Johann Kaspar Riesbeck

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Johann Kaspar Riesbeck, also Risbeck or similar (baptized January 12, 1754 in Höchst am Main , Kurmainz ; † February 8, 1786 in Aarau , Switzerland ), was a German writer . His letters from a French traveler about Germany , published in the Old Confederation , attracted attention across Europe on the eve of the French Revolution .

life and work

Riesbeck's signature.

“Freedom to think, high flight of all forces, is the spirit, the nature of our seculum ; and trying to inhibit this momentum is as much as holding back a raging stream with your hands. "

Most of what is known about Riesbeck can be found in a 54-page obituary published by Johann Pezzl (1756–1823) - at that time reader and secretary of the Imperial and Royal State Chancellor Kaunitz - two months after his friend's death.

An alleged Riesbeck portrait actually shows Johann Kaspar Häfeli .

Riesbeck's father Johann Melchior (1707–1761) was, according to Pezzl, “a fairly wealthy man who had a small manufacture of linen handkerchiefs and similar goods”. He came from Soden near Salmünster ( Prince Abbey of Fulda ) and was the son of a Tyrolean . The mother Maria Katharina born Schindling (1717–1777) came from Höchst. Riesbeck had seven siblings, but only Maria Anna (1751–1807) reached adulthood. At the age of seven he lost the father who had just been proposed as mayor. Three weeks later, the mother married the wealthy weaver Matthäus Mühlfelder. The sister married the Italian businessman Joseph Modest Prina in Höchst in 1770.

Catholic enlightenment

Mainz was a center of
the Catholic Enlightenment around 1770
and a lively city.
(Landesmuseum Mainz.)

Riesbeck is said to have received his first schooling from the Antonites in Höchst. In 1768 he can be traced as "grammaticus studiosus" in Mainz . According to Pezzl, he was supposed to become a clergyman, but showed no desire to do so. Instead, he studied law at the University of Mainz from around 1770 . He was influenced by his teachers Schlör and Horix in the spirit of the Catholic Enlightenment . Horix was a supporter of the Würzburg canon lawyer Barthel, who emphasized the rights of the German prince-bishops towards the curia and the order . While Horix later joined the Illuminati , there is no evidence of Riesbeck's membership. On the other hand, he became a Freemason under unknown circumstances , as shown by the square and compass on his seal. For a short time he also studied at the Lutheran University of Giessen .

Pezzl reports: “During these years of study, and especially during the autumn vacation, he wandered through all the neighboring regions of his fatherland; up the Rhine to Strasbourg , and down to Rotterdam . On these hikes his young, hot shower head had caused him various, in part unpleasant, adventures (...). The correspondents but his father took the matter all the tracks, and spedirten him safely back home. "

storm and stress

Towards the end of Riesbeck's studies, the genius began in Germany . Goethe published Götz von Berlichingen (1773), Lenz the Hofmeister (1774), Wagner the child murderess (1776); Finally, Klinger gave the epoch its name with his Sturm und Drang (1776). The authors mentioned lived in the neighborhood of Höchst, which made it possible for Riesbeck to get to know them personally. Pezzl writes: “His sensitive head could not possibly fight off the nearby embers, it also caught fire; and so he raved about in Frankfurt , Hanau , Darmstadt ec. ec. around, made ballads , stories of murder and ghosts, and drove geniuses. "This intoxication did not last long," whether it was already making a wrinkle on him that he was never able to completely blur in his whole life. "Riesbeck left to Mainz and prepared for civil service. But the ministers Groschlag and Bentzel , in whom he was hoping, lost their offices with the death of the enlightened elector and archbishop Emmerich Joseph (1774).

Riesbeck now lived alternately in Mainz, Höchst and Frankfurt from his inheritance. In the latter place he appears to have been temporarily secretary to the Irishman Hermann Ludolf Ibbeken alias William Thompson, who published English textbooks and plays in German. At the carnival of 1775, Riesbeck attended a ball in Mainz accompanied by women. Then a spiritual libertine gave rise to "a scene in which Risbeck's heat of temper and jealousy broke out into crude action against the canon ." This incident is said to have compelled him to leave Mainz.

Actor in Vienna

The
Theater am Kärntnertor in Vienna, inaugurated in 1763 .

From 1775–1777 Riesbeck lived in Vienna . According to Pezzl, he initially intended "to make friends among his compatriots there and to apply for a position at the Reichshofrathskanzlei ". The latter, however, did not lead to success - unless he gave up on the plan himself.

Pezzl continues: “After he had been privatized for some time in Vienna , he finally swore to the Altar Thaliens and, under the direction of Mr. Moll , climbed into the theater at the Kärnthnerthor . He starred in comedies, tragedies, and pantomimes: his roles were kings, princes, ministers, lovers. (...) He also wrote for the stage now; edited a few English plays for the German theater, just as he also cut a few Singspiele from French for this very use. I did not see Risbecken at the theater itself; but judging by the way he sometimes predeclared individual passages in his room, he must not have been a bad actor in the comic subject. "

Privatier in Salzburg

Riesbeck's friend Johann Pezzl .

In Vienna Riesbeck made the acquaintance of the actor Karl Starke. According to Pezzl, he was engaged in “political pot-making ” and thereby aroused a tendency in Riesbeck to “stat (is) ical and political studies”. In the spring of 1777, the two had unsuccessfully negotiated an engagement in Prague . On the onward journey they broke up in Linz , where Riesbeck lived as a privateer for more than six months. With the intention of going to Italy, he came to Salzburg in December 1777 . He stayed there because he liked "the beautiful area and the cheap way of life".

The enlightened Archbishop Colloredo ruled in Salzburg . It was there that Riesbeck met the law student Pezzl, who was two years his junior. Pezzl writes about Riesbeck's situation at the time: “He lived for himself, without any particular occupation; and then he freshened up his (...) knowledge of the fine sciences , diligently read the new publications, and pursued statistical, political and historical studies with more zeal. After the death of the Bavarian Elector Maximilian, a large number of political papers appeared. Risbeck also wrote a few that had an extraordinarily good finish. One of them was roughly called: Thoughts on the behavior of the Prussian court (...) and was the continuation of a book published in Vienna. "

Riesbeck, who also wrote poetry in his younger years, began a dramatic farce in verse with the title Die chaste Susanne, probably in Salzburg .

The fact that the stepfather bought the family home after his mother's death kept Riesbeck afloat for another two years. Then the nurse informed him that the next post would be the last time he would get money. Pezzl writes: "So he had to think about his own gain, and chose the arduous and ungrateful business of a writer."

Letters about monasticism

Riesbeck's continuation of
the letters on monasticism.
4th volume, (Zurich) 1781.

According to Pezzl, it was the bookseller Karl Friedrich Walliser who gave Riesbeck the idea of writing a continuation of the letters on monasticism . These had caused a sensation when they appeared in 1771. Pezzl: "They were the first well-written book in Germany (...) that exposed the frauds, greed, stupidity , laziness, the persecution spirit of the monks in all their nakedness (...) it prompted more similar writings; the hoods' credit began to decline; and this was (...) the first step towards the salutary revolution which has affected the monastic system in enlightened Germany in our day ”. The author was generally considered to be Georg Michael von La Roche (1720–1788), who therefore lost the office of Chancellor of the Electorate of Trier . La Roche only provided the real author, Johann Jakob Brechter (1734–1772), with the idea and materials for the book.

Riesbeck accepted the proposal. But according to Pezzl, Walliser did not dare to have the book printed in Salzburg; "He negotiated the manuscript with the booksellers Orell, Geßner, Füßli and Kompagnie in Zurich , as the publishers of the first volume (...)" This gave Riesbeck the opportunity to get in touch with the publishers mentioned. He suggested they come to Zurich to work for them. While it was being negotiated, he translated the Histoire de Zulmie Warthei of a Mademoiselle Motte.

Zurich around 1780.

As Pezzl writes, the letters on monasticism showed the Zurich booksellers "that the author is a competent head, quite knowledgeable, and has a lively, witty style in his power." So they set Riesbeck “on respectable terms” and provided him with travel money. At the beginning of 1780 he moved to Zurich. He brought with him tuberculosis , which he - following a trend - dismissed as hypochondria for a long time .

Zurich newspaper

The first number of the
Zürcher Zeitung edited by Riesbeck .

Orell, Gessner, Füssli & Cie. launched a new political paper, the Zürcher Zeitung . Pezzl reports: “Risbeck had reported to them in his letters that he could speak languages, even those that might be necessary for a newspaper (...); and this was the main reason why they had drawn him to Zurich. ”Pezzl does not speak of a recommendation by Goethe that haunted literature. He supported Riesbeck with the editorial work after he had followed him to Zurich in August 1780.

The Zürcher Zeitung practically only carried foreign reports that had to be acceptable to the publishers and the municipal censorship authority, which was mainly occupied by clergy . Reports of reforms by enlightened monarchs such as Frederick II , Catherine II and, above all, Joseph II represent an indirect criticism of the inability of the Old Confederation and its protectorate power France to reform . Riesbeck prophesied a glorious future for the USA . He concluded a report on slavery with the words: “What doesn't one half of humanity have to suffer in order for the other half to live in lust!” The few domestic things like necrologists were written by publisher Johann Heinrich Füssli (1745–1832) and business friends.

The production of newspapers did not prevent Riesbeck from adding two more volumes to the continuation of the letters on monasticism , which was created in Salzburg and, like the original, appeared anonymously . Pezzl explains about his way of working: “I saw how he wrote the letters about monasticism only on individual sheets of paper, and put them one by one into the printer's hand; yes, often from the last just wrote down the last phrase on a piece of paper, and after a few days just continued to write about the individual notated phrase in context (...) "

In addition, Riesbeck translated the Sketches of the Natural, Civil, and Political State of Swisserland (sic) by William Coxe (London 1779) and the Description des Alpes pennines et rhétiennes by Marc-Théodore Bourrit (Geneva 1781). So he earned more than agreed.

Of Limmat-Athen disappointed

But in other respects he was disappointed with Athens on the Limmat , as Zurich is sometimes called. A few months after his arrival was the ruling guild - oligarchy one of their opponents, the statistician Johann Heinrich Waser , decapitate, which brought the city international disrepute. Riesbeck received the order from the publisher to complete the register of the historically diplomatic year book of the executed person (Zurich 1780). The judicial murder of Waser may have contributed to the fact that he - in Pezzl's words - the belief in the “so highly praised Swiss idols that are there: freedom, openness, innocence of morals, equality of classes, altruism, honesty, etc. ec. ”lost.

The Bernese Karl Viktor von Bonstetten wrote Riessbeck: "The spirit of Zurich is clumsy, dark, zurükhaltend and especially hard to win the daily Brodtes. He is largely insensitive even to the strong riding in the area around the city. ”There was no theater, not even mixed societies. Pezzl puts it: "They lock their wives and daughters up like the Turks (...)" Riesbeck first socialized with a small circle of pipe-smoking clergymen, then only in the house of the "in every respect lovable poet Geßner " (sic). In addition to the enlightener Johann Jakob Steinbrüchel (1729–1796) and the regime critic Leonard Meister (1741–1811), the other Zurich residents showed “an almost insulting indifference and disdain” towards poor strangers. Had Riesbeck had the chance to write planned letters about Switzerland, they would have painted an unfavorable picture of the country. He soon thought of moving on: “He first made a plan for Vienna; then to Paris, where he wanted to revise Büsching's , Tozens, Schlözer's and Dohm's writings for the French, and to create a French journal based on the model of Schlözer's correspondence . "

Letters from a French traveler

First edition of the letters of
a French traveler.
1st volume, (Zurich) 1783.

In 1783 Orell, Gessner, Füssli & Cie. Riesbeck's main work: Letters from a French traveler about Germany. To his brother in Paris. Translated by K. R. Riesbeck wrote it, according to Pezzl, "in order to adequately prepare for the trip wherever she would always go". Even if he incorporated memories of the travels of his youth, it is largely an analysis of foreign reports. The book form and the anonymity released him from the compulsion to be brief and restrained, to which he was subject as a newspaper maker. Pezzl reports that Riesbeck initially envisioned a dry, systematic collection of facts. But then the easily written Voyages en différens pays de l'Europe by Carlantonio Pilati di Tassullo (1733–1802) became his model.

Pezzl continues: “Meanwhile, his health had deteriorated greatly, to which melancolia , grief, and various unpleasant little domestic incidents had contributed to their abundance. So he decided to move away from Zurich before the letters were completed via Germany and move to a very lonely country house. ”It was probably about the forester's house in Sihlwald near Zurich, where Gessner held the office of Sihlherr every summer . According to Pezzl, Riesbeck's friends advised against such a retreat into solitude, “because social interaction was the most indispensable need for him to maintain his health and cheerfulness. Instead of the country, it was suggested that he choose a small town where he could combine the urban and rural way of life and air in an emergency. So at the end of January 1783 he moved to the town of Arau , in the canton of Bern (...) "

Probably out of consideration for his employer Kaunitz, Pezzl suppresses the fact that Austria's ally France protested against the reports in the Zürcher Zeitung . Obviously, Zurich's council took a complaint from French diplomacy as an opportunity to ask Riesbeck to leave the city. When he moved to Aarau, his paths parted with those of the Pezzls.

In the oppositional Aarau

Gabriel Lory / Marquard Wocher : Aarau from the west, 1786.

Pezzl writes: “The Bernese way of life is much more sociable and livelier than that of the Zurichers. So Risbeck found himself quite happy and lively again in Arau at the beginning. ”This may have been due to the fact that his refuge was a center of opposition to the Ancien Régime . Riesbeck was in Kost from March 1783 until his death with the first pastor of Aarau, Dean Johann Jakob Buess (1724–1786). In the helper (deacon) of the Aarau chapter, Martin Imhof (1750-1822), he made a friend.

Riesbeck continued to work for Orell, Gessner, Füssli & Cie. work. First he completed the letters of a French traveler in Aarau . In the first volume he describes southern Germany and Austria: Stuttgart (p. 1–39), Augsburg (p. 40–78), Munich (p. 78–150), Salzburg (p. 150–216), Passau (p. 217 -230), Linz (pp. 230-241). Half of the room is dedicated to Vienna (pp. 241–550). Northern Germany follows in the second volume: Dresden (p. 3–48), Leipzig (p. 48–115), Berlin (p. 116–268), Hamburg (p. 268–326), Hanover (p. 326–337) , Kassel (pp. 337-361), Würzburg (pp. 362-380), Frankfurt am Main (pp. 381-395), Mainz (pp. 396-495), Cologne (pp. 496-539). According to the German term at the time, cities are also described where no or only partially German was spoken, namely Prague (1st volume, pp. 550-598), Amsterdam (2nd volume, pp. 539-569) and Ostend ( 2nd volume) . Volume, pp. 569-587).

Bonstetten raved about the first volume: “At last an excellent German book, excellent in all intents” (...) “It was worthy to be placed alongside Montesquieus Lettres persanes . But after reading the second volume, Bonstetten said that although Riesbeck was a man of spirit, he was not a genius. The northern Germans quickly found out that the alleged Frenchman had never been with them. Pezzl writes about Riesbeck's work: “There is a lively, funny tone in it, which sometimes becomes too bitter and sacrifices the truth to satyrs or an epigrammatic idea. An attentive reader will easily notice in the book where the author has been personally or not. In the first case he is very precise in describing the local area and paints some areas, such as B. the one on the Rhine , and the Danube journey excellent. In the second case he has borrowed from friends and books, and fills in the gaps in the descriptions of the place with partly paradoxical but partly very astute reflections and reasoning. It is undeniable that here and there, especially where numbers are important, the book is very lacking in accuracy; also that Risbeck wrote here and there, out of partiality or a little old vengeance, very much against his own convictions, as I know from a very reliable source (...) "

About the reception of the work Pezzl says: “Among the literary products of the year 1783 few have caused so much excitement and noise; have been read so generally throughout Germany, and received and judged as differently as the letters of the traveling Frenchman. “They were immediately translated into several languages. Numerous imitations, alleged continuations and counter-writings also appeared.

The publisher's next order was a folk history of the Germans, based on Riesbeck's works of the same name by Schmidt and Hegewisch . He also translated Jonathan Swift's religious and socially critical satires The Fairy Tale of the Tonne (London 1704) and Gulliver's Travels (London 1726) - works that also appeared after his death.

Relentless tuberculosis

Consumption, 1839 (Karl Sandhaas).

Pezzl continues: “The first distractions which the change in his stay had granted him were over after a few months. Now there was melancholy again, dissatisfaction with his fate and his stay, and other domestic inconveniences and discomforts (...) “Since the beginning of 1784 Riesbeck had almost no strength to work, according to his own statements. In the following two years he had - quote - “at least 30 different fevers, some of which threw me into bed for several weeks. I wasn't without a cough or cold for a single hour. ”To combat the symptoms , the doctors made him sweat.

In 1784 and 1785 Riesbeck participated as a guest at the annual meetings of the Helvetic Society in Olten . In the last year he was looking for "a vesten place in Germany". In connection with this, he began letters about the duties of a prince , which he wanted to dedicate to the future King of Prussia, Friedrich Wilhelm II (known as the bon vivant) . In March he asked Bonstetten, for whom he was translating from French, for a loan and, through Imhof publisher Füssli, an advance payment. According to Imhof, he was in financial distress mainly due to his illness, although he lived extremely modestly. He received the money mentioned. But after a visit to Aarau, Bonstetten wrote to Füssli: “I'm not at all satisfied with R. I don't want to please the sweetheart in the house where he is a guest (…) ”Because of his lifestyle, Pezzl also distanced himself from him.

In a letter of thanks to Bonstetten Riesbeck wrote in 1785: “The first days of spring were so good for me after the sad winter that I visited various friends in the country. I have never had it so necessary to regain new strength for life. ”Others he complained that a Catholic priest - formerly a member of the Jesuit order , which was repealed by Pope Clemens XIV. In 1773 - wanted him from Fricktal in Aarau and Bern“ make hateful "and with his blackening find a hearing" in various important houses ". He resented the publisher "the hard way that makes my already sour life as a writer even more bitter". According to his own statements, in the summer he took part in a “little alpine tour ” via Furka , Grimsel and Brünig .

Shocking self-testimonies

Riesbeck's last hope: Dr. Johannes Hotze ( Lavater : Essai sur la physiognomie ).

At the end of the year Riesbeck then reported to the managing director of Orell, Gessner, Füssli & Cie., Johann Heinrich Heidegger (1738–1823), that in September he had been made to sweat for 16 or 17 days continuously. He's been spitting pus since November . He only had to live until February or March. Wrongly treated by the Aarau doctor Johann Heinrich Pfleger (1756–1808), he turned to the internationally known Johannes Hotze in Richterswil . He asked Heidegger to lend him money privately with Füssli, Steinbrüchel and other friends so that he could make payments that were due. According to Riesbeck, Heidegger replied, "The trading company would be extremely angry with me because I was not continuing the story of the Germans and he had no money to throw away for himself." After Riesbeck received this letter, he said he spat "5 to 6 mouths full" of blood.

An unnamed patron wanted to pay him a stay with Hotze. There he hoped to see the summer of 1786 and complete his duties as a prince . But his debts kept him in Aarau. He wrote to Füssli: “Now there are only two ways open to me without your help. Either I must in the local hospital (in its capacity as debtor's prison go), in a feüchten, dark hole languish without care and food, auction my Bißgen clothes in public and my name in the newspapers defamed (declared dishonorable) see; or I have to kill myself. ”Füssli did not answer him, not even when Riesbeck asked for a single line. In Bern, where he had friends such as the literary councilor Franz Rudolf Weiss (1751–1818), it was rumored that he was not the author of a French traveler’s letters. Pezzl was not ashamed to write to Heidegger: “The (Riesbeck) stays true to his character. It is shameful that he behaves like that. I suspect unfortunately! that if you dry it a hundred times, it will always be the same. Write me the outcome of the tragedy . "

Riesbeck's last wish was that the publisher not publish his begging letters and not issue an appeal to his creditors . In the face of death he wrote about his way of life: “I was closed in on myself, lonely and dark. Walks were a kind of fever for me, alternating with ecstasy and the most burdensome burial in myself. I could not dissipate myself than in society, where I was equal and uninhibited. I do not deny that I did not sometimes exaggerate (...) The same thing happened on all other moral boundaries. Only I was certainly largely innocent (...) exclaimed for debauched (dissolute). Drunk that I would not have been able to do my actions as usual, certainly nobody saw me (...) "

Buried on the Schindanger?

Aarau City Church (in the foreground): Contrary to popular rumors, the Reformed city buried the Catholic stranger in full honor.

An Aarau friend told Imhof, who was now a pastor in Wattwil : “Risbek has such a calmness of soul that is worthy of him - I leave this world calmly and serenely - my conscience convinces me that I have not deliberately offended anyone, I was alone Enemy. ”When he died, Riesbeck was only 32 years old. Dr. Arrest the nurse for his unpaid bills .

It was spread from Upper Austria that no Catholic pastor from the neighborhood was ready to bury Riesbeck. The Protestant Aarau residents had him "buried in the Schindanger ". The Upper Rhine limping Both from Kehl called on Aarau "to refute the shamefulness of this story as soon as possible". The city then had a reply written in which it says: “His corpse companion was one of the most handsome, and consisted of more than 100 gentlemen, citizens and strangers, who stayed here; He was carried to the grave by 8 of his friends, respected inhabitants of this city, spiritual and worldly class; his funeral took place with public bells and ordinary services. His corpse was placed in the same row as is customary with us against the noblest and the least. ”The mayor and council went so far as to promise 100 Louis d'or to the person  who could refute this information. A letter was also published which Riesbeck's costumer Buess had written to the sister of the deceased and from which it emerged that the pastor himself had led the funeral procession "as a householder with sincere tears". The Aarau philanthropist Johann Rudolf Meyer took over Riesbeck's debts.

The monthly news from Switzerland quoted the personalia written by Imhof from the funeral sermon : “Anyone who knew him in familiar company, which was instructive for everyone, had to love and appreciate him. He was free from pride and self-love, although his works, as masterpieces of their kind, earned him general praise. (...) With a happy spirit, with real serenity, he heard the news that his career, which he hoped to embark on and then to be useful, would soon be over. "

Pezzl reports: “Risbeck was of medium size, slim, and well built. He had an open, speaking face, with a high arched forehead, and generally a somewhat romantic physiognomy ; an agile body, easy manners , and very good decency. (...) He was extraordinarily lively, talkative and funny in his dealings. He was able to cheer up a whole company and keep them in good spirits. (...) He loved jokes, feasts, and joy; and was, like every man of spirit, an ardent admirer of the fair sex. A strong dose of recklessness hung on him to the end, which sometimes confused his economic circumstances. (...) By the way, he was a good, charitable, agreeable man who offended no soul, sent himself to all societies, and could take part in anything that served to encourage his circle . Pity! that he lived too quickly and thereby shortened his days too much. "

In a collection of biographies published by Johann Georg Heinzmann , who worked in Bern, in the year of Riesbeck's death, it says: “(...) the honest Swiss who weep at his grave at first complain about the philanthropist and wise man. His ashes rest gently in the lap of freedom! " Johann Georg Meusel said laconically :" His death is a loss for enlightenment. "

Fonts

Translations

Sources and representations

  • Salzburg University Archives , Causa X files, 1780, Riesbeck's letter to Pezzl, Zurich (December 1779).
  • Zurich Central Library , manuscript department, letter from Pezzl to Füssli, Vienna, August 22 (1783) (M 1,263), 12 letters from Pezzl to Heidegger, Vienna 1785–1787 (M 307.23), 5 letters from Riesbeck to Füssli, Aarau 1785 f. (M 1.278), 4 letters from Riesbeck to Heidegger, Aarau 1785 f. (V 307.24).
  • Aarau City Archives, Ratsmanual 144, p. 157 (February 13, 1786), 200 (May 12, 1786), 204 (May 19, 1786).
  • Baÿreuther Newspapers, March 23, 1786, p. 233, May 1, 1786, p. 339, May 25, 1785, p. 408 f.
  • The Upper Rhine Limping Both (Kehl), April 4, 1786, p. 15, May 6, 1786, p. 121.
  • Brünner Zeitung, April 21, 1786, p. 250 f.
  • (Johann Georg Heinzmann :) Kaspar Risbeck. In: Paintings from the Enlightened Eighteenth Century. 2. Theil, Bern / Leipzig 1786, pp. 143-148.
  • (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck's biographical monument, author of the letters of a French traveler and other writings . Kempten 1786. ( digitized versionhttp: //vorlage_digitalisat.test/1%3D~GB%3DuyU6AAAAcAAJ%26printsec%3Dfrontcover%26dq%3DBiographisches%2BDenkmal%2BRisbeck%E2%80%99s%26hl%3Dde%26sa%3DX%26ved%3D0ahUKEw8sLzHepage%3D0ahUKEw8sLzHepage%2%3D0ahUKEw8sLzHepage%3D0ahUKEw8sLzHepage%26ved%3D0ahXEw8sLzHepage%3D0ahXEw8sLzHepage 26q% 26f% 3Dfalse ~ IA% 3D ~ MDZ% 3D% 0A ~ SZ% 3D ~ double-sided% 3D ~ LT% 3D ~ PUR% 3D )
  • Augspurgische Ordinari postal newspaper, May 24, 1786.
  • Monthly news from Switzerland (Zurich), May 1786, pp. 71–73.
  • Johann Georg Meusel: Literary annals of history. 3rd piece, Bayreuth / Leipzig 1786, p. 281.
  • Lessing , Mendelsohn , Risbeck, Goeze , a talk of death. Braunschweig , Berlin, Arau and Hamburg ( fictitious ) 1787, pp. 36–40.
  • Prince Baris de Galitzin : Notice on M. Risbeck. In: Mercure de France , July 12, 1788, pp. 97-102.
  • Johann Ernst Fabri , Karl Hammerdörfer: Historical and Geographical Monthly ( Halle ), April 1788, pp. 325–329.
  • Friedrich Nicolai: Footnotes to a review by Pezzl (1786). In: Appendix to the third and fiftyth to sixth and eightieth volumes of the general German library, 4th department, Berlin / Stettin 1791, p. 2266 f.
  • Johann Georg Meusel: Riesbeck (Kaspar). In: Lexicon of the German writers who died from 1750 to 1800. Volume 11, Leipzig 1811, pp. 335–338.
  • Karl Georg Bockenheimer:  Riesbeck, Johann Kaspar . In: Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie (ADB). Volume 28, Duncker & Humblot, Leipzig 1889, p. 575.
  • August Welti: History of the “Neue Zürcher Zeitung” from 1780–1914, in: 150 years of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Zurich 1930, p. 11 f.
  • Leo Weisz : Johann Kaspar Risbeck 1780–1783. In: The editors of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung up to the founding of the federal state 1780–1848, Zurich 1961, pp. 35–45.
  • Charles Tschopp: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck. In: Aarauer Neujahrsblätter, 42/1968, pp. 5–21.
  • Rudolf Schäfer : Johann Kaspar Riesbeck, the "traveling French" from Höchst. His life, his work, his time. 2nd, expanded edition (Höchst Geschichtshefte 1a). Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971.
  • Wolfgang Griep: Riesbeck's journey or the tribunal of cutlers. A funky essay . In: North German contributions. Semi-annual issues for literature & politics. Issue 2, Hamburg 1979, pp. 54-72.
  • Thomas Bürger : Enlightenment in Zurich. The Orell, Gessner, Füssli & Comp. in the second half of the 18th century. With a bibliography of the publishing works 1761–1798. Booksellers Association GmbH, Frankfurt am Main 1997. ISBN 3-7657-2033-X .
  • Bonstettiana: Karl Viktor von Bonstetten, Charles Victor de Bonstetten, writings. Writings, speeches, records, idyls , 1762–1797, Bern 1997; Historical-critical edition of the letter correspondences of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten and his circle 1753-1832, Volume 2, Bern 1997, Volume 4, Göttingen 2002, Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, Volume 7, Bern 1998.
  • Heiner Boehncke , Hans Sarkowicz : Commentary and defamation. In Johann Kaspar Riesbeck: Letters of a traveling Frenchman, The Other Library, Berlin 2013, ISBN 978-3-8477-0012-8 , pp. 603-673.
  • Urs Hafner: Subversion in a sentence. The turbulent beginnings of the “Neue Zürcher Zeitung” (1780–1798). Verlag Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Zurich 2015. ISBN 978-3-03810-093-5 .

Web links

Wikisource: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck  - Sources and full texts

References and comments

  1. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (...) Kempten 1786, p. 3 / Note: "This is how he wrote his name himself, not Riesbeck (...)"
  2. Facsimile of the baptismal register with Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 28 ("Riesbeck").
  3. Facsimile of the death register with Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 29 ("Ryßbeck").
  4. ^ Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, next to p. 26.
  5. (Johann Kaspar Riesbeck :) Letters about the monastic system from a Catholic priest to a friend. Volume 3, (Zurich) 1780, p. 99.
  6. ^ Pezzl to Johann Heinrich Heidegger, Vienna, April 30, 1785, Zurich Central Library, manuscript department, V 307.23, no.2.
  7. ^ Johann Kaspar Lavater: Physiognomic Fragments. 3rd volume, Winterthur 1787, p. 282 f., Fig. LXXXVIII; Leo Weisz: Johann Kaspar Risbeck (…) In: The editors of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (…) Zurich 1961, pp. 35–45, here: p. 35; Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (…) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, next to p. 26. The original is in the graphic collection of the Zurich Central Library.
  8. The sitter does not have a "high, arched forehead" like Riesbeck - according to (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 50 - and, unlike him, was taciturn (Lavater).
  9. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 6.
  10. ^ Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 6 including note 7 f., P. 12.
  11. ^ Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 6.
  12. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 7 f.
  13. Johann Kaspar Barthel (1697–1771).
  14. ^ Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 6 f.
  15. Richard van Dülmen : The secret society of the Illuminati. Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt 1975, pp. 61, 378, 444, 449.
  16. See Riesbeck's letters in the Zurich Central Library.
  17. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 8.
  18. ^ Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 6, this relates to Riesbeck's stepfather.
  19. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 8.
  20. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, pp. 10–12.
  21. See Erich Mertens on Hermann Ludolf Ibbeken ( digitized versionhttp: //vorlage_digitalisat.test/1%3Dhttp%3A%2F%2Fwww.jung-stilling-forschung.de%2FIbbeken.pdf~GB%3D~IA%3D~MDZ%3D%0A~SZ%3D~doppelseiten% 3D ~ LT% 3D ~ PUR% 3D ).
  22. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 13 f.
  23. The Office of Reichserzkanzlers for Germania of each elector and archbishop of Mainz held, Reich Vice Chancellor was Rudolf Joseph Colloredo .
  24. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 14 f. Rudolf Schäfer counts among the said compatriots: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 11, Georg Michael von La Roche, who was temporarily in Vienna. If Riesbeck had known La Roche, Pezzl would have mentioned this.
  25. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, pp. 15-17. The quoted information has not been verified. Riesbeck will have performed under a stage name.
  26. The legend of the silhouette erroneously reads "Joseph Pezzl".
  27. Strong date of birth is given as 1743. According to (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 17, he came from a good family in Hamburg and was actually called “A — k” (Albeck?). In 1770 he was hired to Brno and received "extraordinary acclaim" on his debut as Paul Werner in Lessing's Minna von Barnhelm . ( Exact news from both imperial and royal show stages. 2. Part, Vienna 1773, pp. 213 f., 229.) In 1774 he made his debut in Eszterháza, Hungary . ( Litteratur- und Theater-Zeitung, Berlin, June 26, 1779, p. 410.)
  28. The political sciences were generally referred to as statistics .
  29. ^ The director of the German Schaubühne in Prague, Johann Joseph von Brunian, traveled with part of the troupe to Dresden in April 1777 and handed over the management of the house to the actor Maximilian Scholz. ( Litteratur- und Theater-Zeitung, Berlin, November 24, 1781, p. 744.)
  30. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, pp. 17–19.
  31. Colloredo, a son of the Reich Vice Chancellor, was Mozart's employer (who was on a concert tour).
  32. To the legacy of Maximilian III. Josephs († 1777) the Bavarian War of Succession broke out between Friedrich II and Joseph II.
  33. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 19 f. The mentioned writings are lost. In the letters of a French traveler (…) 1st volume, (Zurich) 1783, p. 221, Riesbeck advocates the connection of Bavaria to Austria.
  34. The work is lost. According to (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 51, it was in the taste of Voltaire’s Pucelle d'Orléans , “a bit profane , but extremely funny”.
  35. The house was on Dreikönigsgasse. (Rudolf Schäfer: Chronicle of Höchst am Main. Frankfurt am Main 1986, p. 92.)
  36. ^ Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 12 f.
  37. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 21.
  38. ^ Walliser was a factor in the Mayr'schen bookstore in Salzburg, then from 1780 bookseller in Klagenfurt.
  39. ^ Letters about monasticism from a Catholic pastor to a friend. (Zurich) 1771.
  40. Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (...) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 13, casts this doubt with less convincing justification.
  41. This refers to the abolition of the monastery by Joseph II. The struggle against monasticism was boosted by the abolition of the Society of Jesus by Pope Clement XIV (1773).
  42. According to (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 25 f., He learned this in 1781 from a letter from La Roche's wife Sophie to Johann Jakob Bodmer .
  43. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 26 / Note: “Brecht was born in Augsburg and was a Protestant religion; first pastor in Biberach , then in the town of Schweigern near Heilbron . "
  44. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, pp. 21–26.
  45. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 27 f.
  46. Histoire de Zulmie Warthei. Par Mademoiselle M ****. La Haye / Paris 1776. The Frenchwoman had published three romance novels before she died of tuberculosis at the age of almost twenty - without receiving the sacraments. ( Joseph-Marie Quérard : Les écrivains pseudonymes. Paris 1854, p. 341.) Riesbeck could not help ironicizing the novel, which is oozing with virtue and idealism: in the preface he insinuates that certain aspects of reality should be used , "Like Noah's children cover their father". In the translation, the end of the work reads that the reunited pair of protagonists have loved each other “like no one has ever loved in any novel”.
  47. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 29 f.
  48. The largest and longest wave of tuberculosis in history peaked in the 18th century.
  49. See letter to Johann Heinrich Füssli, Aarau, January 29, 1785 (read: 1786), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278. Richard Morton wrote in his Phtisiologia: or, a Treatise of Consumptions (…) London (1694), p. 217: “Any one, that has been but a little concerned in the Practice of Physick, may easily observe, that those that are Hypochondriacal and Hysterical, do often live a long time in a Comsumptive state, and at length being seized with those Symptoms of a Consumption of the Lung, that accompany the last and fatal Degree of it, they dye. "
  50. The first two numbers were edited by Gessner.
  51. According to Urs Hafner: Subversion in the sentence, The turbulent beginnings of the “Neue Zürcher Zeitung” (1780–1798), Zurich 2015, p. 45, editions of four pages each in 17 × 20 cm format appeared on Wednesdays and Saturdays. The edition was about 1500 copies.
  52. Laut (Johann Pezzl :) Biographisches Denkmal Risbeck’s (…) Kempten 1786, p. 51, Riesbeck spoke French and understood English and Italian.
  53. See Heiner Boehncke, Hans Sarkowicz: Commentary and Nachrede, in Johann Kaspar Riesbeck: Briefe eines Reisenden Franzosen, Berlin 2013, p. 658. Pezzl published autobiographical letters from the Novizziat (1780–1782 in Orell, Gessner, Füssli & Co.) ), the bestseller Faustin glorifying Joseph II or the philosophical century (1783) and a critical journey through the Baiers circle (1784).
  54. August Ludwig Schlözer writes in the 4th volume of his Stats-Advertisements, Göttingen 1783, p. 146: “(...) that is characteristic of the despotism that expresses the worthy Swiss nation, that there is nothing to be said about facts without the danger of death, nothing may write. "
  55. ^ Letters from a French traveler about Germany. To his brother in Paris. Translated by K. R. 2nd volume, (Zurich) 1783, p. 584: "three simultaneous legislative geniuses, as otherwise millennia could hardly have witnessed".
  56. Zürcher Zeitung, June 10, 1780, cited above. according to Urs Hafner: Subversion in the sentence, The turbulent beginnings of the "Neue Zürcher Zeitung" (1780–1798), Zurich 2015, p. 164.
  57. Zürcher Zeitung, August 22, 1781, cited above. according to Urs Hafner: Subversion in the sentence, The turbulent beginnings of the "Neue Zürcher Zeitung" (1780–1798), Zurich 2015, p. 153.
  58. Leo Weisz: Johann Kaspar Risbeck (...) In: Die Redaktoren der Neue Zürcher Zeitung (...) Zurich 1961, pp. 35–45, here: p. 38.
  59. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 52 f.
  60. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 34 f.
  61. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 31 f .: “The striking thing about this matter is that the writers who write about this trial with so much zeal do not know the real cause of Waser's decapitation (…) “Out of consideration for his employer Kaunitz, Pezzl kept this reason to himself: Waser wanted to induce Joseph II to divest the County of Kyburg , which the House of Austria had pledged to Zurich. However, he has not yet had any contact with the k. k. Diplomacy added.
  62. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 32 f.
  63. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 38.
  64. Aarau, May 4, 1785, Bonstettiana (…) historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (…) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, pp. 224–229.
  65. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, pp. 39–41.
  66. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 41 f.
  67. ^ Letters from a French traveler about Germany. To his brother in Paris. Translated by K. R. Volume 1, (Zurich) 1783, p. 46.
  68. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 38 f.
  69. According to Friedrich Nicolai: Appendix to the third and fiftieth to sixth and eightieth volumes of the general German library, 4th department, Berlin / Stettin 1791, p. 2266 f., Riesbeck could not go to Vienna because he was in the letters of a traveler The French represented the Viennese writers as mouthpieces for Joseph II.
  70. Eobald Toze (1715-1789).
  71. August Ludwig Schlözer’s (...) correspondence, mostly historical and political. Göttingen 1776–1782.
  72. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 42.
  73. According to (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical memorial (…) Kempten 1786, p. 43 f., Riesbeck had negotiated the printing with Nicolai in Berlin . (Friedrich Nicolai: Appendix to the third and fiftyth to sixth and eightieth volumes of the general German library, 4th department, Berlin / Stettin 1791, p. 2266 f., Denies this; Riesbeck only gave him the above-mentioned letters about the Switzerland offered.) That is why there are many positive things about Prussia in the letters - unlike in the travel reports of other writers . This remark was intended for the eyes of Kaunitz, who was confronted with attempts at annexation by Frederick II throughout his career .
  74. The Hague 1777.
  75. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 45 f.
  76. August Welti: History of the “Neue Zürcher Zeitung” from 1780–1914, in: 150 years of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Zurich 1930, p. 11 f.
  77. Leo Weisz: Johann Kaspar Risbeck (...) In: Die Redaktoren der Neue Zürcher Zeitung (...) Zurich 1961, pp. 35–45, here: p. 40.
  78. Johann Michael Armbruster (1761–1814) became the new editor of the Zürcher Zeitung . Pezzl stayed in Zurich until August 1783 (see his farewell letter to Füssli of August 22, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.263).
  79. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 48. According to Leo Weisz: Johann Kaspar Risbeck (…) In: Die Redaktoren der Neue Zürcher Zeitung (…) Zurich 1961, pp. 35–45, here : P. 42, Riesbeck lived in Aarau “from language lessons and translation work for German newspapers and for the Zürcher Verlag, not least for the Zürcher Zeitung. "
  80. Aarau was later called Jacobin town and Bethlehem of the Helvetic Republic . ( History of the city of Aarau. Aarau 1978, pp. 420, 431, 525.) Leo Weisz: Johann Kaspar Risbeck (…) In: The editors of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (…) Zurich 1961, pp. 35–45, here: p . 42, writes that Riesbeck was welcomed in Aarau by " Physiocrats and Freemasons".
  81. Buess to Anna Maria Prina, February 15, 1786, quoted in According to: Augspurgische Ordinari postal newspaper, May 24, 1786.
  82. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 46.
  83. To Johannes Müller , March 1784, Bonstettiana (...) Historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (...) Volume 4, Göttingen 2002, pp. 806, 809.
  84. Cf. Allgemeine Deutsche Bibliothek, Volume 62, 1. Piece, Berlin / Stettin 1785, pp. 484–486.
  85. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, pp. 46–48.
  86. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 4.
  87. 1787 and 1788 into French, 1787 into English, 1789 into Swedish. Leo Weisz: Johann Kaspar Risbeck (…) In: The editors of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (…) Zurich 1961, pp. 35–45, here: p. 39, also mentions translations into Italian and Dutch.
  88. Ulm 1778 ff.
  89. Hamburg / Kiel 1781, only one volume published.
  90. ^ To Füssli, Aarau 2. (no month) 1785, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278; (Johann Pezzl :) Biographical monument Risbeck’s (…) Kempten 1786, p. 48 f.
  91. Johann Georg Zimmermann was annoyed that "one of the first and most ingenious writers in Germany" had to live in Aarau, "where nobody knows and appreciates him". (February 4, 1785. Quoted from Albrecht Rengger (ed.): Johann Georg Zimmermann's letters to some of his friends in Switzerland, Aarau 1830, p. 327.)
  92. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, p. 50.
  93. ^ To Füssli, December 31, 1785, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278.
  94. ^ Ulrich Im Hof / François de Capitani: The Helvetian Society. Volume 2, Frauenfeld / Stuttgart 1983, p. 368.
  95. ^ To Füssli, undated (1785), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278.
  96. Not finished, lost.
  97. To Füssli, 2. (without month) 1785, Zurich Central Library, manuscript department, M 1.278; to Heidegger, (summer 1785), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, V 307.24.
  98. ^ Bonstettiana: Karl Viktor von Bonstetten (...) writings. Writings, speeches, notes, idylls, 1762–1797. Bern 1997, pp. 136, 160 f.
  99. Approx. March 8, 1785, Bonstettiana (…) Historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (…) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, p. 162 f.
  100. March 9, 1785, Bonstettiana (...) Historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (...) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, p. 166.
  101. Half of it contributed Gabriel Albrecht von Erlach (1739–1802).
  102. March 12, 1785, Bonstettiana (...) historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (...) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, p. 170.
  103. Cf. Pezzl to Heidegger, Vienna, August 6, 1785, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, V 307.23, No. 4.
  104. May 4, 1785, Bonstettiana (…) Historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (…) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, pp. 224–229.
  105. ^ To Füssli, undated (1785), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278.
  106. To Friedrich Nicolai, June 1, 1785, from this quoted. in: Appendix to the fifty-third to eighty-sixth volume of the general German library, 4th department, Berlin / Stettin 1791, p. 2266 f.
  107. ^ To Heidegger, (Summer 1785), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, V 307.24.
  108. French edition of Phyiognomischen fragments, Part 3, La Haye in 1786, fig. 34 to S. 294 (part).
  109. December 8, 1785, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, V 307.24
  110. December 22 (1785), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, V 307.24
  111. ^ According to Johann Georg Meusel: Literary Annalen der Geschichtskunde, 3rd piece, Bayreuth / Leipzig 1786, p. 281, only 16 sheets were printed when Riesbeck died.
  112. ^ To Füssli, December 31, 1785, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278.
  113. ^ To Füssli, December 31, 1785, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278; to Heidegger, December 31 (1785), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, V 307.24.
  114. December 31, 1785, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278.
  115. ^ To Füssli, January 5 (1786), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278.
  116. ^ Vienna, January 18, 1786, Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, V 307.23, No. 6.
  117. ^ To Füssli, January 29, 1785 (read: 1786), Zurich Central Library, Manuscript Department, M 1.278.
  118. Imhof an Füssli, February 3, 1786, Bonstettiana (...) Historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (...) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, p. 520.
  119. City Archives Aarau, Council Manual, February 15 1786th
  120. ^ Brünner Zeitung, April 21, 1786, p. 250 f.
  121. May 6, 1786, p. 121, cit. after Rudolf Schäfer: Johann Kaspar Riesbeck (…) Frankfurt am Main-Höchst 1971, p. 20 f.
  122. Aarau, May 17, 1786, cited above. after: Baÿreuther Newspapers, May 25, 1786, p. 408 f .; see. Aarau City Archives, Council Manual, May 12 and 19, 1786.
  123. Quoted from: Augspurgische Ordinari Postzeitung, May 24, 1786.
  124. Bonstetten to Müller, (approx. May 6, 1786), and to Füssli, May 7, 1786, Bonstettiana (...) Historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (...) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, p. 612 f .
  125. June 1786, p. 72 f.
  126. Imhof an Füssli, Wattwil, February 3, 1786, Bonstettiana (...) Historical-critical edition of Karl Viktor von Bonstetten's correspondence (...) Volume 5, Göttingen 2005, p. 520.
  127. (Johann Pezzl :) Risbeck’s biographical monument (…) Kempten 1786, pp. 50–52, 54.
  128. (Johann Georg Heinzmann :) Kaspar Risbeck. In: Paintings from the enlightened eighteenth century, Part 2, Bern / Leipzig 1786, pp. 143–148, quotation: p. 148.
  129. ^ Johann Georg Meusel: Literary Annalen der Geschichtskunde, 3rd piece, Bayreuth / Leipzig 1786, p. 281.
  130. The original edition is preferable to the cheaper one from 1784. As noted in Volume 1 on page III, the latter was launched onto the market to forestall piracy . It is questionable whether Riesbeck was involved. And contrary to the announcement on the title page, the text - with the exception of a "correction by the author" about Salzburg at the end - was not "significantly improved".
  131. Letters 1–25 only.
  132. ^ Translator: Paul Henry Maty.
  133. ^ Translator: Pierre-Prime-Félicien Le Tourneur.
  134. Completed by Peter Adolph Winkopp , continued by Joseph Milbiller .
  135. Translator: Eric Forssén.
  136. Printed and illustrated by Heiner Boehncke, Hans Sarkowicz: Commentary and defamation. In Johann Kaspar Riesbeck: Letters from a French Traveler, Berlin 2013, p. 658.
  137. First published in: Neue Zürcher Zeitung, No. 3416, December 10, 1955, and No. 3426, December 11, 1955.
  138. Refers to the rumor that Riesbeck was buried on the Schindanger. It blamed Aarau's council, which consisted of cutleries.