972, pp. 237-251, here: 244f. (with picture).
37. ^ Andreas Alföldi , Elisabeth Alföldi : Die Kontorniat-Medaillons , Part 2, Berlin 1990, p. 102f.
38. ^ Roland RR Smith: Late Roman Philosopher Portraits from Aphrodisias . In: The Journal of Roman Studies 80, 1990, pp. 127–155, here: 141–144, illustration panel XI.
39. ^ Peter Franz Mittag : Old Heads in New Hands , Bonn 1999, pp. 115, 126, 159–162.
40. ↑ Historia Augusta , Vita Aureliani 24: 3–5. See Robert Turcan : Les monuments figurés dans l'Histoire Auguste. In: Giorgio Bonamente, Noël Duval (ed.): Historiae Augustae Colloquium Parisinum , Macerata 1991, pp. 287–309, here: 295f .; François Paschoud (Ed.): Histoire Auguste , Volume 5/1: Vies d'Aurélien, Tacite , Paris 1996, p. 141.
41. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p 9, 14f, 83f..
42. ↑ See Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rom 1986, pp. 85–91, 186.
43. ↑ Cassius Dio 67:18; Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 8.26-27. Cf. Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 30–32, 41.
44. ↑ Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 4.10.
45. ^ Walter Burkert: Greek Religion of the Archaic and Classical Epoch , Stuttgart 1977, p. 140.
46. ↑ See Jaap-Jan Flinterman: 'The ancestor of my wisdom': Pythagoras and Pythagoreanism in Life of Apollonius. In: Ewen Bowie, Jaś Elsner (eds.): Philostratus , Cambridge 2009, pp. 155–175, here: 157–159.
47. ↑ Matthias Skeb: The God Man (θεῖος ἀνήρ). In: Roman quarterly for Christian antiquity and church history 108, 2013, pp. 153–170, here: 160.
48. ↑ An overview of the most striking parallels is provided by Erkki Koskenniemi: Apollonios von Tyana in the New Testament Exegesis , Tübingen 1994, pp. 190–203.
49. ↑ Marc Van Uytfanghe offers a brief overview of his research: La Vie d'Apollonius de Tyane et le discours hagiographique . In: Kristoffel Demoen, Danny Praet (ed.): Theios Sophistes , Leiden 2009, pp. 335–374, here: 342–345.
50. ↑ Erkki Koskenniemi: Der Philostrateische Apollonios , Helsinki 1991, pp. 70, 76f., 79.
51. ↑ A summary and criticism of Bultmann's results is offered by Erkki Koskenniemi: Apollonios von Tyana in der New Testamentlichen Exegese , Tübingen 1994, pp. 42–47.
52. ↑ See for the formal historical examination of the topic Hans-Joachim Schütz: Contributions to the formal history of synoptic miracle stories, presented in the vita Apollonii of Philostratus , Drossdorf 1953 (dissertation, University of Jena); Gerd Petzke: The traditions about Apollonius von Tyana and the New Testament , Leiden 1970, pp. 161-229; Dietmar Esser: Form-historical studies on Hellenistic and early Christian literature with special consideration of the vita Apollonii of the Philostratus and the Gospels , Bonn 1969, pp. 71–98, 112–139, 148–167; Graham Anderson: Philostratus , London 1986, pp. 144-148; Erkki Koskenniemi: Apollonios von Tyana in the New Testament exegesis , Tübingen 1994, pp. 29-63.
53. ↑ Marc Van Uytfanghe: La Vie d'Apollonius de Tyane et le discours hagiographique . In: Kristoffel Demoen, Danny Praet (Eds.): Theios Sophistes , Leiden 2009, pp. 335–374, here: 346–374; Marc Van Uytfanghe: Adoration of Saints II (Hagiography). In: Reallexikon für Antike und Christianentum , Vol. 14, Stuttgart 1988, Sp. 150–183, here: 155–159.
54. ↑ Marc Van Uytfanghe: Biography II (spiritual) . In: Real Lexicon for Antiquity and Christianity , Supplement-Bd. 1, Stuttgart 2001, Sp. 1088-1364, here: 1340.
55. ^ Richard Reitzenstein: The Hellenistic Mystery Religions , 3rd edition. Leipzig 1927 (reprint Stuttgart 1973), pp. 25-27.
56. ↑ Ludwig Bieler: ΘΕΙΟΣ ΑΝΗΡ. The image of the “divine man” in late antiquity and early Christianity , 2 volumes, Vienna 1935 and 1936 (reprint Darmstadt 1967).
57. ↑ See the research history overview by David S. du Toit: Theios anthropos , Tübingen 1997, pp. 5–24, 276f. A very detailed research overview is offered by Erkki Koskenniemi: Apollonios von Tyana in the New Testament Exegese , Tübingen 1994, pp. 64–164. On Apollonios as a divine man in this sense, cf. Marc Van Uytfanghe: Biography II (spiritual) . In: Real Lexicon for Antiquity and Christianity , Supplement-Bd. 1, Stuttgart 2001, Sp. 1088-1364, here: 1098.
58. ↑ Hans Dieter Betz: Lukian von Samosata and the New Testament , Berlin 1961, pp. 100-143; Hans Dieter Betz: Jesus as a divine human being . In: Alfred Suhl (ed.): The concept of miracles in the New Testament , Darmstadt 1980, pp. 416–434; Hans Dieter Betz: Gottmensch II . In: Reallexikon für Antike und Christianentum , Vol. 12, Stuttgart 1983, Sp. 234-312. See David S. du Toit: Theios anthropos , Tübingen 1997, p. 4, 24f., 35-38.
59. ↑ See the overview in David S. du Toit: Theios anthropos , Tübingen 1997, pp. 2–5, 31–35. Cf. Marc Van Uytfanghe: Biography II (spiritual) . In: Real Lexicon for Antiquity and Christianity , Supplement-Bd. 1, Stuttgart 2001, Sp. 1088-1364, here: 1342.
60. ↑ David S. du Toit: Theios anthropos , Tübingen 1997, pp. 276-320, 400-406; Marc Van Uytfanghe: La Vie d'Apollonius de Tyane et le discours hagiographique . In: Kristoffel Demoen, Danny Praet (ed.): Theios Sophistes , Leiden 2009, pp. 335–374, here: 339–342.
61. ↑ Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 1.19-3.58.
62. ↑ Christopher P. Jones: Apollonius of Tyana's Passage to India. In: Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 42, 2001, pp. 185–199, here: 187–190.
63. ↑ Graham Anderson: Philostratus , London 1986, pp. 199-215; Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 86f., 101-106.
64. ↑ Pat E. Easterling, Bernard MW Knox (Eds.): The Cambridge History of Classical Literature , Vol. 1, Cambridge 1985, p. 657; Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p. 29; Graham Anderson: Philostratus , London 1986, p. 173; Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, p. 80, note 113.
65. ↑ Simon Swain: Apollonius in Wonderland . In: Doreen Innes (Ed.): Ethics and Rhetoric , Oxford 1995, pp. 251-254.
66. ↑ Graham Anderson: Philostratus , London 1986, pp. 138-143; Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 60-66; James A. Francis: Subversive Virtue , University Park 1995, pp. 90-97, 126-129; Bernd-Christian Otto: Magic. Analysis of reception and discourse history from antiquity to modern times , Berlin 2011, pp. 290–299.
67. ↑ The dating results from the fact that Emperor Mark Aurel, who died in 180, was already consecrated ; Lukian of Samosata, Alexander 48.
68. ↑ Lukian of Samosata, Alexander 5f. Cf. Patrick Robiano: Lucien, un témoignage-clé sur Apollonios de Tyane. In: Revue de philologie, de littérature et d'histoire anciennes 77, 2003, pp. 259-273.
69. ↑ Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 1,2; 5.12; 8.7.3.
70. ^ Cassius Dio 78 (77), 18.4. When specifying some of the books of Cassius Dio's work, different counts are used; a different book count is given here and below in brackets.
71. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp 83-85, 186-192.
72. ^ Cassius Dio 78 (77), 18.4. See Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 56, 59f.
73. ^ Dietrich Berges , Johannes Nollé : Tyana. Archaeological-historical studies on southwestern Cappadocia , Part 2, Bonn 2000, pp. 414–416.
74. ↑ Historia Augusta , Vita Alexandri 29.2; on credibility Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p. 174 (skeptical); Ursula Weisser : The "book about the secret of creation" by Pseudo-Apollonios von Tyana , Berlin 1980, p. 16 (positive).
75. ↑ Historia Augusta , Vita Aureliani 24: 2-9; 25.1.
76. ↑ See on this topic the detailed study by Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 128-230 and James A. Francis: Subversive Virtue , University Park 1995, pp. 8-10; Erkki Koskenniemi: The Philostrateische Apollonios , Helsinki 1991, pp. 31-44.
77. ↑ Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 8.27.
78. ^ Robert J. Penella (Ed.): The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana. Leiden 1979, pp. 44f., 54f., 82f.
79. ↑ Erkki Koskenniemi: Der Philostrateische Apollonios , Helsinki 1991, pp. 45-57.
80. ↑ Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 5:36. See James A. Francis: Subversive Virtue , University Park 1995, pp. 114f.
81. ^ Letter 71, ed. by Robert J. Penella: The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana , Leiden 1979, p. 76. Cf. Philostratos, Vita Apollonii 4,5. See Johannes Hahn: Wise, divine man or charlatan? . In: Barbara Aland et al. (Ed.): Literary Constitution of Figures of Identity in Antiquity , Tübingen 2003, pp. 87-109, here: 95f.
82. ↑ Christopher P. Jones (ed.): Philostratus: Apollonius of Tyana. Letters of Apollonius, Ancient Testimonia, Eusebius's Reply to Hierocles , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2006, pp. 4, 90f .; Robert J. Penella (Ed.): The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana , Leiden 1979, pp. 2f.
83. ↑ Suda , keyword Soterichos ( Σωτήριχος ), Adler number: sigma 877 , Suda-Online .
84. ↑ Sidonius Apollinaris, Epistulae 8.3; on the interpretation of the passage André Loyen (ed.): Sidoine Apollinaire , Vol. 3: Lettres (Livres VI – IX) , Paris 1970, pp. 196f. According to a dissenting research opinion, it was not a translation, but only a revised copy; see Sigrid Mratschek : Identity Foundation from the Past . In: Therese Fuhrer (Ed.): The Christian-Philosophical Discourses of Late Antiquity: Texts, People, Institutions , Stuttgart 2008, pp. 363-380, here: pp. 371f. and note 60.
85. ↑ Quotation from the only fragmentary text of Hierocles by Eusebius of Caesarea, Against Hierocles 2.
86. ↑ Eusebius of Caesarea, Against Hierocles ; Lactantius, Divinae institutiones 5.2-3.
87. ↑ Eusebius of Caesarea, Against Hierocles 4–5. See Thomas Schirren: Irony versus Eulogy. The Vita Apollonii as Metabiographical Fiction . In: Kristoffel Demoen, Danny Praet (Ed.): Theios Sophistes. Leiden 2009, pp. 161-186, here: 177-186.
88. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , 162, Rome 1986, p 15, 96-103, 153-157; Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, p. 1. Doubts about the authenticity of Eusebius' counter-writing seem unfounded; see Christopher P. Jones: Apollonius of Tyana in Late Antiquity . In: Scott Fitzgerald Johnson (Ed.): Greek Literature in Late Antiquity , Aldershot 2006, pp. 49–64, here: 49–52.
89. ↑ Illustration of the inscription online. See Dietrich Berges, Johannes Nollé: Tyana. Archaeological-historical studies on southwestern Cappadocia , part 2, Bonn 2000, pp. 420–422; Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 64-73; Christopher P. Jones: An Epigram on Apollonius of Tyana . In: The Journal of Hellenic Studies 100, 1980, pp. 190-194.
90. ^ Historia Augusta , Vita Aureliani 24: 3-8.
91. ^ Historia Augusta , Vita Aureliani 24.9.
92. ↑ Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 21,14.
93. ↑ Eunapios, Vitae sophistarum 2,1,3–4.
94. ^ Tübingen Theosophy 44. Text and translation by Dietrich Berges, Johannes Nollé: Tyana. Archaeological-historical research on southwestern Cappadocia. Part 2, Bonn 2000, p. 417 f.
95. ^ Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 45–55; Wolfgang Speyer: On the image of Apollonios of Tyana among pagans and Christians. In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum , Vol. 17, 1974, pp. 47–63, here: 59.
96. ↑ Augustine, Epistulae 102,32.
97. ^ John Chrysostomos, De laudibus sancti Pauli apostoli homiliae 4,8 and Adversus Iudaeos orationes 5,3.
98. ↑ References in Christopher P. Jones (ed.): Philostratus: Apollonius of Tyana. Letters of Apollonius, Ancient Testimonia, Eusebius's Reply to Hierocles , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2006, pp. 122-125. Cf. Wolfgang Speyer: On the image of Apollonios of Tyana among pagans and Christians. In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum , Jg. 17, 1974, pp. 47–63, here: 54f .; Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, p. 48f.
99. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History. Rome 1986, pp. 99-127; Ursula Weisser: The "book about the secret of creation" by Pseudo-Apollonios of Tyana. Berlin 1980, p. 15f .; Gerd Petzke: The traditions about Apollonius of Tyana and the New Testament. Leiden 1970, pp. 24-27; Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist. Heidelberg 2008, pp. 44f., 47f.
100. ^ Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 52–55; Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 101-103, 111f .; Walter L. Dulière: Protection permanente contre des animaux nuisibles assurée par Apollonius de Tyane dans Byzance et Antioche. Evolution de son mythe . In: Byzantinische Zeitschrift 63, 1970, pp. 247–277, here: 247–249, 253–255. Cf. Wolfgang Speyer: On the image of Apollonios of Tyana among pagans and Christians. In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum , Jg. 17, 1974, pp. 47–63, here: 55f .; Christopher P. Jones: Apollonius of Tyana in Late Antiquity . In: Scott Fitzgerald Johnson (Ed.): Greek Literature in Late Antiquity , Aldershot 2006, pp. 49-64, here: 54f.
101. ^ Reference in Christopher P. Jones (ed.): Philostratus: Apollonius of Tyana. Letters of Apollonius, Ancient Testimonia, Eusebius's Reply to Hierocles , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 2006, pp. 134f. Cf. Wolfgang Speyer: On the image of Apollonios of Tyana among pagans and Christians. In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum , vol. 17, 1974, pp. 47–63, here: 55; Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist. Heidelberg 2008, p. 51f.
102. ^ Neilos of Ankyra, Epistulae 2, 148.
103. ↑ Gerd Petzke: The Traditions about Apollonius von Tyana and the New Testament , Leiden 1970, p. 34; Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 103-106. Christopher P. Jones: Apollonius of Tyana in Late Antiquity . In: Scott Fitzgerald Johnson (Ed.): Greek Literature in Late Antiquity , Aldershot 2006, pp. 49-64, here: 57f. advocates late dating (800–1200).
104. ^ Photios, Library 44.
105. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp 103-112, 125f .; Gerd Petzke: The Traditions about Apollonius von Tyana and the New Testament , Leiden 1970, pp. 25-27; Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 52–57; Wolfgang Speyer: On the image of Apollonios of Tyana among pagans and Christians. In: Jahrbuch für Antike und Christianentum , Jg. 17, 1974, pp. 47–63, here: 55f., 60–62; Walter L. Dulière: Protection permanente contre des animaux nuisibles assurée par Apollonius de Tyane dans Byzance et Antioche. Evolution de son mythe . In: Byzantinische Zeitschrift 63, 1970, pp. 247–277, here: 256–267.
106. ↑ Ursula Weisser: The "book about the secret of creation" by Pseudo-Apollonios von Tyana , Berlin 1980, pp. 1–8, 22–41; Martin Plessner : Balinus . In: The Encyclopaedia of Islam , Vol. 1, Leiden 1960, pp. 994f .; Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 112-123; Gerd Petzke: The Traditions about Apollonius von Tyana and the New Testament , Leiden 1970, pp. 28–35; Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 60–65.
107. ↑ Jean-Marc Mandosio: Les vies d'légendaires Apollonius de Tyane, mage et philosophe. In: Micrologus , Vol. 21, 2013, pp. 115-143, here: 132-135.
108. ↑ Edited by John William Schibby Johnsson: Les "Experimenta duodecim Johannis Paulini». In: Bulletin de la Société Française d'Histoire de la Médecine et de ses Filiales 12, 1913, pp. 257–267, here: 258–262.
109. ↑ Erhart Kahle, Gundolf Keil : Paulinus, Johannes. In: Author's Lexicon , 2nd edition, Vol. 7, Berlin 1989, Sp. 382–386.
110. ↑ Gundolf Keil: The anatomei-term in the Paracelsus pathology. With a historical perspective on Samuel Hahnemann. In: Hartmut Boockmann, Bernd Moeller , Karl Stackmann (eds.): Life lessons and world designs in the transition from the Middle Ages to the modern age. Politics - Education - Natural History - Theology. Report on colloquia of the commission to research the culture of the late Middle Ages 1983 to 1987 (= treatises of the Academy of Sciences in Göttingen: philological-historical class. Volume III, No. 179). Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1989, ISBN 3-525-82463-7 , pp. 336–351, here: pp. 339 and 341.
111. ↑ Ursula Weisser: The "book about the secret of creation" by Pseudo-Apollonios von Tyana , Berlin 1980, p. 22f .; Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p. 118.
112. ↑ Ursula Weisser: The "book about the secret of creation" by Pseudo-Apollonios von Tyana , Berlin 1980, p. 22.
113. ↑ Lynn Thorndike : A History of Magic and Experimental Science , Vol. 1, New York 1923, p. 267; Vol. 2, New York 1923, pp. 282f.
114. ↑ Pinella Travaglia: Note sulla dottrina degli elementi nel “De Secretis naturae” . In: Studi medievali , serie terza vol. 39, 1998, pp. 121–157.
115. ↑ Jean-Marc Mandosio: Les vies d'légendaires Apollonius de Tyane, mage et philosophe. In: Micrologus , Vol. 21, 2013, pp. 115-143, here: 132-136.
116. ↑ Jean-Marc Mandosio: Les vies d'légendaires Apollonius de Tyane, mage et philosophe. In: Micrologus , Vol. 21, 2013, pp. 115-143, here: 137.
117. ↑ See on the translations Matthias Dall'Asta: Philosopher, Magier, Scharlatan and Antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 249–261.
118. ↑ On the early editions of the letters, see Robert J. Penella (Ed.): The Letters of Apollonius of Tyana , Leiden 1979, p. 21.
119. ↑ Matthias Dall'Asta: Philosopher, Magier, Scharlatan and Antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 87–145, 181–219, 307–327.
120. ^ Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 160–180, 339–345.
121. ^ Matthias Dall'Asta: Philosopher, Magician, Scharlatan and Antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 242–246.
122. ^ Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, p. 7f., 270.
123. ↑ Examples from Gerd Petzke: The Traditions about Apollonius von Tyana and the New Testament , Leiden 1970, p. 12f. See Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 197-204.
124. ^ Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 274–294.
125. ↑ Revelation of John 9:11. On Godeau's view, see Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, pp. 200–202.
126. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p 202nd
127. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p 204f.
128. ↑ Vie d'Apollonius de Tyane par Philostrate , Berlin 1774 (online) . Cf. Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p. 207.
129. ↑ Voltaire: Essai sur les mœurs et l'esprit des nations , ed. by René Pomeau , Vol. 1, Paris 1990, pp. 118f.
130. ↑ See Andreas Seidler: Narrating, Lust and Boredom in Wieland's late novels Agathodämon and Aristippus and some of his contemporaries. In: Walter Erhart, Lothar van Laak (eds.): Knowledge - storytelling - tradition. Wielands Spätwerk, Berlin 2010, pp. 189–202, here: 190–192.
131. ^ Matthias Dall'Asta: philosopher, magician, charlatan and antichrist , Heidelberg 2008, pp. 262–265; Pictures pp. 356–361.
132. ^ Salvatore Settis: Severo Alessandro ei suoi Lari . In: Athenaeum 50, 1972, pp. 237–251, here: p. 245 and note 20 and Fig. 3.
133. ↑ Erich Herzog : Two philostatic subjects of the Venetian painting . In: Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorisches Institut in Florenz 8, 1958, pp. 112–123, here: 118–123.
134. ↑ Ferdinand Christian Baur: Apollonius von Tyana and Christ, or the relationship between Pythagoreanism and Christianity , Tübingen 1832.
135. ↑ Erkki Koskenniemi: Apollonios von Tyana in the New Testament Exegese , Tübingen 1994, pp. 18-20, 27.
136. ↑ Balbina Bäbler , Heinz-Günther Nesselrath: Philostrats Apollonios und seine Welt , Berlin 2016, p. 16f.
137. ↑ Heinz Günther Nesselrath: A religious-philosophical leading figure between past and future: Philostrat's Apollonios. In: Armin Eich et al. (Ed.): The third century , Stuttgart 2017, pp. 155–169, here: 163–168.
138. ↑ Acts 17:23 EU .
139. ↑ Eduard North: Agnostos Theos , Berlin 1913, pp 41-56.
140. ↑ Philostratus, Vita Apollonii 6.3.
141. ↑ For the history of the controversy see Erkki Koskenniemi: Apollonios von Tyana in the New Testament Exegese , Tübingen 1994, pp. 20-27.
142. ^ Eduard Meyer: Apollonios von Tyana and the biography of Philostratus . In: Hermes 52, 1917, pp. 371-424.
143. ^ Ferdinand Christian Baur: Apollonios of Tyana and Christ . In: Baur: Three treatises on the history of ancient philosophy and its relationship to Christianity , Leipzig 1876, pp. 1–227, here: 111–113 (first published in 1832).
144. ^ Eduard Schwartz: Five lectures on the Greek novel , Berlin 1896, p. 126; Julius Miller was of this opinion: The Damis Papers in Philostratos Apolloniosbiographie . In: Philologus 66, 1907, pp. 511-525.
145. ↑ On these debates, see James A. Francis: Truthful Fiction: New Questions to Old Answers on Philostratus' Life of Apollonius . In: American Journal of Philology 119, 1998, pp. 419-441. See the more recent discussion by Nikoletta Kanavou: Philostratos' Life of Apollonius of Tyana and its Literary Context , Munich 2018, pp. 12-26.
146. ^ Fulvio Grosso: La "Vita di Apollonio di Tiana" come fonte storica . In: Acme 7, 1954, pp. 331-532.
147. ^ Ferdinando Lo Cascio: La forma letteraria della Vita di Apollonio Tianeo , Palermo 1974, pp. 30-34, 45.
148. ↑ Bruce L. Taggart: Apollonius of Tyana: His Biographers and Critics , Ann Arbor 1972 (dissertation, Tufts University), pp. 68-77.
149. ^ Graham Anderson: Philostratus , London 1986, pp. 166-169.
150. ↑ Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p 12f, 19-49;. Jaap-Jan Flinterman: Power, Paideia and Pythagoreanism , Amsterdam 1995, pp. 79-81.
151. ↑ Nikoletta Kanavou: Philostratos' Life of Apollonius of Tyana and its Literary Context , Munich 2018, p. 14f .; Ewen Bowie: Philostratus: Writer of fiction. In: John Robert Morgan, Richard Stoneman (eds.): Greek Fiction: The Greek Novel in Context , London 1994, pp. 181–199, here: 189–196; Maria Dzielska: Apollonius of Tyana in Legend and History , Rome 1986, p. 19f .; Tim JG Whitmarsh: Philostratus. In: Irene de Jong et al. (Ed.): Narrators, narratees, and narratives in ancient Greek literature , Leiden 2004, pp. 423–439, here: 426–435.
152. ↑ Ewen Bowie: Philostratus: Writer of fiction. In: John Robert Morgan, Richard Stoneman (eds.): Greek Fiction: The Greek Novel in Context , London 1994, pp. 181-199. here: 189, 196.
153. ↑ Thomas Schirren: Philosophos Bios , Heidelberg 2005, p. 5.
154. ↑ Verity Platt: Virtual visions: Phantasia and the perception of the divine in The Life of Apollonius of Tyana . In: Ewen Bowie, Jaś Elsner (eds.): Philostratus , Cambridge 2009, pp. 131–154, here: 140.
155. ↑ See for the philological perspective Patrick Robiano: Un discours encomiastique: En l'honneur d'Apollonios de Tyane . In: Revue des Études grecques 114, 2001, pp. 637–646 and the older literature mentioned there.
156. ↑ On the Christian criticism of Apollonios in the 19th and 20th centuries see Gerd Petzke: The Traditions about Apollonius von Tyana and the New Testament , Leiden 1970, p. 13.
157. ^ Karlheinz Deschner: Kriminalgeschichte des Christianentums , Vol. 3, Reinbek 1990, pp. 238f., 297f.
158. ^ Jaś Elsner: Beyond Compare: Pagan Saint and Christian God in Late Antiquity. In: Critical Inquiry 35, 2008/2009, pp. 655-683, here: 659-669.
159. ↑ René Girard: I saw Satan fall from the sky like lightning. A critical apology of Christianity , Munich 2002, pp. 69-103 (French original version 1999).
160. ^ Helena Petrowna Blavatsky: Isis unveiled , Vol. 2, Hannover 2000, pp. 355f. (More in the register p. 699). Cf. Helena Petrowna Blavatsky: The Secret Doctrine , Vol. 3, The Hague, no year (around 1970), pp. 129-142. There Blavatsky writes on p. 131 that the reasons for which Apollonios allied himself with the mighty are "impossible to judge so late."
161. ↑ George Robert Stowe Mead: Apollonius of Tyana , London 1901 (reprinted Chicago 1980), pp. 61-64, 92, 110f.
162. ↑ Rudolf Steiner: Lecture of March 28, 1921, printed in the volume Human Responsibility for World Development (= Rudolf Steiner Complete Edition No. 203), Dornach 1978, pp. 291, 294, 298.
163. ↑ See Jean Seznec on Flaubert's Apollonios reception : “Le Christ du paganisme”. Apollonius de Tyane et Flaubert . In: Henri M. Peyre (Ed.): Essays in honor of Albert Feuillerat , New Haven 1943, pp. 231–247.
164. ↑ Robert Elsie (ed.): Konstantinos Kavafis: Das Gesamtwerk , Zurich 1997, pp. 176–179, 214f. (Greek text and German translation). See Glen Bowersock : Cavafy and Apollonios. In: Grand Street , Vol. 2, No. 3, 1983, pp. 180-189.
165. ^ Maria Schneider: Apollonius von Tyana , 6th edition. Hammelburg 1997 (1st edition under the title Der Wanderer durch den Sternkreis , Berlin 1948).

This article was added to the list of excellent articles on April 7, 2013 in this version .