Immanuel Church (Tel Aviv-Jaffa)

Immanuel Church כנסיית עמנואל Immanuel Church Immanuelkirken
North facade to Rechov Beer-Hofmann (רחוב בר-הופמן)
Construction year:	1898-1904
Inauguration:	June 6, 1904
Builder :	Paul Ferdinand Groth
Architect :	Benjamin Sandel (supervision), Johannes Wennagel (execution)
Style elements :	Neo-Gothic
Client:	Jaffa Evangelical Congregation and Jerusalem Association
Location:	32 ° 3 '23.3 "  N , 34 ° 45' 45.4"  E Coordinates: 32 ° 3 '23.3 "  N , 34 ° 45' 45.4"  E
Address:	Rechov Beer-Hofmann 15 (רחוב בר-הופמן) IL-61016 Tel Aviv-Yafo, PO Box 1783 Tel Aviv , Israel
Purpose:	Lutheran Church
Parish:	Rechov Beer-Hofmann 9 (רחוב בר-הופמן)
Regional Church :	Den Norske Israelsmisjon (since 1955) Diocese of Jerusalem (1940–1947) Evangelical Church of the Old Prussian Union (1906–1940), Propstei Jerusalem
Website:	www.immanuelchurch-jaffa.com

church Tel Aviv

Memorial plaque in the church

The Immanuelkirche ( Hebrew כנסיית עמנואל Knessijat Immanu'el , English Immanuel Church , Norwegian Immanuelkirken ) is a Protestant church in the quarter of the American Colony (also known as Templer - or German Colony ) in Jaffa , a district of Tel Aviv-Jaffa in Israel . Today the church serves a Lutheran congregation of the Norwegian Israel Mission ( Norwegian Den Norske Israelsmisjon ; English Norwegian Church Ministry to Israel ).

The church was built in 1904 and its first parish dates back to 1858. The church building is at 15 Rechov Beer-Hofmann Street (רחוב בר-הופמן). The first congregation was formed in 1889 as a parish and in 1906 became a full member of the Evangelical Regional Church of the older provinces of Prussia .

Background: Protestant mission in Jaffa

In 1858 the pilgrim mission St. Chrischona , Riehen near Basel , sent Peter Martin Metzler and his wife Dorothea to Jaffa to set up a mission station. Both made their living through different businesses. From mid-1861 to the beginning of 1862, the Russian nobleman Platon Grigorjewitsch Ustinow ( Russian: Платон Григорьевич Устинов , 1840–1918; grandfather Peter Ustinovs ) stayed in their inn, and the Metzlers won him over as the financier of their company. Ustinov gave them a considerable amount of money so that they could fulfill their dream of building a mission school and health clinic in Jaffa.

In May 1862, Metzler reported to St. Chrischona that they had opened an infirmary, and in view of this positive progress the pilgrim mission announced that it would send two deaconesses from the deaconess house in Riehen as nurses.

In 1866 Metzler got into a dispute with the Protestant bishop of Jerusalem , Samuel Gobat , because the latter had subordinated the mission in Jaffa to Pastor Johannes Gruhler, who was the Anglican pastor in Ramle . But Metzler, who had set up the Jaffa Mission, had been a pastor there himself until then. Most of the parishioners disliked the Anglican rite and preferred to attend Metzler's sermons.

View from Rechov Auerbach into Rechov Beer-Hoffmann with Immanuelkirche and typical wooden houses of the American colonists.

George Jones Adams and Abraham McKenzie and other colonists from Maine had arrived in Jaffa on September 22, 1866. They founded the American Colony ( Arabic امليكان, DMG Amelīkān , English Adams City , Hebrew מושאבה האמריקאית, transliterated: haMoschavah haAmerika'it ) between today's streets Rechov Eilat (רחוב אילת) and Rechov haRabbi mi- Bacharach ( Hebrew רחוב הרבי מבכרך) in Tel Aviv-Jaffa.

They built their wooden houses from prefabricated parts that they had brought with them. Many settlers became ill with cholera , so that about a third of them died. Metzler treated many of the sick in his infirmary, which was now a small hospital.

The illness, the climate, the legal uncertainty and the arbitrary treatment by the Ottoman authorities caused many colonists to remigrate to Maine. But their leader, Adams, withheld the money they had given him as a community fund. For example, Metzler bought their settler sites from five colonists in order to provide them with the means to migrate back.

Metzler later sold one of the houses acquired in this way to the Anglican Jewish Mission London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews . Most of the settlers returned to America by 1867. It was not until 1869 that the colonists from Maine were able to sell the remaining properties to newly arriving settlers from the Kingdom of Württemberg .

In 1861 these settlers, under the leadership of Georg David Hardeggs and Christoph Hoffmann, separated from the Lutheran Evangelical Church in Württemberg and founded their own Christian denomination, the Temple Society . Their followers are called Templars.

According to their creed, it was important to build a community through a diligent, God-fearing way of life, as described in the first letter to the Corinthians of Paul of Tarsus ( 1 Cor 3:16  LUT ) and in the first letter of Simon Peter ( 1 Petr 2.5  LUT ) Temple or spiritual house is described, and thereby redeeming the Holy Land from its former deplorable condition. Before he left Jaffa, Metzler, who knew Christoph Hoffmann well from their time together as missionaries to St. Chrischonas, sold most of his real estate and companies to the new colonists on March 5, 1869.

While Lutherans from Württemberg looked down on the Templars as apostates , the attitude of the Evangelical Regional Church in Prussia at that time was somewhat milder. The settlement activity of the Templars found warm support from Wilhelm Hoffmann , who - unlike his younger brother Christoph - had not turned away from the regional church, but had first made in the Württemberg and then in the old Prussian career.

Wilhelm Hoffmann served as one of the royal Prussian court preachers at the Oberpfarr- und Domkirche zu Berlin and was co-founder and first president of the Jerusalem Association , the non-profit organization founded on December 2, 1852 that supported Samuel Gobat's work as bishop of the Anglo-Prussian diocese of Jerusalem .

But in June 1874 the Templars fell apart and a schism broke out . After personal and substantial disputes between the temple rulers Christoph Hoffmann and Hardegg, around a third of the Templars with Hardegg left the temple society. Those who left Hardegg were looking to join another Christian denomination. For this purpose they turned to the Lutheran Church of Sweden (1874) and the Anglican Church Missionary Society (1879), but both refused to take on the resigned. In 1878, Hardegg and most of the others who had left the Temple Association , but after Hardegg's death the following year, the solidarity of his followers waned.

Until 1886, the Anglican had the Church of England and the Uniate Evangelical Church of the older provinces of Prussia , as the old Prussian state church was called from 1875, along the Anglo-Prussian bishopric of Jerusalem entertained. As part of his mission, Protestant pastors from Germany and the United Kingdom proselytized among the non-Muslim population of the Holy Land. Under the rule of the Ottoman sultan, who at the same time held the office of caliph of all Muslim believers, Muslim subjects did not have the freedom to turn away from Islam. Such apostasy was punishable by death, and proselytizing among Muslims was prohibited by law.

history

Ottoman time

In 1885 Carl Schlicht, pastor of the Protestant congregation in Jerusalem , began to evangelize among those who had left the late Hardegg. So it was possible - initially only in Haifa  - to form an evangelical congregation from former Templars. In 1889, former Templars, Protestant Germans and Swiss living permanently in Jaffa, as well as domestic and foreign proselytes whom Metzler had once won, constituted the Jaffa Evangelical Congregation. Johann Georg Kappus Sr. (1826–1905) became its first chairman, assisted and later replaced by his son Johann Georg Kappus jun. (1855-1928). Pastor Schlicht strove to deepen the gap between the new Evangelical parishioners and the Templars.

After Prussia had for its part terminated the British-Prussian treaty over the diocese of Jerusalem on November 3, 1886, it transferred its paid portion of the diocese's endowment fund to the Evangelical Jerusalem Foundation, newly established on June 22, 1889 . This foundation continued the Prussian part of the diocese's work, while the Church of England continued its work within the framework of the now purely Anglican diocese of Jerusalem.

Members of the community included only a few wealthy people, such as Baron Plato von Ustinow , who was naturalized in Württemberg in 1876, and Friedrich Wilhelm Faber (1863–1923), President of the Deutsche Palestine Bank, founded in 1897 and former partner of the Frutiger & Co. in Jerusalem (dissolved in 1896), which had belonged to his father-in-law Johannes Frutiger (1836–1899), financier of the Jaffa – Jerusalem railway line . Faber moved to Jaffa when the Palestine Bank opened its office there in 1899 and joined the evangelical community.

Other parishioners were Moritz Hall (1838–1914), a Jewish-born Protestant convert and St. Chrischona missionary , and his wife Katharina Hall, formerly known as Welette-Iyesus as an Ethiopian lady-in-waiting, who had moved to Jaffa in 1868, after the British Army freed her from Ethiopian captivity ( Battle of Magdala ). Both daughter Magdalena, born during the battle, married Ustinow in 1888.

Immanuelkirche: View from the rear balcony of Beith Immanuel (בית עמנועל, before. Plato from Ustinow's Hôtel du Parc ).

Ustinov, who converted to Protestantism in 1875, offered the newly founded congregation the hall of his Hôtel du Parc in the Templar Colony (American Colony) for their services , where they were held between 1889 and 1897. As a rule, Kappus sen. held services unless a pastor from Jerusalem or Haifa was present to lead them.

From the beginning of 1890, the Jerusalem Association granted grants to the Jaffa Protestant community. The Templar School had excluded the students from the abandoned families since 1874. With the subsidies on October 1, 1890 in the house of Kappus sen. the Protestant school open its doors, which the latter saw as the actual foundation of the community.

While the Evangelical Jerusalem Foundation took on the role of the school sponsor, it was the Jerusalem Association that paid for the school and teachers' salaries from the beginning of 1891. In general, since 1880, the imperial government has borne around a quarter of the annual budget of the German-speaking schools in the Holy Land. The new Protestant school qualified as a subsidy recipient from 1892 and since then has received grants equal to the quarter salary of a teacher and from 1913 a second.

In September 1894, Dr. Friedrich Braun , who was Württemberg court preacher from 1887 and from 1896 senior consistorial councilor of the Lutheran Evangelical Church in Württemberg, was a local committee of the Jerusalem Association in Stuttgart , which focused on supporting the Jaffa community. A majority of the members in Jaffa were Wuerttembergians and their descendants who had now returned after leaving the regional church, if not to the Lutheran Wuerttemberg, at least to the United Evangelical Church of the older provinces of Prussia .

In 1895 Pastor Schlicht returned to Germany, where he took up the position of superintendent of the Kölln Land II church district based in Rudow (a district of Berlin since 1920). But Schlicht remained true to the evangelical commitment in the Holy Land and took over the editing of the latest news from the Orient , the journal of the Jerusalem Association , for the years 1896 to 1910 . He modernized the magazine so that it gained a wide readership.

The Stuttgart local committee of the Jerusalem Association and the Lutheran Evangelical Church in Württemberg approved the Jaffa congregation the salary for a Protestant pastor. As financiers, they wanted a Württemberg pastor and found Albert Eugen Schlaich from Korntal . Schlaich was a trained theologian and elementary school teacher.

He and his wife Luise Wilhelmine Julie Schlaich arrived in Jaffa on March 10, 1897 and Ustinow took them in at his hotel until they found their own apartment. After Schlaich took up his position as pastor and teacher, the congregation rented the chapel of the London Society for Promoting Christianity Amongst the Jews in Jaffa for their services for an annual rent of 100 francs from the Latin Monetary Union . Schlaich introduced the agendas of the Uniate Old Prussian Church in the parish of Jaffa , expanded to include traditional liturgy elements of the Lutheran Württemberg Church. In 1900 around 30-40 churchgoers regularly attended the Sunday evangelical services in the chapel of the Jewish mission.

Schlaich, like his predecessor Schlicht, also emphasized the distance to the Templars up to and including the affront (see section The Relationship of the Evangelicals to the Templars ). The construction and inauguration of the Immanuelkirche took place during Schlaich's term of office in 1904 (see section Immanuelkirche, parish hall and school ). In 1905 Schlaich accused the German vice consul in Jaffa , Dr. Eugen Bügen (1859–1936), in return for favors, to reveal consular secrets. As a disciplinary measure, the Foreign Office transferred him to Aleppo . But the Foreign Office also demanded Schlaich's transfer, as it was of the opinion that Schlaich had damaged Büge's reputation by publicly addressing Büge's misconduct, and not by his own behavior.

Under pressure from the Old Prussian Evangelical Upper Church Council (EOK), the Jerusalem Association relocated Schlaich from Jaffa to Germany. The Immanuel parish organized a farewell party on December 25, 1905, and Georg Johannes Egger (* 1842) thanked Schlaich and his wife on behalf of the parish for nine years of successful work.

Between 1906 and 1912 Pastor Wilhelm Georg Albert Zeller worked at the Immanuel Church , with the local committee of the Jerusalem Association in Stuttgart and the Lutheran Evangelical Church in Württemberg taking over the financing. Zeller viewed the growing Jewish immigration of the Second Aliyah as a threat to the non-Jewish German colonists, he reported the colonists' fears that they would be deported in the end, and so he recommended that the colonists prevent this and, in turn, move to a less densely populated German colony to emigrate in Africa .

Zeller was followed by the charismatic pastor Eitel-Friedrich von Rabenau , again supported by the same Stuttgart sponsors. Rabenau had studied theology in Tübingen , Halle an der Saale and Berlin with Julius Kaftan and Adolf von Harnack , among others .

After the beginning of World War I , on September 7, 1914 , the Hohe Pforte de facto withdrew foreigners with permanent residence in the Ottoman Empire of their personal extraterritoriality and the subordination of their respective consuls to the jurisdiction of their respective consuls , as stipulated in the surrenders of the Ottoman Empire . In the same month, many young men from the Immanuel parish began military service in the German imperial military . Rabenau accompanied them - against the will of the Jerusalem Association and the community - to serve as a chaplain .

The old Prussian Evangelical High Church Council ordered Rabenau back, so that from October he again officiated at the Immanuelkirche. His family fled to Germany shortly before the British invasion.

In October 1914, the Ottoman authorities forced all porters' mission institutions in hostile countries to close their facilities. Many of their students then switched to the ecumenical school in Jaffa, which the evangelical congregation and the Templars had jointly maintained since 1913. The closed facilities were confiscated for military purposes. In November 1914, Sultan Mehmed V declared jihad in his capacity as caliph , which caused many parishioners to fear that Christians would be persecuted as in Lebanon in the 1860s.

The war years were marked by increasing inflation of the Ottoman currency , as a result of which the Jerusalem Association suffered large transfer losses in the instruction of the salaries of its employees in the Holy Land. In return for payments in marks (ℳ)  , the association had to acquire payable foreign currency in inflationary Ottoman banknotes , which in turn could only be sold in Jaffa at a discount against less devalued Ottoman coins.

Since Ottoman banknotes had largely lost their purchasing power, this second currency transaction was necessary in order to provide the employees in the Holy Land with a means of payment that was still accepted at all. By 1916, Ottoman banknotes had fallen to ¼, later to ^₁ ⁄ ^₆ , their pre-war parity to the mark, which at the same time had also dramatically lost purchasing power due to the banknote press.

The war-related shortage of goods (collapse of production and imports, war purchases) led to a further increase in the price of most products, even when paying in hard currency. As a result, the Jerusalem Association had to increase its transfers to the Holy Land, which was partially offset by increasing collections in German Protestant communities.

Immanuelkirche, parish hall and school

On July 18, 1898, Metzler, who was living in Stuttgart at the time, transferred his last piece of land in Jaffa to the evangelical community in order to build a combined complex of church, parish hall and pastorate on it. Metzler's friend and divorced son-in-law Ustinow paid Metzler 10,000 francs as compensation, which was two thirds of the estimated price of the property. Ernst August Voigt, architect from Haifa, presented his plans for the building complex in August 1898.

The late Ferman der Pforte with the building permit finally came on October 27, 1898, after Templars had intrigued against the building, but too late for the planned participation of Kaiser Wilhelm II and Auguste Victoria in the laying of the foundation stone.

King Wilhelm II of Prussia , summus episcopus of the Evangelical Church of the older provinces of Prussia , and Queen Auguste Victoria after the inauguration of the Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem ( Reformation Day , October 31, 1898).

After Wilhelm II's inauguration of the Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem on Reformation Day , October 31, 1898, most of the entourage drove back to Jaffa to embark again for the journey home. Due to a train accident on the Jaffa – Jerusalem railway line , the journey was delayed and the travelers did not arrive in Jaffa until November 2nd.

For example, 45 dignitaries from the world of worship and the Church, including the Prussian Minister of Culture Robert Bosse , representative of the Lutheran Church of Norway and the Swedish Church , Swiss and German regional churches ( Friedrich Wilhelm Barkhausen President of the Old Prussian EOK ; Braun , Württemberg OKR ), General superintendent of old Prussian church provinces , as well as representatives of Protestant churches in Italy , Hungary , the Netherlands and the USA.

The head of the Temple Society, Christoph Hoffmann II (junior, son of Christoph Hoffmann senior), as well as representatives of the Protestant congregations in Bethlehem in Judea, Bir Salem , Haifa and Jerusalem paid tribute to local dignitaries .

The Stuttgart court preacher Braun gave the speech and donated 10,000 marks (ℳ) himself for the building. The foundation stone contains a cassette with the deed of foundation and seeds of grain and vegetables, symbolizing the fertility of the Sharon plain .

The planned construction costs of 30,000 ℳ turned out to be far too low, so that a few months later the Jerusalem Association withdrew its cofinancing commitment for the seemingly dubious project. In 1899 Voigt declared that the property was too small for the planned building complex. The community then bought - after consultation with Braun - of the ℳ 10,000 donated, the Heilpernsche Haus in what is now Rechov Beer-Hofmann 9 for use as a school and community center, and today's community still uses it as such.

At that time, however, the German Vice Consulate still resided in the house. Vice Consul Edmund Schmidt (1855–1916) therefore asked to be allowed to continue using the building until the new consulate in what is now Rechov Eilath 59 was completed. The school then continued to use a room in Ustinow's Hôtel du Parc . Metzler's donated property in what was then Wilhelmstrasse (today Rechov Beer-Hofmann 15) was free for the construction of a pure church building.

In April 1900 finally obtained in Heilpernschen house Pastor Schlaich and woman her home and the school their rooms for their then-30 students, including Catholic and Jewish from Jaffa and neighboring Neveh Zedeq and Neveh Shalom but at that time no Templars. In November 1917, the British occupying forces closed the school that was merged with the Templar School in 1913.

Construction and building of the Immanuelkirche

After the laying of the foundation stone on November 2, 1898, work on the planned combined construction of a church with a parish hall and school was stopped the following year. The Jerusalemsverein, which had initially withdrawn as a sponsor due to the lack of seriousness in cost planning, offered itself again as a construction partner and commissioned the architect Paul Ferdinand Groth (1859–1955) to deliver a design at the end of 1901 . Groth was a student of Friedrich Adler's building advisor and between 1883 and 1892, under his supervision, he carried out the renovation plans for the All Saints' Palace Church in Wittenberg , and from 1893 to 1898 he built the Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem based on Adler's plans .

Immanuelkirche: view from the west

The royal Württemberg court preacher Braun started a fundraising campaign, supported by Grand Duchess Wera Konstantinowna Romanowa , niece and adoptive child of the late Württemberg royal couple Olga and Karl I. The Braun couple alone donated ℳ 25,000. In 1902, the Ottoman authorities recognized the property in what was then Wilhelmstrasse (today Rechov Beer-Hofmann 15) as religious property that is exempt from property tax.

After the Jerusalemsverein Groth threatened to hire another architect if he did not significantly slim down his first plans, Groth delivered the design for a cheaper building in early 1903, as requested. The Jerusalemsverein entrusted the building supervision to the architect Benjamin Sandel (1877–1941, son of Theodor Sandels ), who at the time was full-time in charge of the construction work on the Catholic Church Dormitio Sanctae Virginis in Jerusalem.

The Jerusalemsverein hired the Templar Johannes Wennagel (1846–1927) from Sarona as the actual building contractor, who began excavating on May 11, 1903, but made slow progress because Groth was behind with the exact construction plans, which were not fully available until February 1904. Groth waived any fee.

Immanuelkirche from the north: view of the sandstone facade and the roof covered with Marseille tiles.

The walls of the church consist of two types of natural stone, a yellowish-gray sandstone from the area around Jaffa and the Meliki limestone from the mountains near Bir Nabalas (بئر نبالا). The roof is covered with roof tiles from Marseille .

View through the main nave to the western yoke .

The roughly east-facing church space closes off at the top with a cross vault . The organ is on the north gallery . The church tower, which also houses the staircase, forms the western boundary of the northern nave and the north wall of the westernmost yoke of the nave .

The inauguration of the Immanuel Church was planned for Whitsun 1904 (May 22nd), for which the largest single donor, Court Preacher Braun, came from Stuttgart on behalf of the Jerusalem Association. Unfortunately, upon his arrival in the Holy Land, he fell ill with dysentery and died in hospital in Jerusalem on May 31, 1904. He was buried in the Anglo-Prussian Anglican Protestant cemetery on Mount Zion , near the grave of Bishop Samuel Gobat .

After the tragic death of Braun, the inauguration of the Immanuel Church was postponed to Monday, June 6th and was held sober on the whole. Also present were Consul Büge and participants from other Protestant communities and Templars. On June 6 of the following year, Theodor Schneller celebrated a memorial service for Braun in the Immanuel Church. On April 6, 1910, Prince Eitel Friedrich von Prussia and his wife Sophie Charlotte von Oldenburg visited Jaffa and Pastor Zeller took them through the Immanuelkirche.

Furnishing

The organ on the north gallery, newly created by Paul Ott in 1977 .

The equipment mostly came from Germany. King Wilhelm II of Württemberg and Queen Charlotte donated the church clock. In his function as summus episcopus of the Evangelical Church of the older provinces of Prussia , King Wilhelm II of Prussia (also German Emperor) donated the most important bell with his wife Auguste Victoria with the inscription: “Donated by S [one] M [ajestät] d [ em] K [aiser] and [nd] K [önig] Wilhelm II u. Her [her] m [ajestät] der] K [aiserin] and [nd] K [önigin] Auguste Victoria 1904 / Do not doubt! ( Acts 10.20  LUT ). "

The Evangelical Church Building Association with its patron Auguste Victoria donated the little bells. Auguste Victoria also gave the altar Bible with its handwritten dedication of the verse from the Gospel according to Matthew ( Mt 11:28  LUT ): “Yes, you come to me, all of you who are troublesome and burdened; I want to refresh you. ”Miss Neef from Stuttgart financed the altar and pulpit, while Ustinow worshiped a large crucifix made of olive wood for the community . The parishioners collected 4,050 francs for an organ from EF Walcker & Cie. in Ludwigsburg . The colored church windows were a product of the Müller company in Quedlinburg . In 1906 a memorial plaque for Friedrich Braun was attached to the outer wall of the Immanuelkirche.

In 1977 the Immanuelkirche underwent a renovation, whereby the old windows and the organ were replaced. The Norwegian Victor Sparre created the new colored church windows. The new organ was built in 1977 by Paul Ott from Göttingen . The apse is adorned with a verse from the Gospel according to John ( John 3:16  ELB ) in Hebrew: ּּ

Hebrew verse 3:16 from the Gospel according to John in the apse.

כי כה אהב אלהים את העולם עד כי נתן את בנו יחידו למען לא יאבד כל המאמין בו, אלא ינחל חיי עולם

1917 to 1933

On November 17, 1917, British forces conquered Jaffa, and most of the men of the Immanuel Church parish of German or other enemy citizenship, including Rabenau, were interned in Wilhelma as enemy foreigners . In 1918 the internees were taken to a camp south of Ghaza , while the rest of the community in Jaffa were placed under strict police supervision. The remaining community members, mostly women and children and only a few men, managed to maintain a rudimentary community life.

In August 1918 the internees were transferred from Ghaza to Sidi Bishr and Helwan near Alexandria . In her three-year exile in Egypt, Rabenau continued the community life with the internees as far as possible. With the Treaty of Versailles , which came into force on January 10, 1920, the Egyptian camps were dissolved and Rabenau became the liquidation officer for the camp inmates.

Most internees returned to the Holy Land, with the exception of those who were blacklisted by the British Forces as undesirable, e.g. BD Dr. Friedrich Jeremias , provost of Jerusalem. Rabenau went to Germany to see his family again, and in July 1920 the Mandate Administration refused to allow them to return to Jaffa.

The Occupied Enemy Territory Administration South (OETA South) confiscated all property of the congregation, the Jerusalem Association and parishioners of German and other hostile nationalities. With the establishment of a regular British administration in 1918, Edward Keith-Roach took over the management of the confiscated property as Public Custodian of Enemy Property and rented it out until the buildings were finally returned to their actual owners in 1925.

John Raleigh Mott and Joseph Houldsworth Oldham, two representatives of ecumenism , founded the Emergency Committee of Cooperating Missions on April 14, 1918 , with Mott as president and Oldham as general secretary. Mott and Oldham succeeded in introducing Article 438 into the Peace Treaty of Versailles , according to which the assets of German missions were exempt from expropriation for the purpose of war reparation for the First World War . The Jerusalem Association and the Evangelical Jerusalem Foundation had since appointed the Swedish Lutheran Archbishop Nathan Söderblom as their spokesman for the British authorities.

In May 1919 the Jerusalem Association reported to the Reich Commissioner for Germans in Hostile Abroad that the loss of property in the Holy Land amounted to ℳ 891,785 (approx. £ 44,589.25 or $ 212,329.76 according to the pre-war parities of der). The Treaty of Versailles, which was signed on June 28, 1919 and entered into force after universal ratification on January 10, 1920, legalized the existing British custody of the property of the Immanuel parish, its members and the Jerusalem Association.

The school in Jaffa reopened in 1920 under British leadership. At the San Remo Conference in April 1920, the Allies agreed to give Palestine into British custody, whereupon the British civil administration officially replaced the OETA on July 1, 1920. From then on, Keith-Roach transferred the rental income earned for real estate to the actual owners in his custody.

The Jerusalem Association, the Old Prussian Evangelical Higher Church Council, the German Evangelical Church Committee (DEKA) and Gustav-Adolf-Werk took over the employment of a new pastor. On May 15, 1921, Dalman introduced Detwig von Oertzen, who was previously a pastor in Beirut , to Haifa as pastor for all Protestant congregations in the Levant , i.e. Beirut, Jaffa and Waldheim , albeit with headquarters in Haifa.

The League of Nations legitimized the Allied San Remo Convention by granting Great Britain the mandate for Palestine in 1922 . The Turkey , the legal successor of the Ottoman Empire, finally legalized the British mandate by the Treaty of Lausanne , signed on 24 July 1923 and entered into force after the ratification on 5 August 1925th

This ended the custody of former enemy property in the same year, and Keith-Roach returned it to the previous owners as legally protected property. At the same time, the Jerusalem Association applied for recognition as a legal entity in the Mandate Palestine , which was then granted in 1928. The Jerusalem Association regained its own schools and its share in the Jaffa school. For Protestant schools, however, Provost Ernst Rhein generally complained about the decline in Jewish students from parents from Germany, Austria or with other German-speaking backgrounds, especially in the difficult years of 1931 and 1932.

Back in Germany, Rabenau had received his doctorate on the Temple Society in 1922 . He remained loyal to the evangelical work in the Holy Land and applied for a seat on the board of the Jerusalem Association, to which he was elected in 1924. In addition to a pastorate in Berlin, which he had held since 1923, Rabenau was responsible for the public relations work of the Jerusalem Association from 1929 to 1935.

From the beginning of January 1925, the Evangelical Propstei Jerusalem, founded in 1898 , which included the mandate of Palestine and at times also Iraq, Lebanon, Syria and Egypt, published the Evangelical Congregation Gazette for Palestine for all congregations .

In April 1921, the Old Prussian Evangelical High Church Council named Prof. D. Dr. Gustaf Dalman , former head of the German Evangelical Institute for Classical Studies of the Holy Land in Jerusalem and founder of the Gustaf Dalman Institute in Greifswald , which was later named after him, on behalf of the provost at the Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem, until the end of the year the new provost Albrecht Alt arrived . Dalman also represented the interests of the Jerusalem Association and the Evangelical Jerusalem Foundation.

In April 1926 the Jerusalem Society appointed Cand. Ernst Paetzold as the new pastor for Jaffa. In September 1928 he gave a lecture at the annual meeting of the evangelical pastors of the Levant with the title "Our congregations in their position towards other groups in German culture". Around 1930 the German-speaking inhabitants of the Holy Land formed a minority, within which the Jews made up the largest group, followed by around 1,300 Templars and 400 other German-speakers - with the exception of a few Catholics (mostly clergy) and even fewer non-denominationalists  - predominantly Protestants. The Immanuel parish had 160 members (as of 1927).

Paetzold returned to Germany in April 1931 and the position remained vacant due to the financial misery in the world economic crisis . The beginning church struggle in Germany, which the NSDAP under the direction of Wilhelm Kube opened with its own list by participating in the old Prussian electoral and synodal elections in November 1932, did not yet play a role in the Holy Land. The newly founded National Socialist religious movement German Christians won an average of a third of all seats in the parish councils (or presbyteries) and in the provincial synods such as the general synod of the Old Prussian regional church.

The political uncertainty in Germany had triggered a strong flight of capital , which the Reich government fought back in December 1931 not with confidence-building measures, but through compulsory foreign exchange rationing , the so-called Reich flight tax . At first, however, foreign currency was allocated to the churches for missionary purposes in an unbureaucratic manner.

1933 to 1940

After the transfer of power to Adolf Hitler , currency rationing was massively tightened. The Nazi government made the allocation of foreign currency to Christian missions dependent on their political obedience. The Nazi government used its German Christian partisans in the old Prussian EOK and Theodor Heckel , head of the external ecclesiastical office of the German Evangelical Church (DEK), whose consent was a prerequisite for whether a foreign currency purchase was even approved.

For July 23, 1933, Hitler imposed a new election of all elders (or presbyters) and synodals, contrary to church regulations, on all regional churches in Germany . The massive mobilization of Protestant Nazis, fueled by the state and the NSDAP for propaganda purposes, most of whom had not attended church services for years, let alone participated in church elections, resulted in an extraordinarily high voter turnout with the result that "German Christians" - with a few exceptions - on average 70–80% of the presbyters and synodals.

But this did not automatically mean the complete dominance of German Christians in all Protestant organizations. Because the regional churches, including those now dominated by German Christians, had no direct control because of the decentralized and independent organization of many Protestant associations and institutions. This was especially true for the mission organizations as well as for the Jerusalem Association.

The Protestant opposition was initially formed among pastors with the Pastors' Emergency League , which originally wanted to support professional colleagues who were to be dismissed from regional churches run by German-Christian Christians because of Jewish ancestors. The federation became the nucleus of the Confessing Church , which set up parallel governing bodies in all regional churches destroyed by German Christian leadership , which were filled with supporters of the Confessing Church. The Confessing Church increasingly viewed the regional churches and organs led by German Christians as schismatic, because they wanted to reserve baptism only for so-called Aryans , which fundamentally violated the Christian claim of universality of salvation for all people.

Most of the pastors in the Holy Land sided with the Confessing Church, as did most of the board members of the Jerusalem Association, among them Rabenau, who had been openly opposing National Socialism since 1931. In the 1930s, the Jerusalem Association hired several pastors for the congregations of the Holy Land, who had previously been dismissed or given leave of absence by destroyed regional churches.

At the meeting of the German Protestant Mission League (DEMB) from 18 to 20 October 1933 in Barmen defended the representatives of German Protestant mission agencies attempt from their companies the same switch and the Nazi hearing official German Evangelical Church subordinate (DEK). The Jerusalem Association refused to introduce the so-called Aryan paragraph for its own employees; H. to fill its board with a majority of two thirds of German Christian representatives, thus preserving its legal independence.

Since February 1934 Heckel claimed for himself to be allowed to supervise the Protestant mission organizations from Germany. Since 1933 Heckel also held a board position in the Evangelical Jerusalem Foundation. From 1934, the Jerusalem Association had to conduct its foreign exchange transactions through the Temple Society's bank . From 1937 onwards, all currency transactions with Palestine had to be carried out through the Palestine Trust Agency for Advising German Jews GmbH (Paltreu, Berlin), founded in July 1933, and the Ha'avara Trust and Transfer Office Ltd. , Tel Aviv, run.

During the Nazi era, the churches' purchases of foreign currency were only approved and not subject to the prohibitive tax rates of the Reich flight tax if they were used exclusively for the salary payments of German, but not Palestinian citizens (e.g. Arab Protestants in the service of the missions). Without significant income of its own in Palestine, the Jerusalem Association could hardly pay salaries for Palestinian employees or expenses for other purposes, such as missionary, teaching or building purposes. The Jerusalem Association, which financed the Immanuel parish to a large extent, was therefore subject to the weal and woe of the Nazi authorities.

The Jerusalem Association therefore had to borrow in Palestinian pounds from the Deutsche Palestine Bank, which in turn forced political obedience, because the Nazi government had made all German legal entities subject to approval if they wanted to enter into liabilities abroad.

The Jerusalem Association won a certain amount of support in the German-Christian dominated Old Prussian Evangelical Upper Church Council, but also in the Confessing Church, which organized both collections for the benefit of the Jerusalem Association. Heckel increased his influence by paying the salaries of church workers in Jaffa and Haifa directly from the budget of the Church Foreign Office , which had previously been raised by the Jerusalem Association.

At their annual meeting on Easter 1934 (April 1st) the evangelical pastors of the Levant decided to keep their congregations out of the church struggle. The pastors of Jaffa and Haifa knew to report that their congregations felt more connected to the Jerusalem Association than to the destroyed Evangelical Church of the Old Prussian Union .

In October 1934, representatives of the mission organizations united in the DEMB met in Tübingen and took sides with the Confessing Church and its Barmer Declaration of May 1934. The actual behavior, however, depended on the attitude of the person responsible in each case, even without it Some mission workers sympathized with the German Christians or Nazis. While the Nazi government had banned church media in Germany ( muzzle decree ) from reporting on the church struggle, freedom of the press continued to exist in British Palestine.

For example, the provost Ernst Rhein , who is responsible for the parish newspaper for Palestine , had vicar Georg Weiß (later a deacon in Nuremberg ) openly take a stand for the Confessing Church in a report on the church struggle that appeared on the occasion of the harvest festival . The German Christ Heckel heavily criticized Rhein and Weiß for this.

In February 1935, Rabenau, meanwhile one of the leading representatives of the Confessing Church, gave up his position in the public relations work of the Jerusalem Association. Because of the censorship of the church and other media, he could no longer report what he wanted anyway. After the Brother Council of the Old Prussian Church Province of Pomerania , the leadership of the Pomeranian Confessing Church, had assigned their vicar Felix Moderow to the service in the Holy Land, he moved to Jaffa to do his service as an assistant preacher there from 1935 to 1937. Provost Rhein was also expressly looking for a member of the Confessing Church for the vicariate to be filled in Jerusalem and thus hired Fritz Maass (1910–2005), also from Pomerania .

In Jerusalem, the German consul general Heinrich Wolff had to give up his post in the summer of 1935 because his evangelical wife, the eldest of the parish council of the Evangelical German Language Community in Jerusalem, was considered "non-Aryan" according to the Nazi race laws . “Among the German residents of the country, only the [Jews and] Lutherans expressed their grief over Wolff's dismissal, and their Jerusalem newspaper [Gemeindeblatt für Palestine] published a heartfelt article full of praise for his work. Similar sentiments were expressed in the Hebrew newspaper Doar Hayom , which extolled his consular activities and announced his efforts not to offend the feelings of opponents of the Nazi regime. "

In 1937 Pastor Christian Berg succeeded Oertzen, who had retired, in Haifa. His German Christian-led Evangelical Lutheran Church in Mecklenburg had given him leave after the Nazi government put him on trial in Schwerin in June 1934. For him, Palestine became a safe exile from further stalking by the Nazis.

The latest news from the East of the Jerusalem Association lamented in articles 1937 the heavy Jewish immigration to Palestine ( Alija Bet ) and 1939 the increasing Arab nationalism , both of which they attributed to the influence of "corrosive" European ideologies.

After Moderow's return to Germany in 1937, Oertzen, who had actually retired, served as pastor at the Immanuel Church until 1939. The Jerusalemsverein experienced growing hostility from many anti-Semites in Germany because of its name and the title of its magazine. Therefore, on February 27, 1938, the Jerusalemsverein changed its name to Jerusalemsverein - supplying German Protestant communities in Palestine and Arab mission .

Beginning in 1933, the Nazi regime tried to influence the German schools in the Holy Land, successfully exploiting the school authorities' dependence on foreign currency allocations. Oertzen and Rhein fought the denominationalization of Protestant schools. Until 1937, Provost Rhein was able to prevent the merging of the remaining Protestant schools with those of the Templars, because every merger went hand in hand with the de-Christianization of school life and teaching as well as the introduction of National Socialist ideology lessons .

In order to regain influence on the curriculum, Rhein tried to be accepted into the Palestinian regional group of the National Socialist Teachers' Union , which, however, was given to him by its president Dr. Kurt Hegele refused. With the exception of the Rhine and a few other Protestant mission teachers in Palestine, all non-Jewish teachers of German nationality had become members of the NSLB by 1938.

In July 1939, Oertzen traveled from Jaffa to Germany on summer vacation, also to claim his salary, which was withheld in a German account, as the Nazi authorities had refused all foreign currency allocations in preparation for the war since early 1939.

With the German invasion of Poland on September 1 and the Soviet occupation of Eastern Poland on September 17, 1939, the Second World War began , whereupon the British Mandate Government interned most of the men of the Immanuel parish, insofar as they were of German or other hostile nationality, as enemy foreigners . In May 1940, the mandate government had all remaining hostile foreigners (above all non-Jewish German women and children as well as Italians and Hungarians) from Jaffa, Bir Salem , Sarona and Tel Aviv interned in Wilhelma . The Immanuel parish had thus de facto ceased to exist. Many parishioners were able to travel to Germany in 1941 as part of family reunification . The rest were evacuated to Cyprus in April 1948 .

The relationship between the Evangelicals and the Templars

The early Protestant community in Jaffa had good relations with the Templars. Metzler had sold his hospital and other real estate that he had built or acquired to the Templars on March 5, 1869. The Templars accepted his condition, in cooperation with the reformed deaconesses from the Riehen deaconess house , to provide charitable health care to all sick people who could not pay. As a doctor, Dr. Gottlob Sandel, father of engineer Theodor Sandel .

In his pamphlet Protestantism and Sects, the royal Württemberg court preacher Dr. Friedrich Braun, the Templars, in 1882, they bore “[…] the stamp of pathological abnormality.” When Pastor Schlaich came to Jaffa in March 1897, the Templars offered their prayer room for his first inaugural sermon in front of the evangelical congregation, which Schlaich and his congregation are happy to do assumed. But in October of the same year while collecting donations in Württemberg, Schlaich declared that his intention was to convert Muslims and Templars in the Holy Land. These found their mention in the same breath as Muslims an affront. Relationships cooled down accordingly.

In 1897 and 1898 Templars from Jaffa and Sarona intrigued at the High Gate and the German Foreign Office against the construction plans for a Protestant community center and school in Jaffa, which Braun financed with generous donations, among others. The Templars claimed that the ownership title to the construction site was in dispute, so that the laying of the foundation stone had to be postponed until clarification and that Kaiser Wilhelm II and his wife Auguste Victoria could not attend them as planned.

Rechov Auerbach street (רחוב אוארבך) with Ustinow's former Hôtel du Parc (left, now Beith Immanuel ,בית עמנואל) and Hardegg's former Hotel Jerusalem (right).

On their visit to Palestine , Wilhelm II and Auguste Victoria, patroness of the Jerusalem Association, and their entourage stayed in Jaffa on October 27, 1898. Her travel agency Thomas Cook and Son accommodated the imperial guests in Ustinow's Hôtel du Parc , which was regarded as the only proper establishment in Jaffa. The rest of the retinue stayed at the Hotel Jerusalem (at that time Seestrasse 6, now Rechov Auerbach ;רחוב אוארבך) of the Templar Ernst Hardegg. In this way Wilhelm II, summus episcopus of the Evangelical Church of the older provinces of Prussia , kept the balance between Templars and Evangelical Protestants during his visit.

Information board on the history of the Hôtel du Parc at Beith Immanuel .

All German citizens hoped that this visit would improve their treatment by the Ottoman authorities, but in vain, because the small community of Germans in the Holy Land only played a marginal role in German-Ottoman relations , which was not influenced by the wishes and concerns of German settlers Holy Land should be burdened.

The hospital, which was founded by Metzler and has been run by Templars and Riehen deaconesses since 1869, was financed by a health insurance scheme that raised higher contributions from Protestants and lower contributions from Templars, as the latter had actually been responsible for the institution since the purchase. The contributions of the insured Protestants and Templars also covered the health costs for patients treated free of charge from the rest of the population of Jaffa. In 1901 the relations between Protestants and Templars had improved so much that the Protestant annual contributions were reduced to 20 and 30 francs of the Latin Monetary Union , before the same contributions were applied to both religious groups from 1906 onwards.

Pastor Zeller, who had officiated at the Immanuel Church since 1906, tried to reconcile both groups. After ten years of negotiations on the union of Templar and Protestant schools, which was long prevented by the reservations against Templars at the Jerusalem Association and the Jerusalem Provost, both sides reached an agreement. On October 27, 1913, the Templar and Protestant schools were merged, with the new school moving to the newer and larger Templar school building, which was completed in October 1912 and which was in what is now Rechov Pines ( until its demolition).רחוב פינס) was opposite No. 44. The school remained an ecumenical school until it was closed by the British occupation forces in November 1917. The Jerusalem Association spent ten percent of its budget on schools in the Holy Land. In 1929, the combined school of the Jaffa colony and the Sarona Templar School were merged to form the new German school Sarona . In September 1931 she moved into a new building on the outskirts of Sarona.

With the Templars' dwindling bond with the original ideals of the temple society to reestablish the Holy Land in order to gather the people of God there - also in the face of the rise of the Holy Land through Jewish settlement - many Templars sought a new identity and often found it in a more stressed one Deutschtümelei.

In the 1930s, the non-denominational National Socialism in particular attracted many younger Templars. That is why many prominent members of the NSDAP regional group in Palestine were originally Templars. During the Nazi dictatorship this led to a profound reversal of relations between Evangelicals and Templars, because until 1933 the Evangelical Protestants enjoyed strong mental and financial support from Protestant church organizations in Germany, while the Templars were left to fend for themselves. From 1933 onwards, mostly Nazis of Templar origin had better and more influential connections to the NSDAP and Reich authorities.

The Protestant congregations in the Holy Land, on the other hand, experienced their once strong partners, the Protestant church organizations in Germany, weakened and divided in the church struggle and unsaved by the National Socialist ideology around Alfred Rosenberg and Hitler because of their adherence to the Old Testament and the Ten Commandments of the tables of the law " Jewified ”.

From 1933 onwards, Cornelius Schwarz, a Templar from Jaffa and leader of the National Group Palestine of the NSDAP / AO , and with him many other mostly young party comrades had leverage with their spy reports to get around old-established institutions such as the Protestant provost and their communities, and also the temple society itself to influence or intimidate. The Foreign Office influenced the situation by awarding grants to non-Jewish Germans of different denominations in the Holy Land.

Until 1935, the temple society and their communities in Palestine were brought into line in the evangelical organizations existing resistance was often overcome by the 1937th

1940 to 1955

After the beginning of the Second World War in September 1939, the British authorities again confiscated the entire property of the Jerusalem Association, the Immanuel Church community and their members of German or other hostile nationality and made it subject to Keith-Roach as Public Custodian of Enemy Property . The schools were subordinated to the Committee for Supervision of German Educational Institutions under the Anglican Bishop of Jerusalem , Francis George Graham Brown . With the internment of the Jaffa community members of German or other enemy nationality, who initially remained in their houses, in 1940 the Mandate Government cleared their houses and put them to other uses. A little later, the Anglican Church's Ministry among Jewish People took over the Immanuel Church and used it for services until 1947.

After Jaffa became part of the State of Israel , its government took over the confiscated property. The Israeli government then expropriated it in 1950 without compensation in anticipation of a settlement of Israeli demands on Germany. The demands related to the integration of an estimated 70,000 refugees and 430,000 survivors of the Nazi persecution of Jews in Germany and Europe, which were then regulated in the German-Israeli Luxembourg Agreement in 1952 .

Since the expropriation did not include facilities of a sacred nature, the Immanuelkirche and the parish hall were exempt from it, they remained confiscated. On August 29, 1951, Israel and the Lutheran World Federation , which, among other things, represented the interests of the Jerusalem Association , agreed on compensation for all expropriated facilities formerly owned by German Protestant organizations.

Israel gave the Lutheran World Federation all its facilities of a sacred character for free use, while it retained and compensated all other facilities of Protestant organizations from Germany as nationalized property.

Since 1955

In September 1951, Israel lifted the custody of Immanuel Church and the meetinghouse and handed them over to the Lutheran World Federation. In agreement with the Evangelical Church in Germany, founded in 1945 as the umbrella organization of the Protestant regional churches in Germany and the Jerusalem Association, with its then Vice-President Rabenau , the World Federation handed over the Immanuel Church and the parish hall to Den Norske Israelsmisjon in 1955 .

Today two communities of the Israelsmisjon reside in the Immanuel Church. One, made up of Christian Israelis - mainly messianic Jews  - meets for Hebrew services on Saturdays to go to church. Christian foreigners living permanently or temporarily in Israel form predominantly the other community, which holds their Sunday services in English. Other Protestant groups also use the Immanuel Church as hosts, including migrant communities from Ghana, Korea, Romania and Russia.

The Immanuelkirche also attracts music lovers with its concerts. Organ concerts in particular, including by Roman Krasnovsky, emeritus music professor at the Jerusalem Rubin Academy of Music and Dance , have their place, as the Ott organ is one of the few organs in the greater Tel Aviv area.

Pastor of Jaffa Township

Colored stained glass windows by Victor Sparre and the lecterns in the apse.

• 1858–1870: Missionary Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907)
• 1866–1886 ?: Pastor Johannes Gruhler (1833–1905), controversial in the community because of his Anglican rite
• 1870 / 1886–1897: vacancy
  • 1885–1895: Pastor Carl Schlicht (1855–1930), Jerusalem, on his behalf
• 1897–1906: Pastor Albert Eugen Schlaich (1870–1954)
• 1906–1912: Pastor Wilhelm Georg Albert Zeller (1879–1929)
• 1912–1917: Pastor Eitel-Friedrich Karl Balthasar von Rabenau (1884–1959)
• 1917–1920 (in exile in Egypt): Pastor von Rabenau looked after the interned parishioners in the camp
• 1917–1926 (for the remaining parishioners in Jaffa): vacancy
  • 1917–1918: D. Dr. Representing Friedrich Jeremias (1868–1945), provost of Jerusalem
  • 1921: Prof. D. Dr. Gustaf Dalman , provost on behalf
  • 1921–1926: Pastor Detwig von Oertzen (1876–1950), Haifa, deputy
• 1926-1931: Cand. Ernst Paetzold (1899–1957)
• 1931–1935: vacancy
  • 1931–1935: Ernst Rhein (1885–1969), provost of Jerusalem, and pastor of Oertzen (Haifa) on his behalf
• 1935–1937: Vicar Gerhard Felix Moderow (Haifa, March 1, 1911 to November 22, 1983, Greifswald), son of Hans Moderow , 1907–1918 pastor of the evangelical parish of Haifa
• 1937–1939: Pastor Detwig von Oertzen i. R.
• 1939–1940 ?: Vacancy
• 1940? –1947: Preacher of the Anglican Church's Ministry Among Jewish People
• 1947–1955: vacancy
• ... ...
• 2004–2009: Pastor Jan H. Mortensen
• 2009 – to date: Pastor Christian Rasmussen

Status of the community and number of members

In 1889 the evangelical community was formally founded. The following year, she opened her first permanent institution, the school. Since 1894, the congregation included members residing in Jaffa and Sarona (today's haQiriya הקריהor Machneh Rabin ,מחנה רבין). Two years later, the catchment area of ​​the congregation was expanded again to include Ashdod and Ramle and the congregation was accepted as a full member of the Evangelical Church of the older provinces of Prussia . This was accompanied by the formation of committees, such as the parish council , in accordance with the old Prussian church order.

In December 1925, the Immanuel parish joined the German Evangelical Church Federation, which existed from 1922 to 1933 , as did the parishes in Beirut (founded in 1856), Haifa, Jerusalem and Waldheim . With the internment of most of the parishioners in Wilhelma , the Immanuel parish de facto ceased to exist in 1940. From 1955 Den Norske Israelsmisjon built a new community.

The number of parishioners developed as follows:

• 1869: 18 people
• 1889: 50 people
• 1898: 75 people
• 1900: 93 people
• 1901: 104 people
• 1904: 130 people
• 1913: 136 people
• 1920: The Immanuel parish had lost many members after 1918 due to emigration.
• 1927: 160 people
• 1934: 80 to 90 people

In 1903, Jaffa and Haifa had a combined membership of 250.

Known parishioners

• 1912–1917 / 1920: Eitel-Friedrich von Rabenau
• 1892–1913: Jonah von Ustinov
• 1878–1913: Plato von Ustinow

literature

• Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל) : The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . 1st edition. 1973. [התיישבות הגרמנים בארץ ישראל בשלהי השלטון הטורקי: בעיותיה המדיניות, המקומיות והבינלאומיות, ירושלים: תשו"לGerman] ( Publications of the Commission for Historical Regional Studies in Baden-Württemberg , Series B, Research, Volume 77). 3. Edition. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 3-17-016788-X , zugl .: Jerusalem, Hebr. Univ. , PhD (Diss.), 1970.
• Eisler, Ejal Jakob (איל יעקב איזלר): The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1997, (= treatises of the German Palestine Association; Vol. 22), ISBN 3-447-03928-0 .
• Eisler, Ejal Jakob: "Kirchler" in the Holy Land: The Protestant communities in the Württemberg settlements of Palestine (1886–1914). In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (ed.) On behalf of the Jerusalem Foundation and the Jerusalem Association , Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, 1998, pp. 81-100. ISBN 3-374-01706-1 .
• Eisler, Ejal Jakob: Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907): A Christian missionary in the Holy Land [פטר מרטין מצלר (1907–1824): סיפורו של מיסיונר נוצרי בארץ-ישראל; German], Haifa: אוניברסיטת חיפה / המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19, 1999 (פרסומי המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19 / Memoirs of Gottlieb Schumacher Institute for Research into the Christian Contribution to the Reconstruction of Palestine in the 19th Century; Vol. 2), ISBN 965-7109-03-5
• Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . In: Missionswissenschaftliche Forschungen [NS] Volume 25 . Gütersloher Verlags-Haus Mohn, Gütersloh 1991, ISBN 3-579-00245-7 (also: Marburg an der Lahn, Univ., Master's thesis, 1987/88, and Berlin, Protestant Church in Berlin-Brandenburg (West Berlin), Wiss . Hausarb. For the first theological examination, 1988/89).
• Löffler, Roland: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate. In: See, we are going up to Jerusalem! Festschrift for the 150th anniversary of Talitha Kumi and the Jerusalemsverein , Almut Nothnagle (ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalemsverein' in the Berliner Missionswerk , Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, 2001, ISBN 3-374-01863-7 , pp. 185-212.
• Christoph Rhein: As a child of the German provost in Jerusalem 1930–1938 . In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (Ed.) On behalf of the “Jerusalem Foundation” and the 'Jerusalem Association'. Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, Leipzig 1998, pp. 222-228. ISBN 3-374-01706-1 .
• Sinnū, ʿAbd-ar-Raʿūf (Abdel-Raouf Sinno, عبد الرؤوف سنّو), German interests in Syria and Palestine, 1841–1898: Activities of religious institutions, economic and political influences . Baalbek, Berlin 1982 (studies on the modern Islamic Orient; vol. 3), ISBN 3-922876-32-3 , also: Freie Univ., Berlin 1982, diss.

Web links

Commons : Immanuelkirche (Tel Aviv-Jaffa)  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

• English website

References and comments

1. ↑ Den Norske Israelsmisjon in the Norwegian language Wikipedia
2. ↑ cf. ʿAbd-ar-Raʿūf Sinnū (Abdel-Raouf Sinno,عبد الرؤوف سنّو), German interests in Syria and Palestine, 1841–1898: Activities of religious institutions, economic and political influences , Berlin: Baalbek, 1982, ISBN 3-922876-32-3 (Studies on the modern Islamic Orient; Vol. 3), p. 53.
3. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler (איל יעקב איזלר): Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907): A Christian missionary in the Holy Land [פטר מרטין מצלר (1907–1824): סיפורו של מיסיונר נוצרי בארץ-ישרי בארץ-ישרי רץל; German], Haifa: אוניברסיטת חיפה / המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19, 1999 (פרסומי המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19 / Memoirs of Gottlieb Schumacher Institute for Research into the Christian Contribution to the Reconstruction of Palestine in the 19th Century; Vol. 2), ISBN 965-7109-03-5 , p. 34 and כט.
4. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907): A Christian missionary in the Holy Land . P. 35 and ל.
5. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907): A Christian missionary in the Holy Land . P. 39 and לג.
6. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907): A Christian missionary in the Holy Land p. 44 and לו. ISBN 965-7109-03-5 .
7. ↑ Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל): The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . 1st edition. 1973. [התיישבות הגרמנים בארץ ישראל בשלהי השלטון הטורקי: בעיותיה המדיניות, המקומיות והבינלאומיות, ירושלים: תשו"לGerman] ( Publications of the Commission for Historical Regional Studies in Baden-Württemberg , Series B, Research, Volume 77). 3. Edition. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2000, ISBN 3-17-016788-X , p. 102.
8. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . Mohn, Gütersloh 1991, (Missionswissenschaftliche Forschungen; [NS], 25), pp. 45 and 96, ISBN 3-579-00245-7 .
9. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden 1997, ISBN 3-447-03928-0 (Treatises of the German Palestine Association; Vol. 22), p. 113.
10. ^ ^{A b} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 113ff.
11. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . Pp. 113ff., Also footnote 479 on the same pages.
12. ^ ^{A b} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 114.
13. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 17.
14. ^ The bank, which mainly belongs to August Karl von der Heydt , Berlin, performed financial services for Jews, Catholics, Protestants and German legal entities as well as for Arab, Armenian, Greek, Italian, Austrian and Russian customers. Cf. ʿAbd-ar-Raʿūf Sinnū (Abdel-Raouf Sinno, عبد الرؤوف سنّو), German interests in Syria and Palestine, 1841–1898: Activities of religious institutions, economic and political influences , Berlin: Baalbek, 1982, (studies on the modern Islamic Orient; Vol. 3), p. 276. ISBN 3-922876-32-3 .
15. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 127.
16. ^ ^{A b c} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . 128.
17. ↑ ^{a b c} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 133.
18. ↑ Ejal Jakob Eisler: "Kirchler" in the Holy Land: The Protestant communities in the Württemberg settlements of Palestine (1886–1914). In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (Ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalem Foundation' and 'Jerusalemsverein', Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, Leipzig 1998 , pp. 81-100, here p. 88. ISBN 3-374-01706-1 .
19. ↑ ʿAbd-ar-Raʿūf Sinnū (Abdel-Raouf Sinno,عبد الرؤوف سنّو): German interests in Syria and Palestine, 1841–1898: Activities of religious institutions, economic and political influences . Baalbek, Berlin 1982, ISBN 3-922876-32-3 (Studies on the modern Islamic Orient; Vol. 3), p. 131.
20. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 81.
21. ↑ Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל): The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . P. 131.
22. ^ ^{A b c} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 118.
23. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 92.
24. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 89.
25. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 98.
26. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 81 and 118 ..
27. ^ ^{A b} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 129seq.
28. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 82.
29. ↑ Ejal Jakob Eisler: "Kirchler" in the Holy Land: The Protestant communities in the Württemberg settlements of Palestine (1886–1914). In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (Ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalem Foundation' and 'Jerusalemsverein', Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, 1998, pp. 81-100, here p. 92. ISBN 3-374-01706-1 .
30. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 138.
31. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 138ff.
32. ↑ ^{a b c} Ejal Jakob Eisler (איל יעקב איזלר): The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 139.
33. ↑ Zeller was a nephew of the Reverend Johannes Zeller (1830–1902), a son-in-law of Bishop Samuel Gobat (1799–1879), and from 1879 to 1901 head of the Bishop Gobat School in Jerusalem.
34. ↑ cf. Zeller's article: Emigration plans of the German colonists in Palestine (to Africa) , quoted by Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל): The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . P. 283.
35. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . S. 118 and Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850–1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 139.
36. ↑ ^{a b} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 124.
37. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 125ff.
38. ↑ ^{a b} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 126.
39. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 130.
40. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 129.
41. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 130.
42. ↑ Voigt had expanded the road between Haifa and Jaffa in 1897 in the run-up to Wilhelm II's visit to Palestine . Cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: “Kirchler” in the Holy Land: The Protestant communities in the Württemberg settlements of Palestine (1886–1914). In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (Ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalem Foundation' and 'Jerusalemsverein', Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, 1998, pp. 81-100, here p. 90 ISBN 3-374-01706-1 , cf. also id .: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850–1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 131.
43. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: To the history of Palestine in the 19th century . S. 117, and Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 108.
44. ↑ Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל): The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . P. 55.
45. ↑ Wilhelm II received all church representatives on October 30, 1898 for an audience in Bethlehem. Cf. Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 108.
46. ↑ ^{a b} Ejal Jakob Eisler (איל יעקב איזלר): The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 131.
47. ^ ^{A b} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 132.
48. ↑ In fact, the new German consulate wasn't completed until 1915, when the new consul Dr. Heinrich Brode could move in. The construction companies "Gebrüder Wagner", "Johannes Wennagel", "Wieland & Co." (all three Templars) and the Protestant architect, building officer Karl Appel and gardener and winemaker Friedrich Lämmle ( Sarona ) carried out the construction and garden design. Cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: To the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 142.
49. ↑ The number of pupils developed as follows: 1890 - 15, 1892 - 8, 1898 - 16, 1900 - 30, 1901 - 17, 1903 - 24, 1905 - 27, 1906 - 23, 1907 - 21. Cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: To the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 132ff.
50. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: To the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 133 and Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 118.
51. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 105.
52. ^ ^{A b c d} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 134.
53. ^ ^{A b c d} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 135.
54. ^ ^{A b c d} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 136.
55. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 142.
56. ↑ ^{a b} Cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: To the history of Palestine in the 19th century. Footnote 586 on p. 135.
57. ↑ In the translation of the Elberfeld Bible the verse reads: "For God so loved the world that he gave his only begotten Son, so that everyone who believes in him should not perish but have eternal life."
58. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . Pp. 134 and 136.
59. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945. P. 137.
60. ↑ ^{a b} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 139.
61. ↑ cf. Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . In: See, we are going up to Jerusalem! Festschrift for the 150th anniversary of Talitha Kumi and the Jerusalemsverein , Almut Nothnagle (ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalemsverein' in the Berliner Missionswerk, Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, 2001, pp. 185-212, here p. 193 ISBN 3-374-01863-7 and Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 137.
62. ^ ^{A b c} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 143.
63. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 196.
64. ^ ^{A b c} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 144.
65. ↑ ^{a b} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 138.
66. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 193ff.
67. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 194.
68. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 142.
69. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate , p. 189; and Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: Der Jerusalems-Verein zu Berlin 1852–1945 , p. 150.
70. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . Pp. 17 and 150.
71. ^ ^{A b c} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 152.
72. ↑ ^{a b} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 162.
73. ↑ cf. Eitel-Friedrich von Rabenau, Die Tempelgesellschaft , Münster in Westphalia: n.v., 1922, (University thesis Münster, Phil. Diss., 1923), zugl .: Münster in Westfalen, Westfälische Wilhelms-Univ., 1923. Link
74. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 147.
75. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 159.
76. ↑ This monthly also served other Protestant congregations such as that of Alexandria (founded in 1856) and Cairo (founded in 1864), which is why it was used as the Evangelical Congregation Gazette for Palestine and Syria from 1928, as the Evangelical Congregation Gazette for Palestine, Syria and Iraq from 1929 and finally appeared between 1936 and 1939 as the Evangelisches Gemeindeblatt für Palestine, Syria, Iraq and Egypt . Cf. Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 152.
77. ↑ cf. Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 205.
78. ↑ In addition to clergy, three German Catholic families lived in Jerusalem in 1900, two in Tabgha , one in Jaffa and some in Haifa. Cf. ʿAbd-ar-Raʿūf Sinnū (Abdel-Raouf Sinno, عبد الرؤوف سنّو): German interests in Syria and Palestine, 1841–1898: activities of religious institutions, economic and political influences . Baalbek, Berlin 1982, ISBN 3-922876-32-3 (Studies on the modern Islamic Orient; Vol. 3), p. 222.
79. ^ ^{A b c} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 177.
80. ↑ In addition to the political uncertainty, there was also the destructive deflationary policy of the Reich government, which many property owners assumed could not be sustained in the long term, but which in the meantime ruined many companies. Instead of re-establishing stable currency relations, the government taxed the purchase of foreign currency in such a way that, in addition to the officially unchanged exchange rate, one also had to pay a tax. So you paid more for foreign currency than the official rate, which in fact amounted to a devaluation of the Reichsmark. Since certain foreign currency purchases remained tax-free by law or discretion, the Reich flight tax was an instrument in the hands of the Reich government to discriminate against certain foreign currency buyers and to give privileges to others. The majority of owners, especially those with small fortunes, simply could not afford to transfer even a part of their fortune abroad because of the prohibitively high tax rates. After the Nazi takeover, the v. a. political and Jewish refugees who had to go abroad because of the tax without any start-up capital, who were also denied admission there, or who did not dare to take this leap into poverty. The Nazi government took account of the growing suffering of the refugees, who, in view of the terror and persecution on the part of the Nazi regime, were desperately prepared to pay exorbitant tax rates in order to somehow not be able to go abroad completely penniless Tax rates screwed higher and higher - up to the deduction of almost the entire amount from which the refugees actually wanted to buy foreign currency.
81. ^ Only in the synods of the regional churches of Bavaria , Hanover and Württemberg as well as the old Prussian church province of Westphalia did German Christians not achieve a majority. These churches were therefore considered intact by BK supporters .
82. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 209.
83. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 170.
84. ↑ ^{a b c d} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 173.
85. ↑ ^{a b} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 178.
86. ↑ In contrast to other missions - such as For example, the Syrian orphanage with its Bir Salem estate  - the Jerusalem Association only had a small amount of foreign currency income outside the control of the Nazi government, namely the rent for the former Armenian orphanage in Bethlehem , which the British Mandate Government had rented for its state psychiatric clinic. Cf. Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 174.
87. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 182.
88. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 211.
89. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 201.
90. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 171.
91. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 172.
92. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . S. 173, and Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current church and political events during the mandate . P. 210.
93. ↑ ^{a b} Christoph Rhein: As a child of the German provost in Jerusalem 1930–1938. In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (Ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalem Foundation' and 'Jerusalemsverein', Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, 1998, pp. 222-228, here p. 227. ISBN 3-374-01706-1 .
94. ^ Translated from English: “ Among the German inhabitants in the country, only the [Jews and the] Lutherans expressed sorrow at Wolff's dismissal and their Jerusalem newspaper [Gemeindeblatt] published a warm article in a praise of his activities. Similar sentiments were expressed in the Hebrew newspaper Doar Hayom, which lauded his consular activity and heralded his efforts not to hurt the feelings of those opposed to the Nazi regime. ”Additions in square brackets not in the original. See David Kroyanker, Swastikas over Jerusalem. In: Ha-Aretz.com , November 6, 2008. Accessed September 17, 2010.
95. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 210.
96. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 178ff.
97. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 180.
98. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 212.
99. ↑ ^{a b c} Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 208.
100. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 207.
101. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 183ff.
102. ↑ ^{a b c d} Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 184.
103. ↑ Ejal Jakob Eisler: Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907): A Christian missionary in the Holy Land [פטר מרטין מצלר (1907–1824): סיפורו של מיסיונר נוצרי בארץ-ישראל; German], Haifa: אוניברסיטת חיפה / המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19, 1999 (המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19 / Memoirs of Gottlieb -Schumacher Institute for Research into the Christian Contribution to the Reconstruction of Palestine in the 19th Century; Vol. 2), pp. 29 and כה. ISBN 965-7109-03-5 .
104. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 140 ISBN 3-447-03928-0 and id., Peter Martin Metzler (1824–1907): A Christian Missionary in the Holy Land [פטר מרטין מצלר (1907–1824): סיפורו של מיסיונר נוצרי בארץ-ישראל; German], Haifa: אוניברסיטת חיפה / המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19, 1999 (פרסומי המכון ע"ש גוטליב שומכר לחקר פעילות העולם הנוצרי בארץ -ישראל במאה ה -19 / Memoirs of Gottlieb Schumacher Institute for Research into the Christian Contribution to the Reconstruction of Palestine in the 19th Century; Vol. 2), pp. 46 and לט. ISBN 965-7109-03-5 .
105. ↑ Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל): The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . P. 38.
106. ↑ cf. The waiting room of the temple ; No. 13 (March 29, 1882), p. 99
107. ^ ^{A b} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 115.
108. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 116.
109. ↑ Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל): The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . P. 161.
110. ↑ cf. Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 104ff. and ʿAbd-ar-Raʿūf Sinnū (Abdel-Raouf Sinno, عبد الرؤوف سنّو): German interests in Syria and Palestine, 1841–1898: activities of religious institutions, economic and political influences , (studies on the modern Islamic Orient; vol. 3), Berlin: Baalbek, 1982, p. 65. ISBN 3-922876-32-3 .
111. ↑ Alex Carmel (אלכס כרמל): The settlements of the Württemberg Templars in Palestine (1868–1918) . P. 257.
112. ^ Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 141.
113. ^ ^{A b} Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: On the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 140.
114. ↑ Helmut Glenk in collaboration with Horst Blaich and Manfred Haering, From desert sands to golden oranges: the history of the German Templer settlement of Sarona in Palestine 1871–1947 , Victoria, British Columbia: Trafford Publishing, 2005, p. 109.
115. ↑ Helmut Glenk in collaboration with Horst Blaich and Manfred Haering, From desert sands to golden oranges: the history of the German Templer settlement of Sarona in Palestine 1871–1947 , Victoria, British Columbia: Trafford Publishing, 2005, p. 106.
116. ↑ On the numbers: Niels Hansen , From the shadow of the catastrophe: The German-Israeli relations in the era of Konrad Adenauer and David Ben Gurion. A documented report with a preface by Shimon Peres , (research and sources on contemporary history; vol. 38), Düsseldorf: Droste, 2002, p. 186. ISBN 3-7700-1886-9 .
117. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 193.
118. ↑ Israel paid 3.585 million DM total compensation for all institutions of Protestant and Lutheran organizations from Germany together. Cf. Niels Hansen, From the Shadow of the Catastrophe: German-Israeli Relations in the Era of Konrad Adenauer and David Ben Gurion. A documented report with a preface by Shimon Peres , (research and sources on contemporary history; vol. 38), Düsseldorf: Droste, 2002, p. 268. ISBN 3-7700-1886-9 .
119. ↑ Mitri Raheb : The Evangelical Lutheran Church in Palestine and Jordan: Past and Present. In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (Ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalem Foundation' and 'Jerusalemsverein', Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt, 1998, pp. 183–200, here footnote 13 on p. 192. ISBN 3-374-01706-1 .
120. ^ Roland Löffler: Protestants in Palestine: Religious Policy, Social Protestantism and Mission in the German Evangelical and Anglican Institutions of the Holy Land 1917-1939 . Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2008, ISBN 3-17-019693-6 (Denomination and Society; Vol. 37), p. 154., zugl .: Marburg, Philipps-Univ., Diss., 2005/2006.
121. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 117.
122. ↑ Ejal Jakob Eisler: "Kirchler" in the Holy Land: The Protestant communities in the Württemberg settlements of Palestine (1886–1914). In: Honor the Redeemer of the World: Festschrift for the centenary of the inauguration of the Evangelical Church of the Redeemer in Jerusalem , Karl-Heinz Ronecker (Ed.) On behalf of the 'Jerusalem Foundation' and 'Jerusalemsverein', Leipzig: Evangelische Verlags-Anstalt , 1998, pp. 81-100, here p. 96. ISBN 3-374-01706-1 .
123. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 165.
124. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: To the history of Palestine in the 19th century . 72. ISBN 3-447-03928-0 .
125. ↑ cf. Ejal Jakob Eisler: The German contribution to the rise of Jaffa 1850-1914: To the history of Palestine in the 19th century . P. 127, and Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association of Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 118. ISBN 3-579-00245-7 .
126. ↑ Roland Löffler: The congregations of the Jerusalem Association in Palestine in the context of current ecclesiastical and political events during the mandate . P. 198.
127. ^ Frank Foerster: Mission in the Holy Land: The Jerusalem Association in Berlin 1852-1945 . P. 97.