Iron Guard
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The Iron Guard ( Romanian ) was a fascist movement or political party in the Kingdom of Romania , whose ideology was shaped by radical anti-Semitism , mystical - orthodox fundamentalism and Romanian ultra-nationalism . With its 250,000 members it was at times the third largest fascist movement in Europe after the PNF in Italy and the NSDAP in Germany.
Founded in 1927 by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu as an initially small, fanatical circle, it developed into a mass movement from around 1933 to 1938, before massive repression began under the authoritarian dictatorship of Carol II , to which numerous leadership members fell victim - including Codreanu himself.
From the beginning of July 1940 to the beginning of September 1940 the Iron Guard participated for the first time in a Romanian government; On September 3, 1940, under her now leader Horia Sima , she attempted a coup against Carol II, who in this situation appointed General Ion Antonescu as Prime Minister on September 4, with unlimited powers. With the support of the Iron Guard, Antonescu forced Carol II to renounce the throne on September 6 and set up a fascist "national legionary" dictatorship that led Romania firmly to the side of the Axis powers . When the Iron Guard tried to put a coup against Antonescu in January 1941, it broke with the “state leader” who practically forbade the movement after the bloody suppression of the uprising.
At the behest of Heinrich Himmler and Joachim von Ribbentrop , Sima formed a Romanian government in exile, which was constituted in Vienna on December 10, 1944, but fell apart at the end of the war in 1945.
Some historians attribute the ideology of the movement to clerical fascism ; it was essentially shaped by mystical elements; its followers mostly felt firmly attached to the Romanian Orthodox Church .
Designations
The official name of the Iron Guard was from its founding in 1927 on " Legion of Archangel Michael " ( Legiunea Arhanghelul Mihail ), also simplified " Legionnaires Movement " ( Mișcarea Legionară ). The term "Iron Guard" ( Garda de Fier ) was introduced in 1930 by the leadership of the Legionnaires' movement; he first referred to a group that was to undertake a march (eventually banned by the government) through the province of Bessarabia . Romanians who were anti-Semitic and anti-communist and did not belong to the legionnaires' movement were also called upon to do so. "Iron Guard" actually referred to a kind of umbrella organization; Codreanu used the term in connection with election campaigns in the years to come. From around 1933 "Iron Guard" was rarely used as a self-designation in official publications; Codreanu spoke and wrote almost consistently of “Legionnaires' movement”. However, the “Iron Guard” appeared later on advertising materials (posters, etc.). This catchier and simpler term was taken up by the Romanian and foreign press, but also by the Romanian security organs, and has been used synonymously in scientific literature to this day, sometimes even primarily before the “legionnaire's movement”. The members of this movement were referred to as "legionaries", with reference to the "Iron Guard" also "guardsmen".
After repeated bans, the Legionnaires' Movement or the Iron Guard returned to the political stage under different names, for example in parliamentary elections in 1931/32 as " Group Corneliu Zelea Codreanu " ( Gruparea Corneliu Zelea Codreanu ) and in 1935 as " Everything for the Fatherland " ( Totul pentru Țară ).
Political background
Romania had - despite its own military defeat - stood on the side of the victorious powers in the First World War and achieved enormous territorial growth through the treaties of Saint-Germain ( Bukovina ), Trianon (including Transylvania , parts of the Banat ) and Neuilly ( southern Dobruja ). In addition, there was Bessarabia without a treaty , which Romania was able to appropriate as a result of the turmoil of the Russian civil war . On the other hand, the new order and the overstretched borders of the centralistically administered state now called “ Greater Romania ” inevitably led to tensions with the neighbors and problems with the numerous national minorities, especially with the Hungarians of Transylvania and the Ukrainians and Russians in Bessarabia . This in turn led to an increase in nationalist currents in the Romanian majority population. In addition, contrary to widespread anti-Semitic sentiment among many Romanians, a liberal constitution was passed in 1923, which granted Romania's Jews citizenship. Romania had to commit to this in the Paris suburb agreements. Anti-Semitism had a tradition, especially in intellectual circles in Romania, since the 18th and 19th centuries. Century, when many Jews immigrated from neighboring Galicia . The national poet Mihai Eminescu (1850–1889) and later the historian Nicolae Iorga (1871–1940) were among the most important anti-Semites .
The political system in Romania was in a state of persistent instability in the years between the world wars. General (male) suffrage was only introduced after the First World War. Cabinets and prime ministers often changed every few months. Formally a constitutional monarchy with parliamentary democracy, real power lay in the hands of relatively small, corrupt elites fighting each other out of economic interests. The influence of the electorate on socio-political events was minimal. Governments were appointed by the king before the elections - which gave him and his advisors considerable influence - and then organized the elections with the help of the prefects themselves appointed in the country's circles. Through manipulations (distribution of gifts - especially food and alcohol - from public funds to the poor, inexperienced in democracy, often illiterate rural population), psychological pressure and fraud (e.g. by preventing voting in "unfavorable" areas with the help of Martial law or quarantine regulations , but also through simple falsifications in the counting), with the exception of 1937, the respective government always managed to achieve at least 40% of the votes, which gave it a bonus of 50% of the mandates under current electoral law. This led to a strong underrepresentation of the opposition in parliament, but also favored wing battles and divisions on the side of the respective ruling party. This was mostly provided by the National Liberal Party , in the meantime (from 1928 to 1933) mainly by the Peasant Party . Election campaigns were regularly marked by fights and other clashes between supporters of not only extremist but also established parties.
Philosophical positions
Most historians classify the ideology of the legionnaires' movement as fascist . The core of their worldview was an extreme anti-Semitism in connection with anti-communism and a mystical religiousness. According to Codreanu's opinion, who had a major influence on the legionnaires' worldview, the Jewish minority endeavored to oppress and enslave the Romanians and other peoples according to a coordinated plan. He saw the liberal press, democracy and especially communism as the means of the Jews to achieve this. He regarded communism and Judaism as largely synonymous. The Jews (and the Romanian elites allegedly corrupted by the Jews) were blamed by him for practically all of the country's problems. He attributed all possible negative character traits to them. In connection with the "Jewish infiltration" he feared, he postulated a blood-and-soil ideology related to Romania . The above views resulted in a sharp rejection of democracy and majority decisions. This held Codreanu - similar to z. For example, Hitler too - did not refrain from invoking the rule of law when it seemed opportune to him.
An essential difference to other fascist movements lay in the deep religious roots of the legionnaires' movement, specifically in the Romanian Orthodox faith. Even the official naming after the Archangel Michael was apparently intended to give the movement religious legitimation.
Ultimately, Codreanu's goal was "to eliminate the pseudo-democracy in Romania and to renew the Romanian state through an authoritarian leadership firmly rooted in Orthodox Christianity." This leadership should be carried out by a determined, morally clean elite, which is co- opted renewed. At the same time, the monarchy in Romania should be preserved. Otherwise it remained open how Romania, renewed by a legionary victory, should look like.
Codreanu saw his legionary movement as a "great spiritual school that should change and revolutionize the Romanian soul". The result of this revolution is the emergence of a “new man”, a spiritually and morally new individual who is able to resurrect the Romanian nation. In Codreanu's opinion, the Jews ruled the Romanian nation and could only do so through the moral failure of the ethnic Romanians and the associated corruption of their political class. From this it followed for him that political life could not be improved through political party programs as long as the Romanians were not morally perfected by turning to Christian morality, to discipline and to love of the country. Codreanu wrote: "A new state first and foremost presupposes a new kind of person."
Codreanu himself was venerated by his followers as a kind of saint and allowed himself to be represented by them as a prototype of the "new man", which included not only the spiritual and moral principles mentioned, but also categories such as "beauty" and "male strength". His later successor Horia Sima wrote in 1936 after taking part in a training led by Codreanu: “You could believe you were witnessing a scene from the Holy Scriptures: Christ speaks to the crowd on the bank.” These transfigurations were made possible by strong local links between the Legionnaires' movement and the Romanian- Orthodox Church promoted. In the parliamentary elections of 1937, 33 of the 103 candidates running for Codreanu's “Everything for the Fatherland” party were priests. Overall, the lower clergy in particular seem to have been receptive to Codreanu's ideas. However, the links between the Legionnaires' movement and the Romanian Orthodox Church should not be overestimated. Codreanu, for example, complained at an election that the vast majority of priests were hostile to his movement. The highest-ranking ecclesiastical dignitaries who supported the Legionnaires' movement were the Metropolitan of Transylvania, Nicolae Bălan , and of Bessarabia, Gurie Grosu .
Intellectuals also attributed metaphysical properties to Codreanu . The social scientist Traian Herseni said : “Hundreds and thousands of years prepared his birth. It will take hundreds and thousands more years for the fulfillment of his commandments. But the presence of the Führer from now on forms the unshakable guarantee that at the end of the path he is treading, the Eternal City of Redemption for the Romanians will be reached. "
Similar to fascism in other European countries, Codreanu established an extensive sacrifice and martyr cult in his movement. “Suffering”, “sacrifice”, “pain”, “death”, “struggle” and the like were recurring motifs in Codreanu's written instructions for his followers. In the early stages of the movement in particular, the mystical elements were brought to the fore and negative terms such as “politics” and “party” were contrasted. Codreanu's confidante Ion Moța wrote in 1927: “We do not make politics and have not done politics for a single day. We have a religion, we are the slaves of a belief. We consume each other in his fire, and under his full control, we serve him to our last strength. "
The legionnaires' movement had its social base primarily among students and farmers. From the early to mid-1930s, large sections of the intellectuals sympathized with her. These included the philosophers Nae Ionescu , Constantin Noica and Emil Cioran , the religious scholar Mircea Eliade and the theologian and writer Nichifor Crainic . During this time, some wealthy entrepreneurs also supported the Legion. This was of particular importance because of the associated expansion of financial leeway. An important sponsor was at times Prince Nicolae , the king's brother. At the height of its importance - 1936/38 and 1940/41 - the leadership relied particularly on the proletariat, which was easy to mobilize in the cities .
Codreanu's worldview shaped the Legionnaires' movement throughout its existence until the end of the Second World War . Anti-Semitism and anti-communism were and remained the central issues. However, there is a tendency towards increasing variability over time. Initially, almost all of Codreanu's followers shared a mystical, religious-orthodox view. With the increasing growth of the movement and the opening up of new strata - peasants, but above all workers - social revolutionary ideas came to the fore, the bearers of Codreanus' mysticism and religiosity at best able to understand.
history
Prehistory of the Legionnaires' Movement
The formation of the Iron Guard (Legionnaires' Movement) is inextricably linked with the person of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu. His father Ion Zelea Codreanu, along with Alexandru C. Cuza and Nicolae Iorga, was one of the best-known nationalist and anti-Semitic politicians even before the First World War. Corneliu Codreanu Zelea in 1919 after Iasi moved to Jura to study, he came into closer contact with his godfather Cuza, who worked at the university as a professor of economics. In early March 1923, Cuza founded the "Liga Apărării Național Creştine" (LANC, League for the Christian National Defense ) and used the swastika as its symbol. Codreanu presented himself in his memoirs as the driving force behind the founding of the party. On behalf of Cuza, he began to organize the new party throughout Romania, which initially did not have any significant political influence.
Codreanu was arrested several times from 1923 to 1924 for participating in anti-Semitic riots, for participating in a conspiracy aimed at the murder of political opponents and for the murder of the police chief of Iași. In the latter two cases, there were legal proceedings in which he was acquitted by judges or juries who were sympathetic or intimidated by his supporters.
In May 1927 - while Codreanu was studying in Grenoble ( France ) - wing battles began within the LANC led by Cuza, accompanied by fierce personal hostility among the top management, including the worst insult in this milieu, namely that of being bought by Jews. Codreanu traveled back to Romania, but could no longer avoid the split in the party. He primarily blamed Cuza's lack of leadership skills for this. He then decided to set up his own organization. However, he did not succeed in getting the majority of the LANC members to his side; Most of the students remained supporters of Cuza at first, so Codreanu was quite isolated. The schism between Codreanu's legionnaires' movement and Cuza's LANC was to shape both organizations for the next decade. Attempts at reconciliation have repeatedly failed; mutual insults and violent clashes occurred.
The Codreanu era (1927–1938)
Foundation of the "Legion of Archangel Michael" (1927)
The founding of the new organization was done by Codreanu on June 24, 1927 in Iași together with about 20 colleagues. These included Codreanus co-conspirators in 1923. With his first order, he stood up as leader ( Căpitan , literally "captain" or "captain") of the movement. "Căpitan" became the common name Codreanus in the Legion. This called his new movement "Legion of the Archangel Michael" ( Legiunea Arhanghelului Mihail ). The name goes back to an image of the Archangel Michael that was placed in the chapel of the Bucharest Văcăreşti Monastery, which was used as a prison . Codreanu and his co-conspirators were remanded in this prison in 1923/24. The picture had given Codreanu consolation and impressed him so much that he decided to name his movement after him.
The Legionnaires' Movement as an Elitist Circle (1927–1929)
Codreanu initially led his legion less like a political force and more like an elitist religious order . He initially set an upper limit for the number of members, 50 per district and 3,000 in total. There was no written program; According to Codreanu, the program was “my fighting life and the heroic attitude of my comrades who had suffered with me in prison”. The movement should be "primarily a school and an army and not a political party". From the beginning, mystical elements played an essential role in the movement. Every new member of the legionnaire's movement had to take an oath. On the occasion of this they received a small sack, which was filled with soil from battlefields from Romanian history and which the person concerned should carry on his chest from now on. The members of the group also had to take turns guarding the picture of the Archangel Michael, which was placed in their self-built house - the “Culture Home” in Iași. This building was the movement's headquarters in the early years; The legionaries held legal and violent disputes with the supporters of Cuza for several years over its possession.
Codreanu demanded absolute obedience from his colleagues. This ranged as far as regulations on behavior in public or spending free time. With regard to organizational issues, Codreanu unreservedly defended the principle of leader and allegiance , although he left no doubt in his written statements that he saw himself as the leader of his movement. The local base of the legionary movement consisted of "nests" (nest = Romanian cuib ). In addition to the nests consisting of men, there were later also women's, youth and children's nests, the latter also separated by gender. A nest consisted of 3 to 13 members and had to adhere to six rules: discipline, work, silence (secrecy), mutual help, honor and education. The latter was seen not as an academic acquisition of knowledge, but as instruction in Christian morality, spiritual growth and cultivation of national consciousness. The structure of the nests and the procedures for the nest meetings were precisely defined by Codreanu; the session should include songs, prayer and remembrance of the dead. Each nest had a commander, a correspondent, a treasurer and a courier. It usually met once a week, on a Saturday evening.
In addition to the nest meetings, Codreanu called out "battles" at irregular intervals, which were supposed to serve the common achievement of a certain goal (during the election campaign, to recruit newspaper subscribers, but also, for example, to raise money by collecting scrap metal). To motivate his followers, he compiled and published lists of the most and least successful nests. Each nest had a flag on which successfully completed "battles" were marked in the form of stars.
Within the Legion, Codreanu mainly communicated via the strictly hierarchical chain of command. In addition, he wrote from 1927 to 1938 a total of 148 newsletters ( Circulari ). From August 1927 the first magazine "Pământul Strămoșesc" ( Earth of the Ancestors ) was published, which appeared twice a month.
The views of Codreanus and his colleagues, the anti-Semitism that was widespread in Romanian society at the time, and the social circumstances gave the Legionnaires' movement an initially slow but steady influx. On January 3rd and 4th, 1929, the first meeting of nest leaders from all over the country took place in Iași. At the same time, Codreanu formed a "Legion Senate" as a governing body, to which a few selected by Codreanu, at least 50-year-olds, from his point of view reliable and irreproachable, belonged. An important sub-section of the Legionnaires' movement were the " Cross Brotherhoods " ( Frățiile de Cruce ), a kind of youth organization in which older students, especially high school students, were to be won over to the community.
Popularization of the legionnaires' movement and establishment of the "Iron Guard" (1929–1932)
At the end of 1929 Codreanu decided to take the "political path" and actively spread his views among the people. He justified this with the fact that this was the only possibility given by law that offered him “state intervention to solve the Jewish question”. The decision correlated in time with the increase in social tensions due to the global economic crisis that also reached Romania . Codreanu organized a series of marches in different areas of the country, first from December 15 in the vicinity of Bereşti in the Moldau , over the Christmas days around Luduş in Transylvania and from January 26, 1930 at Cahul in Bessarabia. Due to its high proportion of non-Romanians ( Ukrainians , Russians and Jews ), this province was considered a potential trouble spot and was permanently in a state of emergency , so that the police authorities did not want to tolerate any public events and forced the legionaries to withdraw. Codreanu experienced this as a “severe defeat”. He presented to the Ministry of the Interior and received permission for a rally in Cahul, which took place on February 10th with (according to Codreanus) around 20,000 participants.
Apart from these larger events, Codreanu rode at the head of his retinue from village to village during these marches, holding short meetings in each of the towns. He consciously used his charismatic aura for his own purposes and strengthened it through the use of various rites, e.g. B. by riding a white horse into the villages he visits. Sometimes during these and later marches, local clergy took part in ceremonies of the Legionnaires' movement in an official capacity. Occasionally Codreanu was even depicted on icons and viewed by believers as the emissary of the Archangel Michael.
In preparation for a large propaganda march through Bessarabia planned in July 1930, Codreanu founded the "Iron Guard" on April 13, 1930. It should be an organization to which, besides the legionaries, other anti-communist and anti-Semitic youth groups belong. Initially accepted by the authorities, Interior Minister Alexandru Vaida-Voevod banned the march a few days before it was scheduled to begin. Almost simultaneously, riots broke out in the city of Borşa in the Maramureş after Codreanu had sent some of his confidants there to “organize the farmers”. While the foreign press reported that a rabble-roused crowd set fire to the houses of Jews, Codreanu alleged that the latter set the city on fire themselves to blame the Romanians. Also during these days - on July 21, 1930 - a group of students undertook a (failed) assassination attempt on the State Secretary in the Ministry of the Interior, Constantin Angelescu. This group apparently did not belong to the Legionnaires' movement and did not act on their behalf. Legionaries, however, put up posters in Bucharest that suggested sympathy with the intentions of the assassins and threatened journalists with death. Codreanu also announced that he would defend the assassin as a lawyer. He was arrested again in the wake of these events on charges that the manifestos he had spread incited riots and crimes. However, on August 30, as at his earlier trials, he was acquitted. After another assassination attempt - this time on a newspaper publisher - by a suspected member of the Legionnaires' movement, Codreanu was arrested again in early January 1931. In this context, the Iron Guard was banned for the first time, but Codreanu was acquitted on February 27th.
On March 23, 1932, there were serious clashes in Iași between students and law enforcement officers who were close to the legionary movement. A synagogue and Jewish shops were devastated. In the course of the siege of a dormitory, both the police and students used firearms. A few days later the Iron Guard was banned again.
From 1931 the legionnaires' movement took part in elections. Codreanu, who rejected parliamentary democracy as such, explained this to his supporters as the only viable path to "victory". A typical means used by the legionaries in election campaigns were marches by their supporters from village to village or through cities. Speeches were given and nationalist songs were sung there. These marches were very long and arduous; In addition to the propaganda goal, they should also serve the purpose of improving the physical endurance of the participants. After the "Group Zelea Codreanu", which took the place of the banned "Iron Guard", failed in the parliamentary elections in June 1931 because of the two percent threshold valid at that time, Codreanu personally succeeded in entering the Romanian parliament in a by-election a few weeks later . The Iron Guard adapted to the customs of the election campaigns and responded to the harassment of the police and the use of thugs by other parties with brutal counter-violence. In July 1932 the Iron Guard succeeded for the first time in overcoming the two percent hurdle in a nationwide election and entering parliament with five members, although the limited financial means only allowed them to submit lists of candidates in 36 of 82 districts.
Escalating violence - murder of Prime Minister Duca (1933–1934)
In 1933 - after Hitler came to power in Germany - the Iron Guard experienced a noticeable upswing. The number of members increased by leaps and bounds. The area of action, which was previously largely limited to the Vltava, Bukovina and southern Bessarabia, now extended to the whole country. A visible sign of this was the joint establishment of a central headquarters in Bucharest by the legionaries themselves: the "House for Injured Legionnaires", soon renamed the "Green House", based on the model of the " Brown House " in Munich . The construction of the "Green House" dragged on until 1937. Also in 1933, the legionary movement received a piece of land in the southern center of Bucharest from an influential sponsor, the general and veteran of the First World War, Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul . Here the legionaries built the “Legionnaires Palace” as the party headquarters; it was also inaugurated in 1937. The move to Bucharest brought Codreanu in particular into contact with influential personalities who knew their way around the confused network of relationships of the capital's elite and thus opened up new political and financial opportunities. The most important person of these was Cantacuzino-Grănicerul, with whom Codreanu developed a close relationship and who had relationships with practically the entire Romanian leadership up to King Carol II .
From 1933 the outward distinguishing feature of the movement was a green shirt, which was probably modeled on the brown shirts of the SA . The authorities repeatedly forbade the wearing of uniforms; Codreanu then usually asked his followers to obey this ban in order not to give rise to further persecution.
The growing self-confidence of the Iron Guard challenged countermeasures by the Romanian authorities, which led to increasing street violence. The legionaries had their first deaths to complain about. On December 9, 1933, the newly appointed Prime Minister Ion Duca of the National Liberal Party declared the Iron Guard again disbanded, this time with a ban on participating in parliamentary elections at the end of the month. Codreanu directed his followers to accept the reprisals and stipulated which part of the country certain other candidates would be elected. Nevertheless, on the evening of December 29th, three legionaries murdered Prime Minister Duca at the Sinaia train station . They then allowed themselves to be arrested without resistance. The government declared a state of emergency; In the months that followed, around 18,000 members of the legionnaire's movement were arrested, at least temporarily. Codreanu initially went into hiding - ironically with a relative of Elena Lupescu , the king's mistress hated by the people and the legionaries - but surrendered to the authorities a few days before the trial of Duca's murderers began.
The assassins received life sentences; the leadership of the Iron Guard (around 50 people) including Codreanus was acquitted. There is some evidence that these acquittals were due to interventions by King Carol II. Only a few weeks later, legionaries paraded in front of the royal palace, where Carol raised her hand in a Roman greeting . Whether Codreanu had ordered the murder, or at least knew of the plans, remained unclear; however, it is considered likely due to the hierarchical structure of the Legionnaire's movement. In the years that followed, he always benevolently reminded his followers of the three assassins, later (1937) awarded them symbolic promotions and approved of their cultic veneration.
The Legionnaires' Movement and the Iron Guard were officially banned until 1940. Codreanu sued the ban; however, the process was repeatedly postponed. From prison, Codreanu announced in early June 1938 that he was withdrawing the lawsuit against the ban.
On the way to the mass movement (1934–1937)
From 1934, the statements of the legionnaires' leadership - especially Codreanus - changed to violence. Until then this was often openly propagated, from now on violence should initially only be limited to self-defense; after all, Codreanu repeatedly instructed to passively accept violence from the authorities and not to allow himself to be provoked. He repeatedly punished legionaries who had used or threatened violence without his order. Not all supporters followed this line unopposed; leading legionaries such as Alecu Cantacuzino or Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul publicly threatened the murder of political opponents.
During this time Codreanu tried to open up further social fields for his movement. From 1934 onwards he invested a great deal of energy in labor camps, some of which were tolerated by the authorities according to criteria that were not comprehensible from the outside, and some were forcibly prevented. So operated the legionnaire movement in 1936 z. B. 71 such large labor camps, apart from thousands of smaller projects. Churches, parish halls, schools, roads, bridges, protective dams or hostels run by the legionaries were built or renovated. Another important task was to help farmers in their fields. Rest homes were built on Mount Rarau in Bukowina and in Carmen Sylva on the Black Sea . With these camps, Codreanu also wanted to overcome the rifts between peasants, workers and intellectuals and teach the latter the value of physical labor. Strict discipline and thrift were required in the camps. Military training was also part of the labor camp's program. In the evenings, classes were held aimed at the moral and spiritual development of the participants. In the course of the labor camps, the legionaries made contact with the locals by taking part in the work or contributing to the catering of the participants; the legionaries also organized village festivals, choir and theater performances during the camps. The movement also became charitable by inviting children from mining families to their camp in Carmen Sylva during the holidays, where they were looked after by legionary women. In the “Green House” in Bucharest, the legionary women’s leader Nicoleta Nicolescu and her helpers looked after around 70 orphans or children from poor families.
The labor camps were a challenge for the authorities in several respects: First, the legionaries circumvented the ban on their organizations (which was strictly enforced at different times and locations); secondly, the legionaries gained great sympathy among the population through their charitable work; and thirdly, the state was implicitly held responsible for its failure to create and maintain infrastructure . On September 5, 1936, police officers raided a camp of legionnaires near Predeal , who were building a burial site for fallen Romanian soldiers from the First World War. The police destroyed the facility and forced the legionnaires to leave the camp.
In February 1935, Codreanu called the “Everything for the Fatherland” ( Totul pentru Țară ) party as the successor organization of the outlawed Iron Guard with a view to upcoming elections . He appointed General Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul as party leader. Although the continuity between the Iron Guard and the new foundation was clear to all observers, it was initially accepted by the authorities.
The “New Man” sought by Codreanu also played a central role in his economic considerations. In his opinion, the Jews had pushed the Romanians out of the most important economic positions. On September 29, 1935, he launched a “Battle for Legionnaires Trade”. He claimed - similar to the National Socialists in Germany - that only Jewish trade was profit-oriented. He contrasted this with a “legionary” or “Christian” trade, which should be based on fair prices, good quality and honesty. On this basis, restaurants, shops and cooperatives emerged over the next few years. In addition to popularizing legionary ideas and displacing Jewish entrepreneurs, these institutions were also intended to generate money for the movement. Apparently this did not succeed; In the spring of 1938 the entrepreneur and later Prime Minister Ion Gigurtu helped the companies out of their financial difficulties.
In the fall of 1935, the already ambivalent relationship between the legionnaires' movement and the Romanian Orthodox church leadership deteriorated. At the instigation of the government (in the person of the Minister of Culture Victor Iamandi ), the head of the church, Patriarch Miron Cristea , decreed that legionary labor camps were no longer allowed to be used in church buildings. Cantacuzino-Grănicerul and Codreanu then attacked Cristea sharply and accused him that his “inclination to office in this sinful world was greater than to monastic diligence”. They called him a “zealous servant of earthly powers”, who “ trampled the commandments of the Lord ” for the sake of “the commands of the present bearers of power” . They immediately asked Cristea to “repent”. The behavior of the church leadership towards the legionnaires' movement was also subject to fluctuations in the years to come (until 1938), because an overly harsh rejection would inevitably have led to increasing problems with the numerous followers of Codreanu among the lower clergy. In 1937, of the approximately 10,000 Orthodox priests in Romania, an estimated 2,000 were members of the legionary movement.
From December 1935 to April 1936 Codreanu partially withdrew from public life; in Carmen Sylva he wrote his book "For my legionaries". During this time Ion Moța became more prominent in the public eye . Moța belonged to the founding generation of the Legionnaires' movement and was married to Codreanu's sister.
From around the summer of 1936, after a phase of relatively low repression, the conflicts between the legionnaires' movement and the authorities increased again. On May 30, 1936 Codreanu sharply attacked Foreign Minister Nicolae Titulescu in a circular . The reason was efforts by the government to cautiously relax relations with the Soviet Union . From Codreanu's point of view, any cooperation with this communist state was unimaginable. Accordingly, he described Titulescu as “talented, less intelligent; he has next to nothing of wisdom. ”In November of the same year he turned to King Carol II with the demand that an alliance with the Soviet Union be definitely ruled out. In terms of foreign policy, Codreanu unequivocally sympathized with the fascist regimes in Italy and especially in Germany. When Hitler took office, he had already described in a declaration a “redemption for the European order and for Aryan culture”. He later justified this explicitly with the actions of the German National Socialists against the Jews. Before the 1937 elections he wrote to King Carol: "I am against the great democracies of the West (...) I am in favor of Romania's foreign policy on the side of Rome and Berlin, on the side of the states of national revolutions." Romania's membership in the Little Entente , in the Balkan Entente and in the League of Nations was rejected. Codreanu's allegiance to the fascist powers was at least not honored by Hitler; he and the leading German foreign politicians did not rely on the Iron Guard, but on the rival group around Alexandru C. Cuza and Octavian Goga .
After the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War , the Iron Guard decided to symbolically and demonstratively take sides in General Franco's uprising . In December 1936, the chairman of the “Totul pentru Țară” party, General Cantacuzino-Grănicerul, organized (albeit against Codreanu's will) the deployment of seven z. Some prominent legionaries on Franco's side . Among them was Ion Moța, whom Codreanu demonstratively appointed deputy party chairman on January 1, 1937.
Only a few days later - on January 13th - Moța and Vasile Marin , the legionnaire leader of the capital Bucharest, fell in a battle near Majadahonda near Madrid . The deaths of Moța and Marin made a deep impression on the nationalist sections of the public; Anti-communism was part of the basic consensus of Romanian society. Codreanu organized the transfer of the two bodies on a train via Germany and Poland to Romania. The train drove through the country on long detours; in all larger and many smaller places it was stopped and commemorative services were held by priests. The drive through Romania alone took seven days. On February 13, the train reached the Bucharest North Station . Tens of thousands of people lined the path of the two coffins, including representatives of the German Empire, Italy, Franco-Spain and Poland. Moța and Marin were buried on the grounds of the “Green House”.
The membership of the Legionnaires' Movement rose from 6,000 to 270,000 between the end of 1930 and December 1937. It was the right-wing extremist mass movement that had the largest number of members in Europe in terms of population and achieved the broadest cross-class mass mobilization. Codreanu was aware that the development would also attract followers and careerists, which contradicted his “moral rigorism ”. In 1936 the movement became so popular that Codreanu ordered "nineteen out of twenty" applications to be rejected. Internally, Codreanu began to differentiate between those who had already joined the Legion before 1933 (analogous to the " old fighters " of the NSDAP ) and those who only joined afterwards - in times of relatively low repression. From May 1935, an official distinction was made between “members” and “legionaries”; You became a “legionnaire” after three years of membership. In practice, this separation does not seem to have played a major role; This differentiation does not appear in the police reports of that time.
The reluctance to recruit new members should also protect against informers , whose use Codreanu rightly feared. In July 1937 he asked all informants of the various secret services to reveal themselves to him; otherwise he was threatened with punishment. Nothing is known about the success of this measure. In order to prevent legionaries - like often representatives of other parties - from viewing the constituencies they won as their "political property" and from which economic profits could be drawn, he ordered that the Iron Guard candidates should run in circles in the 1937 elections that were far from where they lived. District chiefs of the party were only allowed to be placed on particularly unfavorable list positions. In May 1935, Codreanu established a “Legionary Court” to punish misconduct, insufficient fulfillment of duties, etc., usually with work, suspension of membership or loss of a function. He expected his legionnaires to accept the punishment without contradiction, which was not a disgrace but a "restoration of justice". Occasionally, the penalties pronounced by Codreanu or his court were very arbitrary, even with close confidants. Sometimes he only applied the regulations to check the obedience of those concerned.
Almost all of the student body sympathized with the legionaries. According to the German embassy in Bucharest, around 90% of the students in 1937 belonged to the Iron Guard. In particular, the student residences were identified by the authorities as the focus of legionary activity. On February 26, 1937, the government therefore decided to close the student dormitories. Only three days later, on March 1, 1937, three strangers carried out a knife attack on the rector of the University of Iași , Traian Bratu, who was seriously injured. Codreanu then announced that the Legionnaires' movement was unrelated to this act. A day later, the government temporarily closed all universities in the country.
In order to strengthen his influence in the working class and to push back those of communist and other leftist ideas, Codreanu founded the "Legionary Workers Corps" ( Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar ) on October 25, 1936 , a kind of trade union. Codreanu's confidante Gheorghe Clime took the lead . The workers' corps grew rapidly; a development towards more actionism and a more social revolutionary orientation of the legionnaires' movement began. The workers, who were easy to mobilize in the cities, became the activist mass base of the Legion between autumn 1936 and spring 1938, even before the student body that had dominated in this regard. This also changed the picture of the Legionnaires' movement; it no longer stood primarily for peasant marginalized groups, but for the modernization of the country. After Cantacuzino-Grănicerul's death on October 9, 1937, Gheorghe Clime also took over the chairmanship of the “Totul pentru Țară” party.
In addition, the Iron Guard expanded their contacts with the wealthy. Although Codreanu stated in his publications that his movement should not make itself dependent on the outside world and that it was financed exclusively through donations and services from its members, some very wealthy industrialists and nobles were among the sponsors in the mid-1930s, including the steel entrepreneur Nicolae Malaxa . Jewish business people also donated to the Legionnaires' movement, presumably to protect their businesses.
The Stelescu affair
Codreanu had tailored the Legionnaire's movement to his person from the start; his leadership role has usually not been questioned. However, the Iron Guard's temporary weakness from the persecution after the Duca murder put him under pressure.
Mihai Stelescu became the spokesman for Codreanu's opponents . Stelescu moved into the House of Representatives together with Codreanu in 1932 and rhetorically much more talented than the latter. As head of the legionary youth organizations (cross brotherhoods) he had a stable power base. He draws Codreanu for his royal allegiance of treason and tried to have him murdered in 1934.
After Stelescu was expelled from the guard, he tried to form a fascist organization himself. This remained only a splinter group, but gained in importance when the left-wing writer Panait Istrati joined it. Stelescu repeatedly attacked Codreanu journalistically; he branded u. a. his acts of violence, his relations with the Bucharest elite and indicated sexual relations between Codreanus and the nuns of the Agapia monastery , in which he often stayed. In doing so he succeeded in severely shaking Codreanu's charisma. Repeatedly he openly threatened Codreanu's murder.
On July 17, 1936, ten Legionnaires devoted to Codreanu finally killed Stelescu while he was recovering from an operation in a Bucharest hospital. As with Duca's murder, Codreanu's personal involvement in the murder remained unresolved, even if he publicly assumed responsibility for the crime. This time he was not charged. Eight of the assassins were sentenced to life imprisonment and two to temporary imprisonment because of their young age. After the arrest and conviction of Stelescu's murderers, the legionaries repeatedly organized demonstrations for their release. In September 1936, the murder of renegade members became official legionary policy, which Codreanu announced in a circular with reference to Stelescu. However, this threat was never implemented again.
The Iron Guard and King Carol II.
The increase in influence brought the legionnaires' movement into increasing opposition to King Carol II, who had been trying for a long time to expand his personal power with the help of his court camarilla. He had no further political program. Codreanu found himself in a dilemma: on the one hand he was a staunch supporter of the monarchy, on the other hand he despised Carol II personally, especially because of his relationship with Elena Lupescu . She also had strong ambitions for power and was of Jewish descent. That is why it became the subject of numerous hostility from anti-Semitic circles in Romania. Codreanu avoided arguments with Carol for a long time. He criticized him indirectly by praising King Ferdinand, who died in 1927, several times in his book, but not mentioning Carol. In the Legionnaires' movement there were both forces pushing for a compromise with Carol and a strong movement against the king. Codreanu tried long to balance the two factions before he sided with Carol's opponents in the fall of 1937.
For his part, Carol sympathized with the Iron Guard for a long time for tactical reasons and tried to come to an agreement with Codreanu on his terms. At the beginning of February 1937 there was a secret meeting between the two, at which Carol Codreanu offered to appoint him prime minister. For this, Carol wanted to take over the leadership of the Legionnaires' movement herself. Codreanu refused because the leadership of his organization could not be the subject of political bargaining.
Since then, Carol has seen the Iron Guard as a threat to himself and his throne. A few weeks later, Codreanus's position towards the royal family deteriorated further: Prince Nicolae , the king's brother, who had always supported the legionnaires' movement, was expelled from the dynasty on the pretext of an immoral lifestyle .
The December 1937 elections - the Goga / Cuza government - the king's coup
For the upcoming parliamentary elections in December 1937, the legionnaires' movement - which ran under the name of its party "Totul pentru Țară" - was able to put forward candidates in all 72 districts of the country for the first time. However, their list was declared invalid in 18 circles on the pretext that legionnaires running on it fought for a “foreign power” in the Spanish Civil War and thus lost their Romanian citizenship.
A few weeks before the election, Codreanu formed an alliance with the peasant party of Iuliu Maniu and with a right-wing liberal faction under Gheorghe Brătianu . The aim was not to put together candidates, but to prevent violence in election campaigns and election fraud by the liberal government under Gheorghe Tătărescu .
Codreanu saw the “National Christian Party” (PNC) as the main opponent alongside this government. This was formed in 1935 from the LANC Cuzas and the "National Agrarian Party" founded in 1932 by the well-known poet Octavian Goga . It was financed by Germany. In its anti-Semitism it was comparable to the Iron Guard, but free from their mysticism. Despite the ideological proximity, there was a traditional enmity between the PNC and the Legionnaires' movement; both competed for a similar electoral potential; Added to this were the longstanding animosities between Cuza and Codreanu.
According to the official election result, "Totul pentru Țară" received around 478,000, 15.6% of the vote, and reached third place. Before that, the Peasant Party came in with 20.4% and the National Liberal Party with 35.9%. The latter missed 40% of the vote, a novelty in Romanian politics for an incumbent government, which also meant that neither party received the bonus of 50% of the seats. Presumably, however, the election result was falsified: Codreanu, who had previously expected 25 to 27% based on the information provided by his shop stewards, got 1.28 million votes in his own count, which would have meant more than 40%. This number may be too high; Codreanu received information about an actual share of the vote of 22% from circles close to the government.
With the election result there was no governable majority; Carol had to fire his Prime Minister Tătărescu. On December 28, Carol awarded the government contract to the fourth-placed party, the PNC (9.1%); Goga was appointed prime minister. Members of the new cabinet were Cuza and his son; In addition, the future dictator Ion Antonescu entered the political arena as Minister of Defense. The new government quickly began implementing its anti-Semitic program, which was welcomed by the Iron Guard: Many Jews were stripped of their citizenship, Jewish shops were closed and Jews were banned from working. Otherwise, attempts began behind the scenes to create a government that could also act in the future through party alliances, sometimes in difficult-to-understand and rapidly changing constellations. On January 18, Carol II called new elections, which should take place on March 2. Codreanu had well-founded hopes of a takeover of power. On January 28th he published a circular to the legionnaires, in which he announced the formation of working groups. These should professionally prepare the management of ministries.
A violent election campaign began again, the protagonists of which were the Goga / Cuza government on the one hand and the Iron Guard on the other. Codreanu wanted to avoid any attempt at banning the party, repeatedly admonished his supporters not to allow themselves to be provoked and even suspended the election campaign on February 9. In parallel to the evocations of legality and nonviolence, he ordered lists to be drawn up of those police officers and politicians who had been hostile to his movement. The district leaders of the guard were commissioned by him to visit these people and to announce them “a punishment according to the severity of their deeds”, which should be carried out “if the Legion is victorious”.
Abroad in particular, the Iron Guard was already perceived as the true ruler in Romania during this phase, driving the other political forces of the country, above all the Goga / Cuza government, before them. Despite the violent street hostilities between PNC and legionnaires, Goga and Codreanu approached in early February with the aim of proposing a united right-wing extremist government to the king. In this situation, the king - who absolutely wanted to avoid this - decided to launch a coup d'état on February 10th : He dismissed the Goga / Cuza government, canceled the elections, repealed the previous constitution and passed a new one on February 24th in a referendum confirm with an open oral vote. He appointed the Patriarch Miron Cristea as Prime Minister . Presumably, the impending smashing of the Iron Guard should be the responsibility of the Romanian Orthodox Church. However, the real ruler - alongside the king - was Interior Minister Armand Călinescu , a proven opponent of the Iron Guard.
On February 21, Codreanu dissolved his party “Everything for the Fatherland” on the general grounds that it would make no sense to continue to exist in the current situation. All of its members and officials are released from their duties. Codreanu urged the party members to devote themselves to their professions or their studies. He announced that he would be traveling to Italy himself in a few weeks to have his book “For My Legionaries” published in Italian and French and to work on a second volume. He had previously become aware of a murder plot initiated by Foreign Minister Istrate Micescu .
In this situation, many legionaries waited and hoped for Codreanu's order to seize power by force. The latter did not consider his movement to be capable of doing this and insisted that “inner education” and the creation of the “new man” had priority. He did not take any active measures; he merely protested against the coup on February 22nd in a sharply worded letter to the new government. He did not go on his announced trip abroad; On the one hand, he was denied his passport, on the other hand he had probably made a different decision himself.
Pursuit of the Iron Guard - The arrest and murder of Codreanu
On March 26th, Codreanu wrote a letter to his former role model Nicolae Iorga , who was serving as Minister without Portfolio at the time. Iorga had just closed several restaurants run by the Legionnaires' movement. Codreanu then referred to Iorga as a “dishonest soul” in his letter. Iorga filed charges against Codreanu - apparently in consultation with Interior Minister Călinescu. On April 5, he ordered his leadership circle to go underground, but obliged him to refrain from revenge. Codreanu was arrested on April 17, 1938 and two days later sentenced by the Bucharest Military Court to six months' imprisonment and a fine for "insulting an official". He initially served his sentence in Jilava Prison .
The newspapers related to the Iron Guard - "Cuvântul" and "Buna Vestire" - were banned. On April 22nd, the government dissolved the legionnaires' movement by decree and confiscated its assets. Around 30,000 legionnaires were searched in mid-April, thousands were temporarily arrested, hundreds of leaders and ordinary members of the legionnaires' movement were arrested and sentenced by military courts to prison terms of several months in most cases. Among them were Gheorghe Clime and Ion Banea, whom Codreanu had chosen to lead the Legionnaires' movement for the duration of his imprisonment. The convicts were taken to Jilava prison , to the concentration camps in Miercurea Ciuc , Vaslui and Râmnicu Sărat, and to Tismana Monastery , where they built their own legionary life with songs and prayers, lectures and courses (given by university lecturers who were also arrested) but were also repeatedly tortured. The public was presented with documents and weapons that had been found on arrested legionnaires and that were intended to demonstrate the subversive intentions of the movement. However, the nature and number of these weapons was in no way sufficient to seriously carry out an armed insurrection.
On May 7, the Bucharest military court again brought charges against Codreanu, this time for high treason . In the indictment he was accused of trying to “imitate the communist system”, apparently in order to discredit him in the anti-communist Romanian society. Accompanied by a violent campaign by the conformist press, found the show trial whose outcome probably it was clear from the outset, from the 24th to the 27th of May. Several of his former lawyers refused to accept the defense mandate for fear of repression. The evidence of the prosecution was very poor and in some cases probably also forged.
Although high-ranking witnesses (including Iuliu Maniu and Ion Antonescu) testified in his favor, Codreanu was sentenced to 10 years of forced labor for high treason, 5 years for attempting to overthrow the state, and 8 years in prison for preparing a riot. The Romanian military law stipulated that Codreanu only had to serve the heaviest sentence, i.e. 10 years for high treason. After his appeal was rejected, he was transferred from Jilava to Doftana Prison on June 19 and to Râmnicu Sărat on September 15. Most of the time he was in solitary confinement . Codreanu maintained contact with the outside world through occasional visits from his wife and mother and through prison staff. Several Romanian politicians (above all Iuliu Maniu and the former interior minister Ion Inculeț ) demanded his dismissal and reintegration into political life in personal contacts with circles close to the government.
The Iron Guard could only operate underground. Numerous legionaries went into hiding in the mountains; a few hundred managed to escape to Poland and Germany. The prohibition, which was enforced with massive violence, the high pressure of persecution and the failure of almost all key leaders interrupted the communication structures in the originally strictly hierarchical movement, which led to disorganization, personal rivalries, but also to acts of desperation. Codreanu instructed - apparently as a result of an agreement with Interior Minister Călinescu - from prison that no violent actions should take place. In the given situation, not all legionaries obeyed this commandment; Codreanu slipped out of control.
From the social mass movement a clandestine terror organization developed in a short time . At the end of April 1938 a five-man leadership formed underground under the leadership of Ion Belgea ; the panel also included Radu Mironovici , Horia Sima to Ion Iordache Antoniu and Nicioară. Except for Sima, all of these leaders were arrested individually over the next few weeks. Codreanu then transferred the leadership to Vasile Cristescu, which he exercised together with Alecu Cantacuzino. Both managed to escape from prison on June 20, 1938. However, Sima acted largely independently from now on. He had joined the Legion in 1932 and was a leader in Caraş County in the Banat, but otherwise made no significant contribution.
From mid-October 1938 onwards, a group of around 100 dispersed legionaries, led by Simas, carried out attacks against Jewish institutions, railways and factories. In doing so, Sima disregarded Codreanu's orders, which he must have known. Finally, on November 28, 1938, five students close to the Legionnaires' movement committed an assassination attempt on the rector of Cluj University , Florian Ștefănescu-Goangă , who was also the brother-in-law of the hated Interior Minister Armand Călinescu. Ștefănescu-Goangă survived seriously injured and one policeman was killed.
Under the pretext of moving to Jilava again, Codreanu and 13 other legionaries - the murderers Ducas and Stelescus - were brought in two trucks on the evening of November 29 and strangled in a forest near Tâncăbeşti on the early morning of the following day on the way to Jilava . When they arrived in Jilava, the strangled gunshot wounds were inflicted, sulfuric acid was poured over them and the remains of the corpses were buried under a thick concrete cover.
The military prosecutor announced on the same day that Codreanu and his comrades had been killed in an "attempt to escape". As early as December 2, the government indicated in an official statement that Codreanu's death was related to the assassination attempt on Ștefănescu-Goangă. In doing so, she indirectly admitted that Codreanu's murder had other reasons than the alleged attempt to escape. Subsequent investigations showed that the decision to murder Carol II and Interior Minister Călinescu was made.
The Sima era (1938–1945)
Further persecutions - the murder of Prime Minister Călinescu (1938–1939)
The news of the death of Codreanu and the other 13 imprisoned legionnaires aroused great unrest and excitement among supporters of the movement. However, the conditions of the dictatorship and the fact that almost all of the key leaders were imprisoned did not allow for coordinated action. In addition, thousands of guardsmen were arrested again during these days. In some cities legionaries or their sympathizers carried out attacks on infrastructure facilities and synagogues; in Chernivtsi an assassination attempt on the president of the local military court was carried out by two students. Death threats were sent to numerous representatives of the regime. On January 7, 1939, a secret laboratory exploded in Bucharest, in which incendiary devices and explosives were produced on the orders of some of the Legionnaires' leaders who had gone into hiding, including Horia Sima. The chemist Nicolae Dumitrescu, who ran this laboratory, was caught by the police on January 24; a day later he was executed without judgment. Apparently a major attack with flamethrowers on government buildings was planned with the devices . On January 26, police shot Vasile Cristescu, who at the time led the Legionnaires' movement with Horia Sima, shot dead in a house in Bucharest. Sima herself managed to escape across the border to Hungary on February 4 and reached Germany a few days later. A coup d'état planned by Sima in the spring of 1939 was uncovered early by the police and led to a new wave of arrests. The following months passed with further violent clashes between the police and groups of Legionnaires in hiding. These claimed further deaths on the part of the latter, including Nicoleta Nicolescu, the leader of the legionary women, on June 10, 1939.
The legionaries who had fled there gathered in Germany and tried to influence Romanian politics from their exile. On the initiative of the priest Ion Dumitrescu-Borșa , a six-member management committee was formed, including Sima. The lawyer Dumitru (Miti) Dumitrescu was commissioned at the end of June 1939 to travel illegally to Romania and to avenge Codreanu's death. Sima followed him in mid-August.
After the death of Patriarch Miron Cristea, a new government was formed on March 7, 1939 with Armand Călinescu as Prime Minister. Half a year later - on September 21, 1939 - nine members of the legionnaires' movement carried out a fatal assassination attempt on him in Bucharest. They then broke into the broadcasting center of the Romanian radio, read a proclamation and then allowed themselves to be arrested without resistance. The newly appointed Prime Minister Gheorghe Argeșanu and Minister of the Interior Gabriel Marinescu fought back with great severity: All of the assassins were tortured for several hours, executed the following night at the scene of the crime and displayed there for days. At the same time, security forces all over the country killed 252 legionaries, some in the camps, but some arbitrarily according to a fixed key (two to three per district). Among them were all well-known leaders of the Iron Guard who were in government custody (with the exception of Radu Mironovici). B. Codreanus designated successor Gheorghe Clime and the propagandist of the movement, Mihail Polihroniade , but also Ion Codreanu, the 30-year-old brother of the "Căpitanul". This meant that a large part of the leadership of the Legionnaires' movement was no longer alive. Horia Sima was able to flee to Yugoslavia on October 26 and back to Germany on December 9.
Attempt to integrate the legionnaires under Carol II - participation in the government (1939–1940)
Just a few days after the escalation of violence in the course of Călinescu's murder, differences between the remaining legionnaires became noticeable. A group of prisoners under Vasile Noveanu sought a compromise with King Carol II and the government. In addition, Carol II recognized in the spring of 1940 at the latest that the balance of power in the European theaters of war had developed to the detriment of the previous traditional protective powers Great Britain and France. Romania was officially neutral during the first months of World War II. France's surrender and Great Britain's withdrawal from the continent, however, rendered these countries' assurances to Romania worthless. Romania saw its way out in a reference to the Axis powers . Therefore Carol sought a balance with at least part of the Legionnaires' movement. In March 1940 he made the captured legionnaires an offer to be released if they would work for a reconciliation in the national interest. On March 15, 1940, a delegation of the Iron Guard, which was received by Prime Minister Gheorghe Tătărescu , vowed its loyalty to Carol II. About 300 "leaders" issued a call to their supporters, in which they would cooperate with the government and the king prompted. After this address of devotion , the government released numerous legionnaires from the concentration camps. The legal framework for this was an amnesty for political prisoners issued on April 26th .
In Berlin, after the assassination attempt on Călinescu and the ensuing consequences, Dumitrescu-Borșa resigned from the leadership of the legionary leadership body; a new one was formed around Sima and Constantin Papanace. Along with many other legionnaires, Horia Sima initially viewed the rapprochement with the king as a betrayal. The Romanian Interior Minister Mihail Ghelmegeanu sent two delegations of high-ranking legionaries to Berlin (in March and May 1940) to get the legionnaires' leadership there to agree to a settlement with the king, but in vain. On May 5, 1940 Sima left Berlin again to enter Romania in secret. Two weeks later, the police arrested him while crossing the Yugoslav-Romanian border near Comorâşte ( Caraş district ). The increasing dependence of Romania on the German Reich prompted the Romanian government to release Sima on June 13th. Now he also changed his mind about working with the king. On June 23, he called on the members of the Legionnaires' Movement to join the unity party “Party of the Nation” created by Carol II in order to “serve the fatherland and the king with all their might”. The reason for this change of direction was apparently that Sima wanted to avoid standing there as a divider of the nation in the face of the massive threat posed by the Soviet Union. On June 28, he was appointed State Secretary in the Ministry of Education in the government of Gheorghe Tătărescu.
After the ultimatum of June 28, 1940, Romania had to cede Bessarabia and the north of Bukovina to the Soviet Union. On July 4th, Carol II appointed the pro-German Ion Gigurtu Prime Minister. Three ministers from the Legionnaires' movement joined his government, including Sima as Minister for Culture and Religious Affairs and his opponent Noveanu as "Minister for the Inventory of Public Property". It is true that Sima resigned from his office after three days because Carol II did not accept his demand for a purely legionary cabinet to be set up; nevertheless the legionnaires' movement remained a member of the government until its resignation on September 4th. The Gigurtu government put some of the legionary demands into practice. On July 10th, Romania left the League of Nations . In addition, new anti-Semitic laws were swiftly enacted.
After the loss of territory in the east and north to the Soviet Union was accepted relatively calmly by Romanian society, the next important event led to serious shocks: On August 30, Romania had to agree to the Second Vienna Arbitration Award, and the north of Transylvania as well as areas near the border in the west To cede Hungary. Excited demonstrators demanded to be armed. In public opinion, the king in particular was accused of years of misguided foreign policy and was thus seen as responsible for the recent loss of territory. On the evening of September 3rd the legionnaires' rising began; these occupied public institutions in several cities. There were violent clashes with police units loyal to the king, which claimed eight lives on the part of the legionaries. Large parts of the public joined demonstrations in calling for the abdication of the increasingly unpopular king. The military once again managed to crush the uprising. Sima went into hiding in Brașov for three days on September 3 . Carol II made one last attempt to maintain his personal power and on September 4th appointed the popular General Ion Antonescu Prime Minister with far-reaching powers. The constitution imposed by the king in February 1938 was repealed. The Iron Guard was not yet involved in the new government, also because Sima could not be found at first. However, Antonescu made contact with other guardsmen, released all legionnaires still in custody from the prisons and camps and forced Carol II to abdicate on September 6th. Carol and his lover Elena Lupescu left the country on a special train the following day, taking large personal belongings with them, and went into exile. Shortly before reaching the Yugoslav border, their train was shot at by legionnaires near Timișoara ; The train could not be stopped and the two escaped. The 18-year-old son of Carol, Mihai I , was proclaimed the king's successor . This confirmed Antonescu's powers. From then on, power in the country was in the hands of the Romanian army under Antonescu and the legionnaires' movement under Horia Sima.
Participation in power under Ion Antonescu - the National Legionary State (September 1940 - January 1941)
After the king's abdication, the Legion entered into a fragile alliance with the newly appointed head of state ("Conducător") Ion Antonescu. Antonescu hoped that the legionnaires' participation in power would make the new regime popular. On September 14, 1940, he proclaimed a "National Legionary State" and formed a government in which four departments - including the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs - went to the legionaries. Sima himself became Deputy Prime Minister. Legionnaires now provided all prefects in Romania's districts. The German economic envoy Hermann Neubacher was involved in the negotiations for the formation of a government . Antonescu declared the legionnaires' movement to be the only recognized political force.
The next few weeks and months were marked by a multitude of symbolic acts: An extensive cult began around the murdered Corneliu Zeliu Codreanu. On October 6, around 150,000 legionaries paraded through Bucharest. Tens of thousands of spectators swore to create “in the spirit of Căpitan (Codreanu) a land that will be like the sacred sun in the sky”. Over the next few weeks and months, numerous legionaries were busy finding the bodies of the many legionary casualties from recent years, exhuming them and solemnly burying them in parades and marches. These recurring events were taken so seriously that the police even arrested children who made fun of them. In analogy to Munich , Iași was proclaimed the “City of the Legionnaires' Movement”. Trials against legionnaires from previous years have been reopened and the judgments revised.
From the beginning there were different ideas about the organization of the state between Antonescu and Sima, even if outwardly the image of an inseparable unity between army and legion was conveyed. The division of power led to the emergence of numerous double (state and legionary) structures that created space for violence. In September, for example, a “Legionary Police” was set up alongside the state police, whose tasks were never clearly defined. Another organization founded by Sima was the "Legionary Aid", a kind of people's welfare that supported the approximately 250,000 Romanians who had fled from the separated areas to the rest of the state. In practice, however, this “Legionary Aid” also initiated numerous looting and expropriations, primarily of Jewish property. Some legionaries enriched themselves by selling stolen goods. Confiscated buildings and vehicles were often sent directly to the Iron Guard.
Having come to power, the Iron Guard pursued a campaign of political assassinations with impunity. In this context, on the night of 26./27. November a group of legionnaires in Jilava prison after the remains of Codreanu and the 13 murdered at the same time. Either out of revenge or as a result of a previously planned action, these legionnaires penetrated the cells of more than 60 officials of the royal regime who had been involved in the persecution and murder of legionnaires and against the investigations and trials. They shot all of these prisoners, including the former Prime Minister Argeşanu. Former Prime Minister Nicolae Iorga and economist Virgil Madgearu , minister in a previous government, were also taken from their homes by legionaries and murdered on November 27th.
In addition to the cult of martyrs and vengeance on the old elites, another central feature of legionary rule was the persecution of Jews. This was not subject to a uniform strategy, but rather took place spontaneously through local legionary units. In addition to the already mentioned expropriations and looting, there were a. on protection rackets, calls for boycotts and the humiliating display of Jews on stakes . Jewish shopkeepers were forced - sometimes under torture - to sell their business to the head of the local legionnaires' police for a fraction of its actual value. Despite the anti-Semitic legislation, there was no legal basis for these measures; they were carried out through the self-authorization of local legionary units. In addition, the sudden, largely uncontrolled power of the Iron Guard and the prospect of rapid enrichment attracted numerous criminal elements without any ideological ties to the legionnaires' movement.
Antonescu was repulsed by this uncontrolled violence, but did not yet dare to take action against the Legionnaires' movement. On November 30th - the second anniversary of Codreanu's death - he took part in Legionnaires' uniform with Sima and several guests from Germany at the funeral of Codreanu, which was staged as a state funeral; his body and that of the 13 murdered with him were transferred to the "Green House". On December 1st, Antonescu officially dissolved the “Legionary Police”, but this had no effect in practice as the units concerned could not be disarmed. Sima himself - who officially condemned the murders and a few other acts of violence - gave his non-legionary cabinet colleagues the impression that his movement was out of control. Nevertheless, as the new legionnaire leader, he allowed himself to be included in the personality cult around Codreanu.
Even under the royal dictatorship, tensions arose between various groups of legionnaires, on the one hand with the question of Codreanu's successor as leader of the movement, and on the other with political orientation. Most of the prominent members of Codreanu's time were dead. After some confusion, Sima succeeded in asserting herself as a leader. Noveanu and the remaining Legion ministers in the Gigurtu government had been excluded from the movement. On September 6, 1940 - the day of Carol II's abdication - Sima had herself appointed leader by a "Legionary Forum" that he had convened. The clashes did not stop there. In a secret report by the Hungarian ambassador in Bucharest at the end of 1940 it was said that the Legion had more or less broken up into three currents: 1. a pragmatic, not very religious one under Sima; 2. a group around the Codreanus family, especially his father and brothers; 3. the “Moța-Marin” group, which is working towards a more mystical-religious orientation. This fragmentation also had to do with the fact that Sima had far less authority and charisma than Corneliu Codreanu once did. His father occupied the "Green House" (the headquarters of the legionaries) in Bucharest with a group of about 20 like-minded people on November 12, 1940, described himself as the "father of the captain and his earthly representatives" and tried to gain leadership over the legion to get. The project failed; two of the intruders were shot dead. Sima had to stop his followers from killing those who were arrested.
- The national legionary Romania 1940 to 1941
Party leader Sima with legionnaires in Bucharest (1940)
Parade of legionaries in Bucharest (1940)
Postage stamp with Codreanu portrait (1940)
Postcard of the national legionary Romania (1941)
Romanian legionnaires parade (1940)
Antonescu and Sima with supporters and diplomats at the memorial event
Antonescu and Sima at a memorial service (1940)
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In terms of foreign policy, Romania tied itself ever closer to Germany and Italy and on November 22nd joined the three-power pact . As early as October 10, 1940, the first staffs of the German Army and Air Force mission requested by Antonescu and Sima arrived under the direction of General Erik Hansen . First of all, according to the Second Vienna Arbitration Award, these were to guarantee the remaining territory of Romania; From November, however, the preparations for Operation Barbarossa on the southern flank began at the same time .
The main reason for the growing resentment between Antonescu and the legionnaires' movement was, in addition to the uncontrolled violence, increasing economic difficulties. These were mainly caused by a "Romanization" carried out by the legionnaires. This meant that Jewish companies, shops and banks were subordinated to a commission and led by it (often incompetently). Some legionaries also used this opportunity to enrich themselves for private purposes. These measures led to the flight of many Jews and especially Jewish capital from Romania, which in turn triggered a severe economic crisis with a massive rise in food prices. In Bucharest and the surrounding area, this situation was exacerbated by a severe earthquake on November 10, 1940, which killed at least 75 people in the capital. In the eyes of most Romanians, the persistent insecurity and the deterioration of living conditions had completely discredited the legionnaires within a few months. The German embassy also saw the unrest caused by the legionnaires in the economic field with unease, since from the German perspective Romania was primarily intended to play the role of a reliable oil and grain supplier.
Sima repeatedly tried to obtain Antonescu's weapons for the Iron Guard or the Legionary Police without knowledge. He was now apparently working towards a complete takeover of power by the Iron Guard and thus towards the elimination of Antonescu. Towards the end of 1940 rumors surfaced that radical forces in the Guard wanted to celebrate the turn of the year with a kind of " Bartholomew's Night " in order to get rid of the entire old political elite. Sima lost a lot of support from Hitler when he refused to visit him with Antonescu in mid-January 1941. Antonescu, on the other hand, succeeded in gaining Hitler's trust at this meeting. Hitler saw Antonescu as the man who could best ensure peace and order in Romania, which was important to him for access to the Romanian oil reserves and for the planned campaign against the Soviet Union. In addition, voices were raised within the Legion (also through Sima herself) that spoke of a fundamental restructuring of the economy and rejected capitalism. It was therefore easy for Antonescu to stir up his fear of communist infiltration of the Iron Guard at the aforementioned meeting with Hitler on January 14, 1941. In this conversation, Hitler indicated that he would give Antonescu a free hand in the power struggle with Sima. Hitler - who primarily wanted peace and quiet in Romania with regard to his war aims and his economic interests - from now on relied entirely on Antonescu and stayed on this line until his overthrow in 1944.
The coup against Antonescu - pogrom in Bucharest (January 20-23, 1941)
The reason for the actions of Antonescu against the legionnaires was the unexplained in their backgrounds murder of a major in the German military mission in Romania on January 19, 1941. The next day Antonescu dismissed the related legionnaires movement Interior Minister Constantin Petrovicescu , the chief of the Security Police, Alexandru Ghica, and all legionary prefects. Petrovicescu and Ghica barricaded themselves with legionaries in their offices; there was street fighting with army units. Groups of legionaries manned newspaper offices and telephone exchanges. Legionaries called on the German troops in the country to help them via occupied radio stations. Antonescu ordered a 24-hour armistice on January 21, but it did not materialize. On the night of January 22nd, Sima sent Antonescu a proposal for a cabinet list with himself as Prime Minister; Antonescu was to remain state leader and army chief. The latter refused. On January 22nd, the fighting intensified. At the same time, pogroms , looting and pillage began in Bucharest's Jewish quarters , which, according to official reports, killed 150 Jews; 28 of them were found shot dead in a forest near Jilava. The German envoy Wilhelm Fabricius tried to mediate between Antonescu and Sima. After Antonescu had reassured himself with Hitler by telephone, he cracked down on the evening of January 22nd. Tanks cleared the street barricades. According to official information, 86 civilians and 21 members of the military died in these battles in addition to the Jewish pogrom victims. During the events, some German military units patrolled the streets of Bucharest but did not intervene in the fighting. In their statements, however, German officials should take Antonescu's side and call on the legionnaires to submit to him. Hitler too was unequivocally on Antonescu's side. In the German embassy in Bucharest, Hermann Neubacher was the main actor, who on his own initiative dictated an order to stop the fire, which Sima signed on January 23 at around 5 a.m., thus calling for the fighting to stop. Sima went into hiding. On various occasions, German officers mediated the cessation of fighting and collected the rebels' weapons. On February 15, 1941, the “National Legionary State” was also officially abolished.
About 300 legionaries left the country mostly via Bulgaria for Germany. Some of them were "extradited" to Germany with the consent of Antonescu. However, those who, in the view of the state leader, were primarily responsible for the coup attempt should be arrested and had to try to get out of the country on their own. The refugees took the help of sympathetic SD and SS agencies in Romania. The SD representative in Bucharest, Otto von Bolschwing , hid nine leading legionnaires in his house. Many of the guardsmen managed to escape in SS uniforms. Sima crossed the border to Bulgaria on March 23, 1942 with the help of the SD and was brought from there to Germany on April 8 by plane.
Those legionnaires who did not take part in the uprising and who expressed their loyalty to Antonescu - u. a. Codreanu's father, Ion - received impunity. Sima tried in the further course of a reconciliation with Antonescu to gain influence in Romania again, which was strictly rejected by Antonescu.
Around 9,000 legionaries were arrested. On June 15, a Bucharest court sentenced Sima and nine other legionnaire leaders to absenteeism to life in forced labor. Eight defendants received temporary prison sentences and seven were acquitted. Eight legionaries were sentenced to death by a military tribunal and executed on July 28, 1941, including Ștefan Zăvoianu, a former close friend of Codreanu.
It is controversial among historians whether the legionaries under Sima planned a long-term coup or merely tried to react to the disempowerment by the well-prepared Antonescu. Some legionaries later even claimed that secret police in legionnaires' uniforms shot soldiers to provoke military clashes.
Internment in the German Reich (1941–1944)
After arriving in Germany in the spring of 1941, the legion leaders were initially able to move around Berlin freely. When Antonescu found out about this, he demanded the strict implementation of previously made agreements, according to which the legionaries in Germany were to be kept under strict control. On the German side, the State Secretary in the Foreign Office, Ernst von Weizsäcker , urged the fulfillment of these agreements. The escaped guardsmen had to undertake in writing to refrain from any political activity; otherwise they would be extradited to Romania. The 14 supreme legionnaire leaders were accommodated in the SS rest home Berkenbrück in Brandenburg from April 1941 ; they were officially forbidden to leave the village without permission. The head of the Gestapo in Frankfurt an der Oder, Reinhard Wolff , was responsible for monitoring the group in Berkenbrück , who took the internees on excursions into the surrounding area and to exhibitions in Berlin . Soon the exit and surveillance rules were tightened and the letters censored. The German authorities kept the presence of two legionnaires wanted in Romania with arrest warrants secret from Antonescu ( Valerian Trifa and Dumitru Groza).
60 lower-ranking legionaries were housed in a restaurant in Kritzmow , from where they were employed in armaments production in Rostock . In May 1941 the group moved to Rostock-Marienehe . It got bigger and bigger as more legionaries managed to escape from Romania and the Gestapo concentrated all guardsmen who were stranded in other German cities in Rostock. In December 1942 there were finally 300 legionaries in Rostock; For them (unheated) barracks were built in 1942 at the Heinkel aircraft factory. Your superiors at work were very satisfied with their discipline and motivation.
The leadership group interned in Berkenbrück tried to maintain contact with the legionnaires in Romania by secret night train journeys to Berlin and contacts with Romanian students there. Antonescu therefore repeatedly intervened with German authorities. Hitler and, on his behalf, SS leader Himmler then each ordered various measures to satisfy the Romanian leader.
Dissatisfied with his forced political inaction, Sima fled on 15./16. December 1942 secretly with a train to Rome to persuade Benito Mussolini to put in a good word with Hitler for him and his comrades in arms. Antonescu was very angry at the news of Sima's escape; he feared another Iron Guard uprising. Hitler was also very angry about this event, which could have disrupted his relations with Antonescu, and, according to Goebbels , considered having Sima executed immediately after her return to Germany, but finally decided against it. The Reich Foreign Ministry asked for official assistance, and Mussolini decided that Sima should be transported back to Germany "as quickly as possible". On December 28th, he was brought to Berlin by plane under guard, interrogated for two weeks at the Gestapo headquarters and then assigned with his adjutant to a villa on the grounds of the Buchenwald concentration camp . After Sima's escape became known, the twelve people who remained in Berkenbrück and 130 of the legionnaires from Rostock were transferred to the Buchenwald concentration camp on December 23. Contact between the two groups was prohibited.
At the end of January 1943, Hitler finally ordered that all “guardsmen be placed under close guard”. The “Berkenbrücker Gruppe” of the legion leaders was moved from Buchenwald to the Dachau concentration camp . 150 legionaries remained in Rostock. Three female legionaries were sent to the Ravensbrück concentration camp . Horia Sima himself and his adjutant were taken to the single-cell building of the Sachsenhausen concentration camp . For the 130 people of the group, who originally lived in Rostock, now in Buchenwald, the SS set up a “Buchenwald-Fichtenhain special camp”, which they moved into in April 1943. Of the 150 legionnaires initially remaining in Rostock, 90 more were relocated to Fichtenhain in January 1944, where living conditions became very cramped. The "strict guard" demanded by Hitler has now been put into practice. All legionnaires brought to the concentration camp enjoyed a number of privileges as "honorary prisoners" compared to the other prisoners: they were allowed to wear their own clothes and were given the same food as the SS guards. However, they were not allowed to have external contacts.
Another consequence of the flight was that there was a division among the interned legionaries: some of them blamed Sima for the worsening of their situation. In the course of his escape, Sima formally gave the leadership of the legionnaires' movement to Vasile Iașinschi; However, he was still regarded as a legion leader, especially by the lower-ranking legionaries and those who remained in Romania.
Legionnaires in Romania under the dictatorship of Antonescu (1941–1944)
After the decision in the power struggle in January 1941, the leadership of the Iron Guard decided to stop all activities in Romania. However, the police feared attacks by isolated cells on Antonescu. On German recommendation he initially declared himself leader of the legion, but this was of no practical importance because the legionaries did not recognize him. Then, with Antonescu's permission, a man named Gheorghe Policala referred to himself as Chief of the Iron Guard two weeks after the rebellion and wrote circulars verbally abusing Sima. He was ignored by the other legionaries. More significant was a statement by the group around Codreanu's father, who swore allegiance to Antonescu. The leader of the Legion, recognized by most of the legionaries, remained Sima, condemned to ineffectiveness; In Romania, the former prefect Iosif Costea and the priest Vasile Boldeanu became his underground representatives. Both later, together with other legionaries, moved to the Serbian part of the Banat occupied by the German Wehrmacht , where they found shelter in ethnic Romanian villages. Overall, however, the movement was in a desperate state. Many convicts were offered the opportunity to "rehabilitate" themselves by agreeing to fight on the Eastern Front . A large proportion accepted, others refused, and practiced religious exercises in captivity. According to contemporary witnesses, legionaries took part in large numbers in the Iasi pogrom and in the murder of Jews in Transnistria .
Many of the legionaries who remained at liberty tried to come to terms with the Antonescu regime. Some were given relatively high-level posts, e.g. B. the historian Petre Panaitescu or the priest and Spain veteran Ion Dumitrescu-Borșa.
The situation worsened for the remaining legionaries in Romania when it became known that Simas had fled to Italy. Several hundred guardsmen were arrested and detained in a special camp in Târgu Jiu .
Government in exile under Sima (August 1944 - May 1945)
The legionaries had apparently been viewed by Hitler and the Reich government as a “trump card” since their arrival in Germany, should unforeseen domestic political developments occur in Romania. These occurred on August 23, 1944: Head of State Antonescu was overthrown by the royal coup . As a result, Romania declared war on the German Reich, which had been allied up until then.
Sima was allowed to leave Sachsenhausen concentration camp on August 24, was received by Himmler the next day at the Fuehrer's headquarters in East Prussia and agreed to take over the leadership of a “National Romanian Government” and to continue fighting alongside Germany against Bolshevism . Two days later, Sima's proclamation was read out on the radio station “Radio Donau” - which could be received in the Balkans. further calls followed. On August 28th, Sima and some confidants moved into the Hotel Imperial in Vienna , which remained the seat of the Romanian National Government until February 1945. The legionaries interned in Buchenwald and Dachau were also allowed to leave the concentration camps on August 25 and 30; Before that, however, an Allied air raid on August 24 in Buchenwald-Fichtenhain killed five other legionnaires and around 40 were wounded.
Sima spent the next few weeks mainly looking for suitable people for his government, which was constituted in Vienna on December 10, 1944 and which consisted of legionaries and their sympathizers. In the meantime, however, the entire territory of Romania was occupied by the Red Army , so that this government could essentially only be active in propaganda.
Practical effectiveness, however, developed the efforts with which partisan activities were organized - which were largely unsuccessful - as well as the establishment of a "national army". Sima campaigned for this primarily in the Kaisersteinbruch prisoner of war camp in Lower Austria, where the Romanian soldiers who had been fighting on the Soviet side since 23 August 1944 were housed under catastrophic conditions. In addition, in the autumn of 1944 the legionary community in exile in Germany grew considerably through legionnaires who fled the Romanian army or the country heading west. The Romanian volunteer associations were trained at the Döllersheim military training area . By the end of 1944, the Romanian division that was being established consisted of around 4,000 volunteers; another 3,000 were in prospect. The Romanian National Army was formed under the formal chairmanship of the National Government's Minister of War, General Platon Chirnoagă ; however, the units fought under the German Wehrmacht and were sworn in on Hitler as well as on Sima. In February 1945 a regiment with around 3,000 Romanian soldiers was moved to Schwedt . In April part of it went over to the Red Army, which resulted in a purge with the search for unreliable elements; a battalion was assigned to work. Another regiment remained at the front, got into fights with the Red Army and later after retreat skirmishes on May 3rd near Ludwigslust in American, later English captivity. In the spring of 1946 the prisoners were released. 8,000 Romanians in Döllersheim withdrew as the Red Army advanced west and were captured by the Americans. The Germans also parachuted legionnaires over Romania to gather information and organize local resistance against the Red Army. These actions were poorly planned; most of the parachutists were arrested shortly after landing.
Sima's government moved from Vienna to Altaussee ( Styria ) on February 19, 1945, to the “Hotel am See”, a short time later to private houses. After Hitler's suicide on April 30, Sima instructed his staff to try to get to safety in small groups. He and six other legionaries joined a werewolf group under the leadership of Adolf Eichmann near Altaussee. After Eichmann had released her from her oath a few days later, Sima fled to West Germany with a forged passport under the name "Josef Weber" and together with his six comrades.
After the Second World War
Legionnaires in communist Romania (1944–1989)
After the occupation of Romania by the Red Army, activities for banned organizations - including the Legionnaires' Movement - were threatened with prison terms of between 10 and 25 years. 972 people were arrested on this charge between October 10 and November 2, 1944. Nevertheless, new structures secretly developed. Most of the (former) legionaries tried, however, to come to terms with the new circumstances. In November 1945, the Ministry of the Interior counted 15,538 legionnaires who were now members of the (still) legal parties, including 2,258 in the Communist Party of Romania . The intention of the latter is unclear in detail, since Horia Sima, while in exile, called for the infiltration of the Communist Party on February 16, 1945 . A close friend of Sima's, Nicolae Pătrașcu, who had parachuted into Romania in March 1945, asked the Legionaries who were loyal to Sima to stop all resistance. He even negotiated a kind of "neutrality pact" with the pro-communist government led by Petru Groza . The government released some legionnaires who had been in prisons since 1941. She issued identification papers with a new identity to 340 guardsmen who wanted to put an end to their past. Other legionaries opted for a career as priests, monks or nuns, where they felt they were most likely to be able to live a legionnaire-like spirituality. A few eventually tried to join armed resistance groups, but they achieved little success. The last group was that of Ion Gavrilă Ogoranu until 1956 in the Făgăraş Mountains . In 1949, 13 exiled legionaries were parachuted over Romania by NATO aircraft; all were arrested and executed.
After the communist seizure of power in December 1947, a new wave of persecution began in May 1948. During this time, the rulers arrested every former legionnaire, regardless of whether he was still politically active or not. From the perspective of the communists, the legionnaires' movement was at least rhetorically the main ideological enemy. In January 1949 there were 4,782 legionaries in communist prisons; in 1959 there were still 3,900, which was 22% of the political prisoners. The accusation of (former) legionary activity was a frequent accusation against unpopular Orthodox priests at that time. The more well-known legionaries who had remained in Romania had to endure years of imprisonment, later exile and social marginalization.
The conditions in the prisons were very difficult by international standards. In addition to the usual hardships of everyday prison life, the captured legionnaires were subjected to campaign-like "re-education measures", most drastically in the so-called " Pitești experiment ". Many legionaries died in prison. Those who survived were often physically, mentally, and emotionally traumatized. In 1964 the communist government issued a general amnesty for political prisoners.
After the stabilization of communist rule, the legionary movement was largely taboo. Codreanu, Sima and their followers were portrayed as Hitler's lackeys, with whom "real Romanians" had nothing to do with. However, the nationalist turn of the communist party in the mid-1960s was also based on legionary thought patterns. They were greeted by Codreanu's closest relatives who lived in Romania.
Legionnaires in Western exile (1945–1989)
With the advancing Red Army, Sima's government-in-exile dissolved; its members and other supporters of the Iron Guard fled to various countries in Western Europe, North and South America. In 1946 Sima was sentenced to death in absentia in Bucharest.
In exile, the already smoldering power struggles among the legionaries continued. Some of them accused Sima of having betrayed the most important leaders of the Legion to the police in 1938 in order to take over the leadership themselves. In addition, he would have deliberately brought about the murder of Codreanu through the wave of terrorism in November 1938 and triggered the extermination of the entire ruling class through the murder of Călinescu in September 1939. At a meeting of the legionaries in Erding in August 1954, these conflicts reached their climax.
Sima and his followers tried to reinterpret their movement by negating the anti-Semitism that used to make sense; anti-communism came to the fore. They presented the Iron Guard as a spiritual movement whose goal was to fight communism. In 1951 Sima worked with the American and French secret services. He lived undisturbed in Madrid until he died in 1993 at the age of 87.
An extensive exile literature emerged, which mainly contained memoirs of legionaries and experiences in communist prisons. With donations from sympathizers from many countries, legionaries living in Spain erected a monument in Majadahonda for Ion Moța and Vasile Marin on the spot where they fell in 1937. With this they created a pilgrimage site for former legionaries.
In addition, the legionaries fought with members of other groups in exile, especially those of the Peasant Party and the National Liberal Party. The latter largely ignored the efforts of the legionnaires around Sima to influence the Romanian program on the broadcaster Free Europe . In contrast, the legionaries succeeded in significantly shaping the Romanian Orthodox Church outside of Romania. Thus, Valerian Trifa's activity as bishop in the USA temporarily led to a schism (1950–1966) within the church.
In post-communist Romania (since 1989)
After the revolution in 1989 , many legionaries appeared again in public. A number of rival groups formed and claimed the legionary movement to succeed. This includes the militant organization Noua Dreaptă , ( New Right ), headed by Claudiu Mihuțiu as the former General Secretary. It was launched on the occasion of Codreanu's 100th birthday on September 13, 1999. Mihuțiu had close ties with the NPD . The members of the Noua Dreaptă are mainly recruited from the student body. The "witnesses of a national awakening" follow strict rules such as the duty to go to church on Sundays. The militant homophobic troop insults gays as “a shame for the Romanian people”, calls for a “solution to the gypsy problem”, agitates anti-American and runs campaigns against abortion. She is a member of the European National Front (ENF) , which was founded in January 2003 at a meeting of the Spanish Falange . The ENF includes various right-wing extremist groups and parties from Western and Eastern Europe who want to try to unite the “national” European forces at the European level and to stand up for “elementary principles”. These principles include the creation of a “Europe of the Fatherlands” and the “prevention of Israel and Turkey from joining the EU ”. Codreanu, among others, serves as an ideological model.
The Noua Dreaptă and other groups never achieved greater political importance, not even those who tried to revive the tradition of the labor camps or made pilgrimages to memorial sites. Forbidden writings were reissued and numerous memoirs were published. For a long time, research about the time of the Legionnaires' movement remained in the hands of the extremist Greater Romania Party . There has not yet been any serious debate about their position in Romanian history.
Important members of the legionary movement
- Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (1899–1938), founder of the movement (1927) and leader to the death
- Horia Sima (1906–1993), leader of the movement 1940/41
- Alexandru (Alecu) Cantacuzino (1901–1939), legionary doctrinal, leader of the underground in 1938
- Gheorge Cantacuzino-Grănicerul (1869–1937), general, from 1935 chairman of the party "Totul pentru Țară"
- Ion Dumitrescu-Borșa (1899–1981), priest, Spanish fighter on the side of Franco, general secretary of "Totul pentru Țară"
- Ilie Gârneață (1898–1971), co-founder of the movement and close confidante of Codreanus
- Vasile Iașinschi (1892–1978), Minister in the Antonescu government (1940), jointly responsible for the pogrom in Bucharest in 1941
- Vasile Marin (1904–1937), legionary doctorate, legionary leader in Bucharest, killed in the Spanish Civil War
- Radu Mironovici (1899–1979), co-founder of the movement and close confidante of Codreanus
- Ion Moța (1902–1937), co-founder of the movement, brother-in-law Codreanus, leading legionary doctrinal, killed in the Spanish Civil War
- Nicoleta Nicolescu (1911–1939), leader of the legionary women's movement
- Vasile Noveanu (1904–1992), Minister in the Gigurtu government (1940) and at times Sima's opponent
- Mihail Polihroniade (1906–1939), propagandist of the Legionnaires' movement
- Mihai Stelescu (1907–1936), legionary leader, from 1934 in dissidence on Codreanu, murdered by his followers
literature
Monographs
- Oliver Jens Schmitt : Capitan Codreanu . Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 .
- William Totok: Între with şi bagatelizare. Despre reconsiderarea critică a trecutului, Ion Gavrilă Ogoranu şi rezistenţa armată anticomunistă din România . Iaşi, 2016 (together with Elena-Irina Macovei), German: "Between myth and trivialization. On critical coming to terms with the past, Ion Gavrilă Ogoranu and the armed, anti-communist resistance in Romania".
- Roland Clark: European Fascists and Local Activists. Romania's Legion of the Archangel Michael (1922-1938). Pennsylvania State University Press, Pittsburgh 2012.
- Radu Harald Dinu: Fascism, Religion and Violence in Southeast Europe: The Archangel Michael Legion and the Ustaša in Historical Comparison . Harrassowitz Verlag, Wiesbaden 2013, ISBN 978-3-447-10002-1 .
- Armin Heinen : The Archangel Michael Legion in Romania: Social Movement and Political Organization: A Contribution to the Problem of International Fascism . Munich 1986, ISBN 3-486-53101-8 (Romanian-language edition: Bucharest 1997).
- Armin Heinen, Oliver Jens Schmitt (Hrsg.): Staged counterpower from the right. The "Archangel Michael Legion" in Romania 1918–1938. Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag, 2013.
- Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard (= Volume 13 of the JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland eV ). Self-published by the J. G. Herder Library Siegerland, Siegen 1984.
- Andreas Hillgruber : Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu: German-Romanian Relations, 1938–1944. Volume 5 of the Institute for European History Mainz, F. Steiner Verlag, Wiesbaden 1965, 382 pp.
- Radu Ioanid: The Sword of the Archangel: Fascist Ideology in Romania . East European Monographs, Boulder / CO 1990, ISBN 978-0-88033-189-0 .
- Gerhard Köpernik : Fascists in the concentration camp. Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. (= Forum: Romania, Volume 20), Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 .
- Irina Livezeanu: Cultural politics in Greater Romania: Regionalism, Nation-Building, and Ethnic Struggle: 1918–1930 . Ithaca 1995, ISBN 0-8014-2445-3 .
- Illarion Țiu: The Legionary Movement After Corneliu Codreanu: From the Dictatorship of King Carol II to the Communist Regime (February 1938 – August 1944). Issue 760 of East European Monographs. East European Monographs, 2009. ISBN 0-88033-659-5 , 281 pages, in English.
- Traian Sandu: Un fascisme roumain. Histoire de la Garde de fer. Librairie Académique Perrin, Paris 2014, ISBN 978-2-262-03347-7 . [French]
- Francisco Veiga: La mística del ultranacionalismo: Historia de la Guardia de Hiero: Rumania 1919–1941 . Univ. Autònoma de Barcelona, Bellaterra (Barcelona) 1989, ISBN 84-7488-497-7 . [Spanish]
Contributions from collective works
- Martin Broszat : The Iron Guard and the Third Reich. In: Political Studies , Issue 101, Volume 9, Munich 1958.
- Radu Harald Dinu: Fascist violence “from below”. Romania 1940-41. In: Mihai-D. Grigore, Radu Harald Dinu, Marc Živjonović (eds.): Dominion in Southeast Europe. Cultural and social science perspectives. V&R unipress, Göttingen 2012, ISBN 978-3-89971-871-3 , pp. 177-194.
- Mariana Hausleitner : Anti-Semitism in Romania before 1945 . In: Hermann Graml u. a. (Ed.): Prejudice and Racial Hatred: Anti-Semitism in the Fascist Movements in Europe . Berlin 2001, p. 169-178 .
- Armin Heinen, Oliver Jens Schmitt (ed.): Staged counterpower from the right: the "Archangel Michael Legion" in Romania 1918–1938 (= Volume 150 of Southeast European Works ). Oldenbourg, Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-486-72291-8 .
- Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses . Colecţia Europa, Munich 1979 (German translation of individual chapters and sections from legionary combat scriptures)
- William Totok : Pentru legionari (Romania, 1936), in: Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Anti-Semitism in the past and present, publications. Volume 6, edited by Wolfgang Benz, De Gruyter Saur, Berlin / Boston 2013, pp. 530-531.
Web links
- The Iron Guard (The Culture of Fascism in 20th Century Europe) on the Claremont McKenna College website
Individual evidence
- ↑ Radu Harald Dinu: Fascist violence “from below”, Romania 1940–1941. In: Mihai-D. Grigore, Radu Harald Dinu, Marko Živojinović (eds.): Rule in Southeast Europe: cultural and social science perspectives. V&R unipress, Göttingen 2012. ISBN 978-3-89971-871-3 . P. 180.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 221.
- ↑ Valentin Săndulescu: Sacralised Politics in Action. In: Matthew Feldman, Marius Turda, Tudor Georgescu (eds.): Clerical Fascism in Interwar Europe. Totalitarianism Movements and Political Religions. Routledge. London / New York 2013. ISBN 978-0-415-44824-6 . P. 47 ff.
- ^ Paul A. Shapiro: Faith, Murder, Resurrection. The Iron Guard and the Romanian Orthodox Church. In: Kevin P. Spicer (Ed.): Antisemitism, Christian Ambivalence, and the Holocaust. Indiana University Press. Bloomington 2007. ISBN 978-0-253-34873-9 . P. 136 ff.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 114.
- ↑ Radu-Dan Vlad: Procesele lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (1923-1934), Vol. I . Editura Miha Valahie. Bucharest 2013. ISBN 978-606-8304-49-6 . P. 157.
- ↑ Armin Heinen : Iron Guard . In: Edgar Hösch et al. (Ed.): Lexicon for the history of Southeast Europe . Vienna / Cologne / Weimar 2004, ISBN 3-8252-8270-8 . P. 289.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 16.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 6.
- ↑ Daniela Oancea: Myths and Past. Romania after the reunification. Inaugural dissertation from the Ludwig Maximilians University, Munich 2005. p. 95.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 13.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 14.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 15.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 17.
- ↑ a b c Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 211.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 210 f.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 20.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 97.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 21.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 33.
- ^ Mariana Hausleitner: A checkered history. In: Helmut Braun (Ed.): Czernowitz. The story of a lost cultural metropolis. Christoph Links publishing house. Berlin 2013. ISBN 978-3-86153-750-2 . P. 67.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 67.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 13.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 102.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 341.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 106/107.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 374.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 158.
- ^ A b c Matthew Feldman: Fascism. Critical Conceptes in Political Science. Routledge, London, 2004, ISBN 0-415-29019-8 , p. 132.
- ↑ Andreas Hillgruber : Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 13.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 373 ff.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 383 ff.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 210.
- ^ Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 174.
- ^ A b c Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 177.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 175.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 4.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 366 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 215 f.
- ^ Matthew Feldman: Fascism. Critical Conceptes in Political Science. Routledge, London, 2004, ISBN 0-415-29019-8 , p. 129.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 165.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. pp. 27 f.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 24.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 126 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 128.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 157.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 189.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 233.
- ↑ IC Butnaru: The Silent Holocaust. Greenwood Publishing Group. New York / Westport / London, 1992, ISBN 0-313-27985-3 , pp. 36/37.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 32.
- ↑ a b c d e I. C. Butnaru: The Silent Holocaust. Greenwood Publishing Group. New York / Westport / London, 1992, ISBN 0-313-27985-3 , p. 38.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 124.
- ^ A b c Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 14.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 166-169.
- ↑ Tages-Post (Linz) of November 5, 1924, p. 2.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 24.
- ^ A b Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 63 f.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 266 f.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 118.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 115.
- ^ John Lampe, Mark Mazower: Ideologies and National Identities. The Case of Twentieth-Century Southeastern Europe. CEU Press, Budapest / New York, 2004, ISBN 963-9241-72-5 , p. 45.
- ^ A b Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 67.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 15
- ↑ a b Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 270 f.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: The Nest Leader's Manual. CZC Books, 2005, ISBN 0-9769534-1-2 , p. 5.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 311.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 104.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 160.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 91.
- ^ A b c d e Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 175.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 310.
- ↑ a b Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 31.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 25.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Circulari si manifeste . Editura Metafora. Constanța 2009. ISBN 978-973-8456-45-7 .
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 286.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 320.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 105.
- ↑ a b c d Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 329 ff.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 337 f.
- ↑ Stephen Fischer-Galati: Codreanu, Romanian National Traditions and Charisma. In: Antonio Costa Pinto, Roger Eatwell, Stein Ugelvik Larsen (eds.): Charisma and Fascism in Interwar Europe. Routledge, London / New York, 2007, ISBN 978-0-415-38492-6 , p. 109.
- ^ Jan Bank, Lieve Gevers: Churches and Religion in the Second World War. Bloomsbury Publishing. London / New York, 2016, ISBN 978-1-84520-483-9 , p. 111.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 340 f.
- ↑ Workers' newspaper. Vienna, July 18, 1930, p. 3.
- ↑ a b Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 342.
- ↑ Workers' newspaper. Vienna, July 22, 1930, p. 2.
- ↑ Ioan Scurtu: Politică și viață cotidiană în România: în secolul al XX-lea și începutul celui de-al XXI-lea . Editura Mica Valahie. Bucharest 2011. ISBN 978-606-8304-34-2 . P. 143 f.
- ↑ Workers' newspaper. Vienna, July 25, 1930, p. 3.
- ↑ Vorarlberger Tagblatt. Bregenz, July 28, 1930, p. 2.
- ↑ Workers' newspaper. Vienna, July 27, 1930, p. 3.
- ↑ Tages-Post (Linz) of August 14, 1930, p. 9.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 113.
- ↑ daily mail. Linz, January 14, 1931, p. 7.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 31 ff.
- ↑ Workers' newspaper. Vienna, March 25, 1932, p. 4.
- ↑ Prager Tagblatt. Prague, April 2, 1932, p. 5.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 172 f.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 131
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 65.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 67.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 136 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 138.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 155.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 186.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 139 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 140 ff.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 303.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 170.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 171 f.
- ↑ Workers' newspaper. Vienna, December 10, 1933, p. 5.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 145.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 78.
- ↑ The Interesting Sheet. Vienna, January 4, 1934, p. 5.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 34.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 146 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 128.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 149.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 148.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 228.
- ^ New Banat Newspaper. Timișoara, June 10, 1938, p. 5.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 151.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 225.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 227.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 231.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 238.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 170.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 156.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 158.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 158 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 156 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 159 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 169.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 111 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 159.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 219.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 96 ff.
- ^ Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 176.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 163.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 143.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 214.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 106 ff.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 186.
- ↑ Doru Liciu: Voluntari din România in Războiul civil Spaniol (1936-1939). In: Marusia Cîrstea et al. (Ed.): Istorie și Societate, Vol. I. Editura Mica Valahie, Bucharest, 2011. ISBN 978-973-7858-70-2 . P. 552.
- ↑ a b Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 112 f.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, pp. 118 ff.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 20/21.
- ↑ The country messenger. Vienna, January 22, 1938, p. 5.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 171.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 242.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 202.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 205.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 241.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 207.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 209.
- ↑ Armin Heinen : Iron Guard . In: Edgar Hösch et al. (Ed.): Lexicon for the history of Southeast Europe . Vienna / Cologne / Weimar 2004, ISBN 3-8252-8270-8 . P. 290.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 230.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 183.
- ↑ a b c Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 221.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 33.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 117 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 223.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 212.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 89.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 120.
- ^ Wilhelm Fabricius : Report of the German legation in Bucharest to the Foreign Office of March 1, 1937 . In: Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 79.
- ↑ The voice. Vienna, March 5, 1937, p. 2.
- ↑ Sdrobiş Dragoş: Limitele meritocraţiei într-o societate agrară. Șomaj intelectual și radicalizare politică a tineretului în România interbelică. Editura Polirom. Iași / Bucharest 2015. ISBN 978-973-46-5148-1 .
- ^ Rebecca Haynes, Martyn Rady: In the Shadow of Hitler: Personalities of the Right in Central and Eastern Europe. IB Tauris, London / New York, 2013, ISBN 978-1-84511-697-2 , p. 178.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 92.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 232 f.
- ↑ George Manu: În spatele cortinei de fier. România sub ocupație rusească. Editura Mica Valahie. Bucharest 2011. ISBN 978-973-7858-56-6 . P. 17.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , pp. 314 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 167.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 152.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 123 f.
- ↑ a b c Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 153 f.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 155 f.
- ↑ Zigu Ornea: Anii treizeci: Extrema dreaptă românească. Cartea Româneascǎ, Bucharest, 2015. ISBN 978-973-23-3121-7 .
- ^ Wilhelm Fabricius: Report of the German legation in Bucharest to the Foreign Office of March 24, 1937 . In: Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 82.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 109.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 117.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 118.
- ↑ Corneliu Zelea Codreanu: Pentru Legionari. English language edition in Black House Publishing. London, 2015, ISBN 978-1-910881-00-2 , p. 384.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 188.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 36.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 234.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 235.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 215.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 214 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 174.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 37.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 39.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 216.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 245.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. pp. 40 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 173.
- ↑ a b c Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 42 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 217.
- ↑ The voice. Vienna, January 26, 1938, p. 4.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 251 ff.
- ^ Tom Gallagher: Outcast Europe: The Balkans, 1789-1989 . Routledge. London / New York 2001. ISBN 0-415-27089-8 . P. 116.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 253.
- ↑ The voice. Vienna, February 22, 1938, p. 3.
- ↑ Pilsner Tagblatt. Pilsen, February 23, 1938, p. 4.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 44.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 257.
- ↑ Alexander von Randa: Living Crosses. Colecția Europa, Munich, 1979, p. 197.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 45.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 260.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 260 f.
- ↑ Das Kleine Volksblatt. Vienna, April 20, 1938, p. 4.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Stelzer: Telegram to the Foreign Office of April 20, 1938 . In: Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 100.
- ↑ Neues Wiener Tagblatt. Vienna, April 19, 1938 (daily edition), p. 10.
- ↑ Vienna Latest News. Vienna, April 23, 1938, p. 4.
- ↑ Neues Wiener Tagblatt. Vienna, April 28, 1938 (evening edition), p. 10.
- ↑ a b c Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 47.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 262.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 264.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 270.
- ↑ a b c Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 220.
- ↑ Neues Wiener Tagblatt. Vienna, April 28, 1938 (evening edition), p. 10.
- ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung, Timișoara, May 8, 1938, p. 1.
- ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung, Timișoara, May 18, 1938, p. 2.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 265 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 266 f.
- ^ Wilhelm Fabricius: Report of the German legation in Bucharest to the Foreign Office of June 1, 1938 . In: Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 102.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 268.
- ↑ Vienna Latest News. Vienna, May 27, 1938 (evening edition), p. 2.
- ↑ Radu-Dan Vlad: Procesele lui Corneliu Zelea Codreanu (1923-1934), Vol. II . Editura Miha Valahie. Bucharest 2013. ISBN 978-606-8304-50-2 . P. 170.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 275.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 273.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 276.
- ↑ a b c Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 219.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 269.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 229.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 273 f.
- ↑ a b c Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 272.
- ↑ Mircea Popa: Figuri universitare clujene. Ed. Grinta, Cluj-Napoca, 2003, ISBN 973-85833-2-2 , p. 68.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 48.
- ↑ Vorarlberger Tagblatt. Bregenz, December 3, 1938, p. 4.
- ↑ a b Illustrated Kronen-Zeitung. Vienna, December 3, 1938, p. 5.
- ↑ Vorarlberger Tagblatt. Bregenz, December 5, 1938, p. 4.
- ^ New Vienna Journal. Vienna, December 6, 1938, p. 1.
- ^ Eugen Weber: Romania. In: Hans Rogger, Eugen Weber (Eds.): The European Right: A Historical Profile. University of California Press, Berkeley / Los Angeles 1966. p. 556.
- ↑ Ioan I. Mogaldea: Corupţia in Romania. Editura Mica Valahie, Bucharest 2013. p. 126.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 50.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 27.
- ^ A b Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 221.
- ↑ Ioan I. Mogaldea: Corupţia in Romania. Editura Mica Valahie, Bucharest 2013. p. 127.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 28.
- ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung. Timișoara, September 23, 1939, p. 2.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 51.
- ↑ a b c d Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 280.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 30.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 52.
- ↑ a b Andreas Hillgruber : Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 70.
- ↑ a b c d e f g h Mariana Hausleitner: Horia Sima. In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin 2009. ISBN 978-3-598-24072-0 . P. 773 f.
- ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung. Timișoara, March 17, 1940, p. 1.
- ↑ Das Kleine Volksblatt. Vienna, March 17, 1940, p. 1.
- ↑ Small People's Newspaper. Vienna, March 18, 1940, p. 2.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 31 ff.
- ^ Wilhelm Fabricius: Report of the German embassy in Bucharest to the Foreign Office of March 17, 1940 . In: Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 119.
- ↑ a b Volker Koop: In Hitler's hand: The special and honorary prisoners of the SS. Böhlau-Verlag, Cologne / Weimar / Vienna 2010. ISBN 978-3-412-20580-5 . P. 191 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 33 ff.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 36.
- ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung. Timișoara, June 25, 1940, p. 1.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 53.
- ↑ a b c Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. pp. 54 f.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 43 ff.
- ↑ Small People's Newspaper. Vienna, September 6, 1940, p. 4.
- ↑ Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 95 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 51.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 53.
- ↑ Neues Wiener Tagblatt. Vienna, September 21, 1940, p. 2.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 7 ff.
- ↑ Illustrated Kronen-Zeitung. Vienna, October 18, 1940, p. 2.
- ↑ a b Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. pp. 59 f.
- ↑ a b c d Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 228.
- ↑ The country messenger. Vienna, November 9, 1940, p. 5.
- ↑ a b Radu Harald Dinu: Fascist violence “from below”, Romania 1940–1941. In: Mihai-D. Grigore, Radu Harald Dinu, Marko Živojinović (eds.): Rule in Southeast Europe: cultural and social science perspectives. V&R unipress, Göttingen 2012. ISBN 978-3-89971-871-3 . P. 180 ff.
- ↑ Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 97.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 226.
- ↑ a b Radu Harald Dinu: Fascist violence “from below”, Romania 1940–1941. In: Mihai-D. Grigore, Radu Harald Dinu, Marko Živojinović (eds.): Rule in Southeast Europe: cultural and social science perspectives. V&R unipress, Göttingen 2012. ISBN 978-3-89971-871-3 . P. 184 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 224.
- ↑ a b c d e Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. P. 56 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 225.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. pp. 60 f.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 279.
- ↑ a b Radu Harald Dinu: Fascist violence “from below”, Romania 1940–1941. In: Mihai-D. Grigore, Radu Harald Dinu, Marko Živojinović (eds.): Rule in Southeast Europe: cultural and social science perspectives. V&R unipress, Göttingen 2012. ISBN 978-3-89971-871-3 . P. 183.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 61 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 39.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 60.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 61.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 56.
- ↑ Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 99.
- ↑ Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 104.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 59.
- ↑ a b Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 11.
- ↑ Andreas Hillgruber: Hitler, King Carol and Marshal Antonescu. German-Romanian relations 1938–1944. Franz Steiner Publishing House. Wiesbaden 1954, p. 122.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 60 f.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 62.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 73.
- ↑ Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 58.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 76.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 77 f.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 81 f.
- ^ A b c Mariana Hausleitner: Pogrom in Bucharest (1941). In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin 2009. ISBN 978-3-598-24072-0 . P. 270 f.
- ↑ a b I. C. Butnaru: The Silent Holocaust. Greenwood Publishing Group. New York / Westport / London, 1992, ISBN 0-313-27985-3 , pp. 80 ff.
- ↑ a b c Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 64.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 84 ff.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 232.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 83 f.
- ↑ Das Kleine Volksblatt. Vienna, January 25, 1941, p. 2.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 92.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 94.
- ↑ a b c Ewald Hibbeln: Codreanu and the Iron Guard. Self-published by JG Herder-Bibliothek Siegerland e. V., Siegen 1984. p. 65.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 113.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 105.
- ^ A b c Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 112 f.
- ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung. Timișoara, April 16, 1941, p. 4.
- ↑ Südostdeutsche daily newspaper. Edition Banat. Timișoara, 1st Mail 1941, p. 3.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 136 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 96 f.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 229.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 231.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 116 ff.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 120 ff.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 155.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 125.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 126.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 161.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 140 ff.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 169.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 189.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 191 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 193 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 199 ff.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 194 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 207.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 204.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , pp. 203 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 202 f.
- ^ Banater Deutsche Zeitung. Timișoara, January 26, 1941, p. 1.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 89.
- ^ A b Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 233.
- ↑ a b Traian Sandu: Un fascisme roumain. Perrin, Paris 2014, ISBN 978-2-262-04754-2 .
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 129.
- ↑ a b c d Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London, 2015. ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 . P. 234 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Frank & Timme Verlag, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 197.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 153.
- ↑ Stephan Olaf Schüller: For Faith, Leader, People, Fatherland or Motherland? LIT Verlag, Münster 2009. ISBN 978-3-8258-1910-1 . P. 447.
- ^ Friedemann Needy: Chronicle of the Second World War. Verlag im Wissen Media, Gütersloh / Munich 2004. ISBN 978-3-577-14367-7 , p. 422.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 220 f.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 223.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 224.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 232.
- ↑ a b Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 236 ff.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 238.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 243.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 241.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 245.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 246.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 246 ff.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London 2015, ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 , p. 236 ff.
- ↑ a b c Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London 2015, ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 , p. 242.
- ↑ Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London 2015, ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 , p. 239.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Verlag, Vienna 2016, ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 , p. 181.
- ↑ a b c Roland Clark: Holy Legionary Youth. Cornell University Press, Ithaca / London 2015, ISBN 978-0-8014-5368-7 , p. 241.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Verlag, Vienna 2016, ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 , p. 284.
- ^ Radu Stancu: The Political Use in Capital Punishment as a Legitimation Stragety of the Communist Regime in Romania, 1944-1958. In: Dalia Bathory (ed.): History of communism in Europe: Vol. 5/2014 . Zeta books. Bucharest 2015. ISBN 978-606-8266-96-1 . P. 112.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 271.
- ↑ Corneliu Ciucanu: Dreaptă românească. Politică și ideologie: 1919–1941 . Editura Mica Valahie. Bucharest 2009. ISBN 978-973-7858-63-4 . P. 34.
- ↑ Gerhard Köpernik: Fascists in the concentration camp: Romania's Iron Guard and the Third Reich. Verlag Frank & Timme, Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-3-7329-0089-3 , p. 271.
- ^ William Totok: Noua Dreaptă (Romania) . In: Wolfgang Benz (Hrsg.): Handbuch des Antisemitismus. Anti-Semitism in the past and present, organizations, institutions, movements. Volume 5. De Gruyter Saur, Berlin / Boston 2012, pp. 453–455.
- ↑ tvr-news.de ( Memento of the original from May 2, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , Mopo connects the two murderers with current NPD members , archive offer from Jena - 2005, November 14, 2011, accessed on December 4, 2011.
- ↑ media.de.indymedia.org (PDF; 231 kB), be careful! Nazi in the neighborhood , accessed December 4, 2011.
- ↑ In detail in: Gabriel Andreescu: Extremismul de dreapta în România. (Right-wing extremism in Romania), Cluj 2003. William Totok: Right-wing radicalism and revisionism in Romania (I – VII). In: Semi-annual publication for Southeast European History, Literature and Politics, 13–16 (2001–2004).
- ↑ William Totok, "Nationalism and Conspiracy Theories in Romanian Media", in: Südosteuropa Mitteilungen , Vol. 54, Issue 2, 2014, pp. 30–43.
- ^ Bpb.de , Federal Agency for Civic Education , Anton Maegerle : The army of the white race. Neo-Nazis and other right-wing extremists in Eastern Europe. Romania's Iron Guard , September 7, 2007, accessed April 17, 2011.
- ↑ Oliver Jens Schmitt: Căpitan Codreanu. Rise and fall of the Romanian fascist leader. Paul Zsolnay Publishing House. Vienna 2016. ISBN 978-3-552-05803-3 . P. 280 f.
- ↑ Table of contents, foreword and excerpt from books.google.de
