Nemrut Dağı (Adıyaman)

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Nemrut Dağı
Nemrut Dağı from the north

Nemrut Dağı from the north

height 2150  m
location Adiyaman Province , Turkey
Mountains Ankar Dağları, Taurus Mountains
Coordinates 37 ° 58 '51 "  N , 38 ° 44' 28"  E Coordinates: 37 ° 58 '51 "  N , 38 ° 44' 28"  E
Nemrut Dağı (Adıyaman) (Turkey)
Nemrut Dağı (Adıyaman)
rock limestone
Tumulus from the south, left parking lot and starting point of the summit path
Divine thrones and heads on the east terrace

The Nemrut Dağı , also Nemrut Dağ or Nemrud Dağı ( Armenian Նեմրութ , Kurdish Çiyayê Nemrûdê ), is a mountain in southeastern Turkey , not far from the upper reaches of the Euphrates . It belongs to the Taurus Mountains and is located 86 kilometers northeast of Adıyaman in the province of the same name . With a height of 2150 meters, it is one of the highest peaks in northern Mesopotamia . The region was declared a national park in 1988.

This mountain is not to be confused with the Nemrut Crater , Nemrut Dağı (Bitlis) , a 3050 meter high (the height values ​​vary depending on the source between 2865 m and 3300 m), today dormant volcano in Turkey near Tatvan on Lake Van.

A monumental combination of sanctuary and tomb rises at its summit . It was built by the late Hellenistic king Antiochus I Theos (69-36 BC) von Kommagene , who coined the term Hierothesion ( Greek ἱεροθέσιον ) for it. The sanctuary was to be the center of a new religion that united Persian and Greek mythology . Shortly after his coronation, Antiochus gave himself the addition of Theos (God), an unusual self- deification even in the context of the Hellenistic ruler's cult. In two long Greek inscriptions, the king specified how exactly he should be worshiped during his lifetime and after his death. He traced his ancestry on his father's side to the Achaemenid great kings Darius I and Xerxes I and on his mother's side to the Seleucids with Alexander the Great as ancestor.

The place of worship was rediscovered in 1881 by the German engineer Karl Sester . Since then, Turkish, American and German archaeologists have carried out excavations here . The first explorers of the hierothesion were Otto Puchstein and Carl Humann in 1882/83 ; they were followed in the 1950s and 1960s by a German-American excavation team with Friedrich Karl Dörner and Theresa Goell from the American Schools of Oriental Research . In 1987 the burial sanctuary was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List . Since then, various groups, including the International Nemrud Foundation and, most recently, members of the Commagene Nemrut Conservation and Development Program from the Technical University of the Middle East have been active on the mountain.

The tomb consists of a pile of rubble with a diameter of 150 and a height of 45 meters above the natural summit of the mountain. The gravel hill is surrounded by three terraces to the north, west and east. On the western and eastern terraces there are large statues of gods depicting King Antiochus in the company of Greco-Persian gods. There are also various rows of relief steles depicting the king's ancestral gallery and other relatives, as well as depictions of ritual acts. Around 300,000 m³ of massive rock were moved to make room for the construction of the sanctuary. Processional paths lead up the mountain from three directions.

Over time, earthquakes , storms and numerous visitors have contributed to the destruction of a large part of the reliefs and the statues, which were once 8-10 m high, are now headless. The heads are placed in front of the statues. A burial chamber is suspected in the hill, but despite many attempts to penetrate into the interior of the hill, this has not yet been proven.

The monumental statues with the altar and the reliefs offer an impressive picture, especially at sunrise and sunset. The complex is considered unfinished, no traces of any cult activities were found.

The current Turkish name of the mountain refers to the legendary King Nimrod , who appears in the Bible and the Koran .

location

View from Nemrut Dağı to the southeast of the Euphrates

The Nemrut Dağı is located in the north of the Kâhta district of the Turkish province of Adıyaman . It belongs to the Ankar Dağları , the western foothills of the Maden Dağları belonging to the Taurus Mountains , to the north are the Malatya Dağları , which formed the border of Kommagenes. Pass roads lead over the latter to the Malatya area , which were used for military purposes and as caravan routes and some are still in use today. Even if some of the mountains of the border mountains are higher in the northwest, the Nemrut Dağı is a landmark that can be seen from almost all directions. It overlooks Mesopotamia and the Euphrates Valley to the southeast, the river Kahta Çayı (also Cendere Çayı, ancient name Chabinas) and Adıyaman to the southwest , and Samosata, which has now disappeared in the Ataturk reservoir , and the Euphrates crossing at Zeugma to the south . A processional path led from the southwestern residential city of Arsameia on the Nymphaios to Nemrut Dağı.

Today you can reach Nemrut Dağı from Kahta via the D-360, from which a signposted road branches off to the north at Narince. It is initially paved, the last, steep part is then paved and leads to a parking lot with a tourist center below the summit, from where the terraces with the monumental statues can be reached after an ascent of about 25 minutes.

geology

The formations of the Ankar Dağları emerged from numerous different types of rock in the course of the mountain formation. Only Eocene limestones were decisive for the summit and the immediate vicinity of Nemrut Dağı . This formation process began over 35 million years ago in the Eocene and continued into the Oligocene . The rugged landscape at the foot of the mountain was created by weathering during this period and in the subsequent Pliocene . The unfolded limestone layers emerge on the slopes of the Nemrut in the form of breakthroughs, in the deeper zones they are covered by the topsoil . In the southeast there are typical forms of a karst surface . These include depressions that were created by cavities in the limestone that collapsed under the topsoil and which the surveying engineer in Goell's team, Heinrich Brokamp, ​​who created a topographical map of the mountain, calls ice caves . Remnants of solidified firn snow can be found there throughout the year , which animals use to drink in summer. In the northeast, about two kilometers down the slope, individual layers of gray-green sandstone appear. In contrast to the limestone slabs that are pushed up at an angle, they are horizontal. As a result, a spring rises at this interface between the two types of rock, which was used as a water supply in Hellenistic times, but also today.

The craftsmen who created the sanctuary on the mountain top only used stones from the immediate vicinity. In addition to sandstone from the area around the source, limestone was used, which was broken out of the openings on the mountain slopes. It is possible that material from the eroded top of the mountain was also processed.

Flora and fauna

Neither trees nor bushes belong to the sparse vegetation of the high mountain landscape. In a study by Ahmet Zafer from 2009, 250 types of seed plants were counted, including 14% sunflower , 10% mint , 9.2% sweet grass , 7.6% cruciferous and 7.2% legumes . The fauna of the national park includes bear, wolf, jackal, fox and badger species. Among the species of birds that can be observed are the white-throated Singer , the Steinschmätzer , the Mittelsteinschmätzer and Rostbürzelsteinschmätzer , further snow Fink , Lark and Brach Pieper .

Research history

Osman Hamdi Bey in 1882 on the Nemrut Dağı

The Nemrut Dağı was mapped in the early 19th century by Helmuth von Moltke , who was a military advisor in the Ottoman Empire . Although he paid close attention to the evidence of antiquity and used the mountain as a landmark for his land surveys, he had missed the sanctuary on the summit. In 1881, the road construction engineer Karl Sester reported in a letter to the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences in Berlin about Assyrian monuments on the mountain. The archaeologist Otto Puchstein was then commissioned in 1882 by Alexander Conze , the general secretary of the German Archaeological Institute , on behalf of the academy to travel with the engineer to Nemrut Dağı. On May 4, 1882, they first arrived on the mountain, which they found still covered with deep snow. Nevertheless, Puchstein found the Greek inscription on the back of the statues and began to copy it. They soon left because of the weather, which hindered their investigations, and Puchstein returned in June of the same year. On October 19 he gave a report to the academy's philosophical-historical class. In the following year Carl Humann traveled to Nemrut Dağı on behalf of the academy, accompanied by Puchstein and Felix von Luschan . From June 8 to 23, 1883, they made drawings and photographs of the monuments and brought numerous plaster casts to the Royal Museums in Berlin . On their way they visited and explored other places of the Kommagene, including the Hierothesia of Karakuş and Sesönk , Samosata , Perrhe and the late Hittite sites of Sakçagözü and Zincirli . The Turkish archaeologist Osman Hamdi Bey , who had found out about the company and also wanted to get to know Kommagene, was already on the mountain in May, accompanied by the sculptor Osgan Efendi , and had carried out research despite the heavy snow. Her report Le tumulus de Nemroud-Dagh: Voyages, description, inscriptions was published by the Imperial Ottoman Museum founded by Osman Hamdi Bey in autumn 1883. The research results of Humann and Puchstein appeared in 1890 under the title Travel in Asia Minor and Northern Syria .

The German ancient historian Friedrich Karl Dörner set out on a research trip through the Kommagene landscape with the building researcher and architect Rudolf Naumann in 1938 and visited the sanctuary, but was initially unable to continue his planned work due to the outbreak of the Second World War. It was not until 1951 that he went there again with the intention of exploring the possibilities of excavations on Nemrut Dağı. On the way from Kahta to Horik, which was supposed to be the base station for the work on Nemrut Dağı, he received information about a stone in a village from a resident. This led to the discovery of the commagenic residence town of Arsameia on Nymphaios with the Hierothesion there and the large cult inscription. The American archaeologist Theresa Goell had already dealt with the Nemrut Dağı in 1939 and visited him for the first time in 1947. In 1951, with the support of the American Schools of Oriental Research , together with the German ancient orientalist Albrecht Götze , she was on her way there without meeting Dörner. When Goell and Dörner found out about each other, they decided, after two years of correspondence, to conduct the investigations together in Kommagene. After Dörner had received permission from the Turkish Republic to excavate in Arsameia in 1953, Goell worked as an architect in Arsameia from 1953 to 1956, while Dörner was involved in the research at the summit as an epigraphist . The excavations lasted until 1964. After that Goell returned a few times, so in 1967 measuring and photography work was carried out and in 1973 the main altar was restored. Radar surveys of the tumulus and the rock under the gravel were planned for 1976 by the Stanford Research Institute with the aim of finding the king's burial chamber, but they failed due to financial problems.

Friedrich Karl Dörner returned to Nemrut Dağı for restoration work on the west terrace in 1984, but was unable to continue the work for health reasons. Under the direction of Dörner's students Sencer Şahin , Jörg Wagner and Elmar Schwertheim , who would later head the Asia Minor research center founded by Dörner , the German-Turkish Nemrut-Dağı project worked from 1987 to 1991 on researching and securing the monuments. In 1998 the Dutch architect Maurice Crijns founded the International Nemrud Foundation (INF) in collaboration with Herman Brijder from the University of Amsterdam . Until 2003 she devoted herself to work on the mountain. The Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism withdrew the INF's excavation permit in 2004 and in 2005 the Commagene Nemrut Conservation and Development Program was launched at the Middle East Technical University in Ankara under the direction of the architect Şahin Güçhan. The aim of the project is not only the further archaeological investigation and maintenance of the sanctuary, but also the improvement of the tourist and general infrastructure in the area of ​​the national park around the Nemrut Dağı. The plans also include the construction of a museum below the summit. According to Sencer Şahin's proposals, it should contain a tumulus simulation under a domed structure, on which the monuments will be erected, protected from the dangers of the weather. On the mountain itself, the originals are to be replaced by replicas.

Historical background

The historical landscape of Kommagene lies in today's southeastern Turkey in the angle between the Euphrates in the east and the Antitaurus with the Malatya Dağları in the northwest. In the south it extends to the Euphrates crossing at Zeugma, near today's Birecik and to Doliche near modern Gaziantep . After the end of the Iron Age Luwian kingdom of Kummuh , the country was Assyrian , later Babylonian province, until the conquest of Babylon by the Persian empire of the Achaemenids in 539 BC. After two centuries of belonging to the Persian Empire , the rule of Alexander the Great , the Armenians and finally the Seleucids followed . In 163 BC The governor Ptolemy broke away from the Seleucid Empire and founded the independent kingdom of Commagene. During the reign of his successor Mithridates Kallinikos and his son Antiochus I , Kommagene lay between the areas of interest of the Roman Empire in the west and the Parthians in the east. Influences from this prehistory and the current situation in an area of ​​tension were decisive for the royal cult that Antiochus introduced, and thus also for the design of the Hierothesion, which he, presumably towards the end of his reign in the second half of the 1st century BC. Was built on the Nemrut Dağı.

King cult and art religion of Antiochus I.

Great cult inscription from Arsameia on Nymphaios

After assuming his rule in 69 BC. BC Antiochus I expanded the commagenic royal cult that his father had already introduced considerably and initiated a syncretistic art religion for this purpose. In numerous places of his empire he built or expanded Hierothesia or Temene , which served the practice of this cult and thus its veneration. According to Friedrich Karl Dörner, Hierothesia were "sepulkrale cult sites", ie sanctuaries in connection with graves of members of the ruling family. Temene denoted smaller places of worship without a grave. In addition to the Nemrut Dağı, sanctuaries existed in Arsameia am Nymphaios with the grave of Antiochus 'father Mithridates Kallinikos, in Arsameia on the Euphrates (today's Gerger ) for his grandfather Samos II. , On Karakuş , where Antiochus' wife Isias and other women presumably Relatives are buried in Sesönk, another burial mound, in which the grave of a high-ranking family, possibly also Mithridates II , the son of Antiochus, is presumed, as well as Sofraz Köy , Zeugma and Samosata. Inscriptions were found in all places in which he gave very detailed instructions for the practice of his cult. Furthermore, conclusions can be drawn from the texts about the development of the cult and the accompanying religion.

The population of the country of Commagene at the time consisted of an Iranian upper class who followed the Persian tradition, but also of a Greek elite who had come to the country in the course of Alexander's Macedonian conquests. In addition, the country was in the area of ​​tension between the Roman Empire in the west and the Parthian Empire in the east. Antiochus wanted to unite these two western and eastern cultures in the cult around himself and in the religion of art that he brought into being. On the one hand, he traced his ancestry on the paternal side to the Achaemenids up to Xerxes I and Darius I , on the maternal side over the Seleucids to Alexander the Great. On the other hand, he positioned himself as god in the company of other figures of gods, which he represented as syncretistic associations of oriental and Hellenistic gods, and added the addition Theos ( Greek θε fürς for god ) to his name .

  • The supreme god, corresponding to the Greek Zeus , bears the name Zeus-Oromasdes ( Ζεύς Ώρομάσδης ), after the ancient Persian sky god Ahura Mazda , a high god in the Zoroastrian religion, whom Darius had chosen as his personal patron god.
  • He united the Greek Apollon with three other gods to Apollon-Mithras-Helios-Hermes ( Ἀπόλλων Μίθρας Ἥλιος Ἑρμῆς ). Mithridates had already introduced the combinations Mithras-Apollon and Helios-Hermes, whereby a sun god is represented in each combination. The Greek sun god Helios is linked on the one hand with the likewise Hellenistic messenger of the gods Hermes , on the other hand Apollo with Mithras , the latter referring to the ancient Persian miter . This developed in the Achaemenid period from the guardian of human relationships to the sun god, who played an outstanding role in ancient Persian religion.
  • The third god is Artagnes-Herakles-Ares ( Ἀρτάγνης Ἡρακλῆς Ἄρης ). While Heracles is the Greek hero accepted into Olympus and Ares the well-known god of war, Artagnes is the Greek rendering of the ancient Iranian name of the gods Verethragna . Artagnes does not appear in Achaemenid sources, only in a few scattered writings are Heracles or Ares mentioned as an interpretatio graeca of a god in western Iran, so that it can be assumed that he played at most a subordinate role in Achaemenid religion. His appearance in a prominent place in Kommagene can only be explained with a later surge in popularity, which he also experienced in Khuzistan , where he was also equated with Heracles.
  • The only female deity in Antiochus' pantheon is the all-nourishing Kommagene ( παντρόφος Κομμαγηνή ), the country goddess. She is equated with the Greek goddess of fate Tyche , even if the name is not explicitly mentioned in the inscription on the back of her monumental statue.

It is noticeable here that the Persian (eastern) component of the names of the male gods only forms one of several components, the female deity is only referred to by its Greek name. The multiple names only appear where the deities are to be made known to the visitor, at other passages in the text only the Greek (western) name is given. From this it is concluded that the conceptual starting point of the religion remains Greco-Hellenistic, the oriental part is only a supplement.

In various inscriptions, including those by Sofraz Köy , Arsameia am Nymphaios and Nemrut Dağı, Antiochus stipulated that his subjects should hold the cult celebrations in his honor on the 10th and 16th of each month, the dates of his accession to the throne (10th Loos ) and his birthday (16th Audnaios) . Public meals were also held on these occasions. Antiochus donates lands, called χῶραι , from the ruler's property , and entire villages, κῶμαι , were used to care for the sanctuaries. Hierodules , musicians and musicians were appointed as the personnel of the Hierothesia, who were the property of the deity and therefore could not be enslaved. This regulation also applied to their descendants, so that the staffing of the places of worship should be secured “forever”. Through the dense network of Hierothesia and Temene, which were spread over the empire, he ensured that every inhabitant had the opportunity to regularly take part in the celebrations.

In 1973, in his book Die Kommagenischen Kultreformen under King Mithradates I. Kallinikos and his son Antiochus I , Helmut Waldmann put forward the thesis that religious syncretism was already introduced by Antiochus' father Mithridates. The discovery of the stele and the inscription by Sofraz Köy by Jörg Wagner in 1974 refuted this theory. The inscription can certainly be classified as the earliest known of Antiochus, among other things because he still referred to himself there as a king ( βασιλεύς ) and not, as was customary later, as the great king ( βασιλεύς μέγας ). In addition, only the Greek gods Apollon and Artemis are mentioned in the inscription, with no Iranian additional names. Therefore it does not seem likely that the east-west art religion existed at this early time.

After Antiochus' death, the cult lost its importance. Sencer Şahin pointed out in 1991 that the sanctuary was not completed and in all likelihood there were never any celebrations on Nemrut Dağı. There are no planned statues on the north terrace or tables described in the inscription and the head of the monumental statue of the king on the east terrace is unfinished, but above all there are no small finds that would be expected after regular cult activities.

sanctuary

Drawing of the tumulus with the terraces by Carl Humann and Otto Puchstein, 1890
Plan of the terraces by Carl Humann and Otto Puchstein, 1890

Tumulus and terraces

Over the summit of the limestone mountain is a tumulus made of gravel stones with a diameter of about 150 meters and a height of 45 meters. Below are three artificially created terraces in the north-east, south-west and north-west, briefly called east, west and north terraces. The east terrace is almost rectangular, its central courtyard measures around 21 × 26 meters, including all the monuments and the large altar, it is around 50 × 50 meters in size. The west terrace, which is about ten meters lower, has overall dimensions of 50 × 30 meters and is partly artificially underpinned to the west to create space for the furnishings. According to the calculations of the geologist Hans-Gert Bachmann, around 300,000 tons of rubble must have been moved for the tumulus. Part of it was likely to have accrued while carving out the terraces from the mountain, but it is uncertain whether the summit itself was machined for this. The monumental statues, the guard animals and the bases of the steles are also made of local limestone, traces of quarrying can still be seen on the southeast slope below the east terrace. For the relief steles of the ancestors, greenish sandstone was used, which was extracted from a spring northeast of the mountain about an hour and a half away by foot.

Furnishing

The west and east terraces had almost the same equipment. There were each:

  • The row of monumental seated statues of the gods Antiochus, Kommagene, Zeos-Oromasdes, Apollon-Mithras-Helios-Hermes and Herakles-Artagnes-Ares, with the guardian animals lion and eagle on each side.
  • Two rows of pedestal reliefs of the ancestors, 15 ancestors on the paternal Persian side and 17 on the maternal, Greco-Macedonian side. The latter also include female ancestors.
  • A series of dexiosis reliefs showing Antiochus shaking hands with the gods, next to them the horoscope of Leo. This row is also framed by (smaller) guardian lions and eagles.
  • Two short rows of three reliefs each by contemporary members of the royal family, behind the ancestral galleries. Remnants and plinths were only found on the east terrace. The discovery of another relief on the west terrace, which according to the inscription can possibly be assigned to Antiochus' son and successor Mithridates II, shows, however, that such rows may have been present there too.
  • A row with further reliefs, called an investiture group.

The arrangement of the statues, steles and the associated small altars is different depending on the local conditions. A large, tiered altar is only available on the east terrace. There the dexiosis reliefs are placed on a second podium below the colossal statues, on both sides of which a staircase leads up to the monumental guardian animals. In between there is a block altar in front of the statues and reliefs, which probably has a counterpart on the east terrace.

Monumental statues

The thrones of the east terrace
Throne of Zeus, east terrace

The monumental seated statues of the gods stood with their backs to the tumulus and overlooked the respective terrace. They were composed of limestone blocks in seven layers with a height of about one meter. The top layer consisted only of a block 2.5 to 3 meters high, which formed the head of the figure. The figures thus reached a height of over eight meters. The footprint of the thrones, including the footstool in front of them, is a little over three meters square. In the case of the Zeus figure occupying the central square, which also exceeded the others in height with 8.75 meters (west terrace 9.65 meters), the base is also the largest with 3.82 × 3.32 meters. The lower layer formed the pedestal of the throne and the footstool, the next three the feet, lower legs and thighs of the figure. These layers consisted of a multi-part, rectangular frame, the hollow interior of which was filled with rubble stones up to a height of two meters. Layers 5 and 6 formed the upper body and shoulders of the god, with most of them having the shoulder layer made up of just one block. The head sat on top, in some cases the upper part of the headgear was made of a further, eighth layer.

The arrangement of the gods is from left to right Antiochus, Kommagene, Zeus-Oromasdes, Apollon-Mithras-Helios-Hermes and Herakles-Artagnes-Ares. They are flanked on both sides by a larger than life eagle and on the outside by a lion.

The clothing of the male gods consists of a cloak that is thrown over the east terrace and is held together on the right shoulder by a plate fibula. The coats are on on the west terrace. Underneath, the figures wear a long-sleeved robe, the fabric of which forms folds falling from the legs, and trousers. The feet are dressed in double-laced boots with tongue. On the heads sat a Persian tiara , a conical headgear that emerged from the Phrygian cap , the tip of which is bent forward. Ear and neck protection hang down to the shoulder layer. In contrast, Antiochus is the only one to wear an "Armenian" tiara. This is flattened on the sides and tapers upwards, whereby five ray-like triangles could be seen on the upper edge, of which only four are still present today. For this purpose, the ears and neck parts are folded up. The gods wear a diadem about 15 centimeters wide over the tiaras, which is tied at the back. On the front of the headgear a ribbon with round discs runs from the bottom to the tip as a decoration. Apollon, Zeus and Antiochus hold a barsome , a bundle of twigs tied together , in their left hand lying on their lap . Heracles holds an upright club in his left hand that reaches to his shoulders.

Kommagene wears a coat ( himation ) over his shoulders , which covers half the back of the head, leaves the upper body and arms free and is put back together on his lap and presumably held with his left hand. The hem runs clearly over the lower legs. Your underwear forms a chiton that falls down the side of your legs and is girded with two straps under your breasts. The footwear is difficult to read due to the poor state of preservation, it is probably sandals. Dörner and the art historian John H. Young interpret the cylindrical headgear as Kalathos , while the Near Eastern archaeologist Bruno Jacobs believes he recognizes a wreath of fruits and ears of wheat. In her left hand the goddess holds a cornucopia that, standing upright, reaches shoulder height.

Shoulder section of an eagle, east terrace

The pairs of guardian animals on either side of the row of gods are also composed of several layers, five on the east terrace and six on the west terrace. The animal figures standing on a common base are between 4.5 and 5 meters tall, the lion towers above the eagle by a few centimeters. The hollow interior of the body is in turn filled with crushed stone. The heads are made from one piece. The figure of the eagle is simple, it has a powerful head with a strong upper beak, wide-open eyes and bushy brows. The wings are placed against the body, the shoulders stretched forward. The claws are spread into a semicircle. The lion is shown sitting. The raised front paws have a strip on the back with suggested fur. The mighty mane consists of numerous tufts of hair lying on top of each other. The nostrils are deeply cut above the slightly open mouth. The eyes are wide open and have knotty brows. Above this, a strip of finer hair can be seen in front of the mane base. The ears are only shown as holes in the mane. Theresa Goell sees clear similarities to Assyrian and Hittite , but also Achaemenid lion figures in these small ears, the symmetrical, flame-like mane, the schematic representation of the mouth, nose and cheek hairs and other features .

On the headboards of all large statues, of gods and animals, square transport holes with a diameter of about 5–6 centimeters can be seen on the sides. They give rise to the assumption that the heads, unlike the bodies, were not finished on the object itself, but on the ground and only then put on.

Status

The thrones of the large sculptures are partially preserved up to shoulder height on the east terrace, on the west terrace only the three lower layers are in situ . The heads have all fallen and placed in front of the seats. At the beginning of the investigations by Goell and Dörner in 1953, the head of the eastern Kommagene was the only one still in place, but between 1961 and 1963 it fell down as a result of a lightning strike and was damaged in the process. Most of the heads do not have the upper ends of the headgear, the male deities do not have the tips of the tiaras, and the Kommagene the kalathos or basket. Only the Antiochos head on the west terrace has been preserved except for tees at the corners. Noses and lips are mostly chipped off by the crash. Otto Puchstein assumed due to the even fall situation that the destruction had taken place at the same time, and therefore attributed it to an earthquake. Hans-Gert Bachmann, on the other hand, takes the view that weather influences over the centuries could have been sufficient to trigger the current situation.

Reconstruction of the monumental statues and dexiosis reliefs on the west terrace by Humann, 1890

Cult inscription

Back of the monumental statues with inscription, west terrace
Detail of the inscription, west terrace

On the back of the thrones there is the large cult inscription of Antiochus on both terraces. According to a heading given by the king himself, it is referred to as a nomos inscription ( Greek Νόμος , German  law ). On the west terrace it comprises two of the limestone blocks, on the east terrace the execution is somewhat more monumental and fills the lower three of the blocks that form the divine throne. In terms of content, the two texts are identical, apart from individual letters, the western version is better preserved, so that smaller missing parts of the eastern text could be filled in with it.

Antiochus introduces himself in the inscription first with ancestry and all titles and epithets :

" [Βασιλεύς μέ] Αντίοχος Θεὸς γας
Δίκαιος [Επιφ] αν [ὴς] καὶ Φιλορώμαιος
Φιλέ [λλ] ην, ἑκ βασιλέως Μιθραδά- ὁ
του Καλλινίκου καὶ βασιλίσσης Λαο-
δίκης θεᾶς Φιλαδέλφου τῆς ἐκ βασι-
λέω [ς] Αντιόχου Φιλο- Επιφανοῦς
μήτορος Καλλινίκου ἐπὶ καθω-
σιομένων βάσεων ασύλοις
γράμμασιν ἕργα χάριτος ἰδίας εἰς
χρόνον ἀνέργραφεν αἰώνιον
"

“The great King Antiochus, God, the righteous, Epiphanes, friend of the Romans and Hellenes, son of King Mithradates Kallinikos and Queen Laodike, goddess, brother-loving, daughter of King Antiochus Epiphanes, mother-loving, victorious, drew on sacred throne bases everlasting letters words of one's own grace - for eternity. "

- Antiochus I .: Translation of the Greek text after Helmut Waldmann

In the following, he describes his life, emphasizing above all his everlasting piety, which he considers "his most loyal defender and his inimitable delight". For this reason he built his tomb and a place of worship "around the summit of the gorges of the Tauros". Then he gives instructions in the nomos for carrying out the cult activities in the Hierothesion. The priest appointed by him should put on Persian robes on the fixed holidays and crown his helpers with golden wreaths. Sacrifices of herbs, incense, wine and food are to be offered on the altars. The assembled crowd should be welcomed courteously and provided with food and drinks and entertained with music at an enjoyable festival. He also stipulates that the persons designated by him for the celebrations may not be enslaved or otherwise sold by anyone at all times. The villages responsible for supplying the festivities, "which I have consecrated as the inviolable property of the gods", must not be attacked or damaged. It closes with the threat of the irreconcilable wrath of the gods and deified ancestors for anyone who violates this ordinance. Likewise, those who obey should be assured of the eternal grace of the gods.

The classical philologist Eduard Norden describes the inscription as “the most important monument of Greek prose from a time from which almost nothing has been preserved”.

Dexiosis reliefs

Partially erected dexiosis reliefs on the west terrace in 1996, from the left Kommagene, Apollon, remains of the Zeus stele, Heracles. The Leo horoscope is missing.
The Dexiosis series concluding figures of eagle and lion, west terrace

A row of five steles was located in the east in front of the monumental statues on a podium, in front of which a 0.85 meter high altar block of 2.50 × 1.50 meters stood. In the west, the corresponding sculptures followed the seated statues on the right (north). The first relief does not show the typical handout for Dexioseis, but rather the land goddess holds out her right hand to the king with the fruits of the land. The next three are real dexiosis reliefs that show the builder Antiochus shaking hands with his fellow gods. The fifth stele on the right is known as the Leo horoscope. Like the large statues, the row is flanked by a lion and an eagle. Only a small number of small fragments of the steles and figures have survived on the east terrace, while in the west almost complete steles or at least more and larger fragments were found in some cases. The following description accordingly relates to the western reliefs. Except for a small part of the Zeusdexiosis on Nemrut Dağı, the steles could not be seen in 2011. All personal reliefs have an inscription on the back, which names the king with a title and the deity represented in each case.

Antiochus commagene

Reconstruction of the dexiosis reliefs by Antiochus with Kommagene and Apollon on the west terrace by Humann and Puchstein (1890)

The first relief shows King Antiochus with the country goddess Commagene. It is about 2.65 meters high and 1.50 meters wide. The upper body of the king standing on the left is shown frontally, the head turned to the right in profile. Kommagene's body is slightly turned towards him, the head is shown sideways. She holds out her right hand to him and offers him the fruits of the land, in her left she holds her cornucopia. Antiochus wears the Armenian tiara, which is decorated with a lion framed by fruits, flowers and leaves, the upper part of which is missing. The upturned ear flaps are also decorated with flowers, the tiara worn over the tiara shows several striding lions. The upper body is dressed in a cloak, which is held on the right shoulder by two heart-shaped brooches decorated with an eagle. Underneath, a harness emerges, consisting of diamonds decorated with six-pointed stars. It is open at the front and is held together with strings. A shirt is recognizable on the arms, a sash tied around the waist holds a skirt that reaches down to the Persian boots and is typical of Commagenic rulers' clothing. Below you can see pants that are tucked into the boots. On the right side the king carries his sword, the scabbard is decorated with four-petalled rosettes. Of the scepter held in the left hand, only the egg-shaped upper part, which is wrapped with leaves, is preserved.

The goddess wears a chiton that reaches down to her knees and a himation above it. This leaves the right breast free and is tied in a knot over the left. Curls fall from the combed back hair over the ears and down to the shoulders. Above it she wears a heavy wreath of fruits, including grapes, apples and lemons, and above it rises a kalathos. In her left arm she holds her cornucopia, which tapers towards the bottom and from which fruits well up above.

Part of the relief, which contains the body of the king and head as well as the upper part of the cornucopia of the Kommagene, is in the Berlin museums. It was brought there by Humann and Puchstein, the first two western archaeologists to research the mountain, after they found the relief badly damaged a year after their first visit in 1882. Other parts, including the torso of the goddess and feet of Antiochus, were found and put together by Goell and Dörner in 1954.

Antiochus-Apollo

The approximately 2.30 meter high relief has largely been preserved except for a strip between the two sitters, which is undoubtedly missing the handshake. The tiara is complete here, it shows the five points of the Armenian variant, each adorned with a ball at the top. The tips are adorned with palmettes , the tied side flaps with laurel bunches. The sword is carried here on the left, so that only the handle can be seen. The king holds the long scepter in his left hand. Its upper end, which can be seen behind his right shoulder, is provided with a ball, the lower end, in front of Apollo's feet, with bead-like ornaments. The rest of the clothing and equipment is roughly the same as on the first Dexiosis.

Apollon's headgear is the Persian tiara with the tip tilted forwards and hanging neck and side protection, all over decorated with stars. The diadem sitting above it has alternating circles and diamonds as decoration. A halo of rays with a diameter of about 50 centimeters can be seen behind the head, which makes its function as the sun god clear. Some of the rays extend beyond the edge of the relief. His clothing consists of a tight-fitting shirt with a cloak thrown over it, which is held together by a round brooch in front of his right shoulder. It leaves the chest free and is visible again between the legs up to ankle height. Pants and boots correspond to those of the king. There is a braided collar around the neck and a bracelet can be seen on the left wrist. The left hand holds the Barsom.

The relief is relatively flat, the faces noticeably smooth. A similar representation of Antiochus with the same deity was found in Arsameia on Nymphaios, but there the god is referred to as Mithras-Helios-Apollo-Hermes.

Antiochus Zeus

Lower part of Zeusdexiosis on the west terrace 2011
Reconstruction of the dexiosis reliefs of Antiochus with Zeus and Heracles on the west terrace of Humann and Puchstein (1890)

At over three meters, the Zeusdexiosis clearly towers above the row of relief steles. It has broken through to about a quarter of the total height, there is a gap between the upper and lower part. The surfaces of Zeus 'body and of Antiochus' face have largely broken away. The picture shows Antiochus standing on the left and frontal, his head turned to the right, while Zeus sits on a throne also shown frontally, his head turned to the king and extends his hand. The representation of the king figure largely corresponds to that of the other Dexioseis. Differences can only be seen in the decoration of various pieces of clothing and equipment, for example the tiara and the diadem are adorned with winged bundles of lightning, and oak leaves and branches often appear as ornaments. The scepter on the left can be seen behind the shoulder, in good condition. The sword hangs here on the right side, on the scabbard Humann and Puchstein could see lions' heads in addition to oak decorations.

The clothing of Zeus is more difficult to reconstruct; the Persian tiara, which is tilted forward and adorned with stars, and the tiara with bundles of lightning bolts are clearly visible. Here, too, the oak leaves described in Antiochus reappear. While the headgear refers more to the old Persian Ahura Mazda, the outerwear is clearly Greek. It consists of a chiton and himation, including tight-fitting trousers and boots that again have the oak leaf motif. He is sitting on a throne with a footstool in front of it. The legs of the throne are shown below as lion paws, which end at the armrests in a curly mane and lion heads. The pillars, which are visible to the right and left of the backrest, are adorned with the obligatory oak leaves and each is crowned by an eagle, which sits upright on it with outspread wings. The two birds turn their heads. In his left hand the god holds a scepter that is on the footstool. The top end is similar to that of the king.

Antiochus-Heracles

The last dexiosis has a height of 2.17 meters. It is quite well preserved, parts between the two people are missing, the right arm of Heracles and the left of the king, as well as the handshake. Antiochus' face has disappeared, but is known from a photo by Hamdi Bey . Small parts of the face of Heracles are missing. Antiochus' clothing is comparable to that of the other reliefs. The tiara is here again, as in the Commagene and Apollo reliefs, adorned with striding lion figures, as is the diadem. Cape, shirt, pants and shoes correspond to the described patterns. There are no noticeable differences between the scepter and sword, the scabbard is decorated with floral decorations.

Herakles stands out from all the figures shown in that he is completely naked. He has a bundle of vine leaves on his head, and he wears his famous lion skin cloak over his left arm. The drooping head and paws of the lion are worked out in great detail. In his left hand the god holds a gnarled club that rises up to the level of the head. The body is muscular, the face bearded.

Meaning of dexioseis

The meaning of the dexiosis reliefs is not completely clear. From numerous examples that have existed since the 9th century BC. It is known that the main emphasis is on the right person. With the handshake, she has something to give her counterpart. Since it is always the deity on the right in the commagenic reliefs, she seems to grant the king her grace, perhaps lending him his rule. Certainly they are greeting scenes. Puchstein sees this as a sign of the king's apotheosis , in that he is welcomed by the gods one after the other as one of their own and thus accepted into their ranks. Helmut Waldmann, who reworked and edited the commagenic king's inscriptions in 1973, sees Antiochus on the other hand in the role of the greeter who announces through the dexiosis reliefs in the country that he welcomes these gods and with them forms the group of gods of his religion. Theresa Goell sees parallels to, among other things, the older Hittite reliefs of Tudhalija IV in the embrace of his patron god Šarruma in Yazılıkaya or the king Warpalawas of Tuwana in İvriz , who faces the god Tarḫunna . In connection with the wish of the king expressed in the inscriptions to be taken up into the heavenly spheres forever, it therefore tends to be interpreted as an apotheosis.

Leo horoscope

description

Cast of Karl Humann's lion horoscope, 1883, in the Berlin State Museums

The last relief in the series of Dexioseis is the Leo horoscope. Only fragments have been found of the stele on the east terrace; it is estimated to be 2.32 meters wide and 1.70 meters high. The monument on the west terrace was found by Humann and Puchstein in almost undamaged condition; it measures 2.40–2.42 meters in width and 1.75–1.84 meters in height. They took an impression that is now in the Berlin State Museums . The relief, which has been more heavily damaged since then, was no longer erected on site in 2011, like the dexiosis reliefs.

The picture shows a lion walking to the right with its head turned towards the viewer. Above all, the head and the strong, muscular legs protrude like sculptures from the relief. From the open mouth, the tongue hangs over the chin between two fangs, above which beard hairs are engraved on the upper jaw. A mighty mane surrounds the head above the wide-open eyes, and tufts of hair can also be seen on the legs and stomach. The tail hangs down on the right hind leg and curls up again. The entire body and parts of the background are covered with eight-pointed stars, a crescent moon lies on the chest. Above the animal's back is a row of three stars with 16 rays, which are named in the inscriptions above.

interpretation

The 19 stars distributed over the lion's body undoubtedly form the constellation of Leo . It corresponds to the description in the cadastre (sagas of star formation) of Eratosthenes except for an insignificant deviation . The crescent moon on the chest is therefore close to the main star Leonis α. called Regulus ( Greek Βασιλίσκος , German little king ) of the constellation, which is called the royal star. The three stars above the lion's back are labeled as follows:

  • The star on the left is called όρόεις ῾Ηρακλέους , "the fiery of Heracles", a name for the planet Mars . Since Mars is the Roman name of the god of war Ares, the relationship to the god Artagnes-Herakles-Ares can be seen here.
  • On the middle star the inscription Στίλβων ᾿Απόλλωνος , "the shining one of Apollo", can be read, which designates the planet Mercury and is represented by the Greek name Hermes of the Roman god Mercury in the commagenic god name Apollon-Mithras-Helios-Hermes.
  • The inscription on the third star in the row reads Φαέθων Διός , "the shining end of Zeus", points to the planet Jupiter and the main god Zeus-Oromasdes.

This leads to the unanimous opinion that the relief depicts a constellation of stars in which both the moon, which was equated with the goddess Hera and later with the personification of the land of Commagene, and the planets Mars, Mercury and Jupiter in the constellation of the lion and thus pass the royal star Regulus. Which of the possible times for this and which related event should be presented here by Antiochus is controversial. Humann and Puchstein had the astronomer Friedrich Tietjen in Berlin and his colleague Paul Lehmann provide the possible dates in the first half of the 1st century BC. Calculate. Lehmann held "for astronomical reasons" on July 17th, 98 BC. For the most likely point in time. Humann and Puchstein agreed with this assumption. Since July 17th could not coincide with the birthday given in the cult inscription on Audnaios 16 (around December / January), they assumed the time of conception as the date shown. With this they put the year of birth at 97 BC. BC, which has long been adopted in numerous publications. Friedrich Karl Dörner stated that Antiochus would then be born a seven-month-old child. In addition, it was unusual to publish the natal charts of rulers, as they provided the astrological key for calculating the end of life. The astronomers Otto Neugebauer and HB van Hoesen determined during a recalculation on behalf of the excavation team in 1959 that the planets rose shortly before the sun on the assumed date and were therefore not visible in the sky. They therefore decided on July 7th, 62 BC. BC, on which the grouping could already be seen shining brightly in the evening sky. Dörner and Goell supported this vote, as did the philologist Heinrich Dörrie . In their assessment, they also included the days before and after the calculated point in time when Mars, Mercury, the Moon and Jupiter passed the royal star Regulus and thus understood the king's greeting shown in the Dexioseis. The two astronomers accepted a treaty between Antiochus and Pompeius on the reorganization of the area, which Antiochus does not mention in any of the numerous inscriptions. Therefore Dörner and Goell assume instead that the relief is to be interpreted as the founding horoscope of the Hierothesion on Nemrut Dağı. The Dutch architect Maurice Crijns, head of the International Nemrud Foundation (INF), who worked on the research and preservation of the monuments from 1998 to 2003, proposed July 14th 109 BC in 1999. BC and considers the coronation day of Mithridates I, Antiochus' father, to be possible for this date. This dating also remains controversial.

Investment reliefs

Investiture scene West Terrace, Berlin State Museums

Another row of probably five bases was found on the west terrace north of the row of dexiosis, approximately at right angles to it. The associated steles are only partially preserved. In addition to two reliefs with presumably female figures, which took up lateral positions in the pedestal row and of which mainly contours can be seen, more of the central stele has been preserved. This was found in fragments by Humann and Puchstein and brought to Berlin. On the east terrace, at the southern end below the row of monumental statues, to the west of the maternal ancestral gallery, there was a similar row of plinths, where the excavation team around Goell and Dörner found a comparable relief. The western picture shows two male people facing each other in the usual posture, their bodies facing the viewer and their faces facing each other. The figure on the right wears the Armenian tiara, a cloak over the breastplate, a shirt with a sash and boots. A sword hangs in its sheath on the left. The surfaces of the clothing and equipment are not worked out or decorated, which means that the representations have not been completed. The head, both arms and parts of the chest are missing from the figure on the left. Clothing and equipment correspond, as far as can be seen, to the right person. On the eastern counterpart you can see that the figures stretch their right hands towards each other and thus hold a tiara together. From this it can be concluded that this is an investor scene, with the figure on the left being given royal dignity by the figure on the right. It cannot be clarified whether it is Antiochus I, who is introduced into office by his father Mithridates I, or whether Antiochus himself makes his son Mithridates II king. No traces of an inscription were found. One can only speculate about the identity of the female figures on the side.

Because of the tiaras held together by the two people, the investiture scene is also known as "Stephanophoros" (crown bearer).

Ancestral galleries

description

Reliefs of the Persian ancestors, west terrace, not in the original order
Darius I. West terrace
-danes west terrace
Remains of sculptures and plinths from the southern row on the east terrace
Female Seleucid ancestors, left Isias Philostorgos and right probably Laodike , drawing by Carl Humann, 1890

On both terraces there are two rows of relief steles, one of which shows the paternal, Persian and the other the maternal, Seleucid ancestors of King Antiochus. On the east side, both rows are placed at right angles to the monumental statues, facing each other, the Persian ancestors in the north, the Greek ancestors in the south. Due to the available space, the Persian ancestral line is also set up at right angles to the gods' thrones on the west side, the terrace in the south, but the Macedonian line in the west, looking at the large statues. In front of each ancestral relief was a small altar made of three stone blocks, two of which were placed side by side and the third on top, so that an approximate cube with an edge length between 0.75 and 1.0 meters was created. The back of each stela bore an inscription, consisting of the name Antiochus in the nominative with surnames, titles and parents and the name of the person depicted in the accusative together with the name of the father. All figures look to the left as seen from the observer, the first, oldest ancestor stands at the left end. The order of the paternal ancestors comprises 15, that of the maternal 17 people. Contrary to Puchstein's opinion, the eastern and western ancestral lines correspond completely. The first excavators had missed a completely buried plinth by the northern row of steles on the east terrace, which is why they mistakenly suspected only 14 ancestors here. The later excavation team in the 1950s was able to uncover the missing base and correct the error.

Only a few of the somewhat larger-than-life reliefs have survived. Contrary to what the term ancestral gallery suggests, the images do not show any individual, portrait-like features, but are rather structured in a schematic manner with only minor deviations. The first five of the Iranian ancestors represent Persian great kings. They wear the Persian tiara, decorated with stars, with the tip tilted forward and the neck flap, over a diadem. They are dressed in an ankle-length, long-sleeved Persian cloak ( Kandys ) , which is held together over the chest by ribbons and brooches. A full beard and a mustache can be seen on the face. With his right hand the king is libelling from a round phial adorned with a four-petalled rosette . He holds the Barsom in his left hand. A particularly beautiful example is the image of Darius I on the east terrace, which clearly shows the combination of Greek and Oriental features. Theresa Goell describes the relief as follows:

“His face is modeled in superb Greek fashion suggesting cameo or goldsmith work. The style and technique is an excellent example of the eclecticism of the art of Antiochus, combining exquisite neo-classical Greek workmanship into face and calm expression with Persian raiment and twisting mustache. ”

His face is designed in an excellent Greek manner, reminiscent of cameo or goldsmith work. The style and the technique are an excellent example of the eclecticism of the art of Antiochus, which combines the extraordinary neo-classical Greek execution quality of the face and calm expression with Persian robe and mustache. "

- Theresa Goell

The following ten portraits first show satraps , from the ninth stele kings of Armenia and finally from 13 to 15 commagenic rulers. As far as can still be seen, they all wear the usual commagenic costume. This includes the pointed, not tilted tiara with diadem as headgear. The upper body is dressed in a leather armor with a diamond pattern, over it a shirt and a cloak, which is held on the shoulder by brooches. There is a sash around the waist and a skirt underneath. The figures hold a scepter vertically in their left hand and a pointed object, probably a dagger, in their right hand. The scabbard is attached to the sash on the left of the body. The footwear is boots.

The first 12 or 13 of the Seleucid-Greek ancestors of the maternal side are male; for the most part, only very fragmented remnants remain. As far as can be seen from this, they are bareheaded and beardless. The eighth stele on the west side, Seleucus IV. Philopator, is in the best condition . It has been preserved from knee to shoulder and provides most of the information about the clothing and equipment of the male ancestors in this series. The person pictured wears a smooth leather armor that turns into flap-like stripes at the hips or into a military skirt. A chiton appears underneath, a coat (himation) above it, which in turn is held together by a brooch on the shoulder. The feet are dressed in sandals. The left hand holds the scepter, the right brings the libation from a rhyton , a sword hangs in its sheath on the left side of the body. A 13 centimeter wide decorated belt runs diagonally from the right shoulder over the upper body. A noteworthy feature is a medallion at waist level. It is round, 16 centimeters in diameter and shows a finely crafted portrait bust of Heracles, the deity Atragnes-Herakles-Ares. The god can be clearly identified by the club in the left hand. A corresponding piece of the next stele, Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, has been found, here a young man with curly hair is depicted on the brooch. Since Heracles was undoubtedly the depicted in Seleucus, it is assumed that Apollo, i.e. the deity Apollon-Mithras-Helios-Hermes, can be seen here. There are few usable remains of the other male Greek ancestors.

The last four or five of the ancestral reliefs show female figures. They are also dressed in a chiton and himation. The chiton falls to the floor with many folds, the coat above it hangs down to knee level and is pulled over the head like a headscarf. A simple wreath ( Stephane ) lies on top of this on the forehead . The female ancestors hold a scepter in their left hand; in contrast to the male, it is held at a slight angle. The right arm is bent and the hand is at chest level. A pear-shaped earring and some curls of hair emerge on the side. Sandals can be seen on the feet.

Assignment of the steles to well-known rulers

The figures show few individual traits, so a direct assignment to historical persons can only be made via the inscriptions on the back. Since these are only partially preserved, further sources must be consulted. At first it was assumed that a sequence from father / mother to son / daughter can be assumed. The problem arose that the time periods available could not be reconciled with the number of people. There are about 450 years between Darius I and Antiochus, which would result in a generational cut of 30 years that is too large for 15 depicted. In the case of the Seleucid ancestors, 17 generations are available for a period of 300 years, which seems extremely large. Friedrich Karl Dörner started from different approaches. On the one hand, he concluded from the known reign dates of the Persian kings that the father-son principle had been adhered to in the first five, with Xerxes II , who ruled for only 45 days, being omitted. After that, between stele 5 and 6, the father-in-law instead of the father is passed on. In the case of the others, Dörner concluded either from the father's name of a stele to the name of the previous ruler, if the inscription was not preserved, or he reconstructed the Achaemenid line of ancestors from historiography. This puts him on the following list of rulers:

stele Surname function
1 Darius I. Great King of Persia
2 Xerxes I. * Great King of Persia
3 Artaxerxes I. * Great King of Persia
4th Dareios II. * Great King of Persia
5 Artaxerxes II. Great King of Persia
6th Aroandas I. Satrap of Armenia
7th Aroandas II. Satrap of Armenia
8th -danes (no longer readable) Satrap of Armenia (?)
9 Ardoates * King of Armenia
10 Samos I. King of Armenia
11 Poor King of Armenia
12 Orontes III. * King of Armenia
13 Ptolemy King of Commagene
14th Samos II King of Commagene
15th Mithridates I. King of Commagene

* The ruler's names in italics can only be reconstructed from external sources.

The Seleucid line of ancestors begins with Alexander, who is given the nickname "the great" for the first time in the well-known epigraphic and literary tradition. This fictional descent of the Seleucid family goes back to Seleukos I. The next three reliefs can be determined by their inscriptions, of the following only two directly and one via the father's name of the following. Dörner suspects the stele of Antiochus VIII. Grypos, which Puchstein had assigned to the 12th base, in 13th place. The following monuments depict female ancestors of Antiochus. When determining the missing names, Dörner takes into account the legitimacy and importance of the known rulers and crosses out all usurpers with their descendants. Thomas Fischer, on the other hand, points out that after conflicts among the Seleucids, the dynasty was split into an older and a younger line and only takes into account those who then counted Antiochus VIII Grypos among his rightful predecessors. Like Puchstein, he places the latter in 12th place and thus assumes 13 female ancestors from the stele. The following list shows both interpretations of the male family tree.

stele Name after Dörner Name after Fischer
1 Alexander the Great Alexander the Great
2 Seleucus I. Nicator Seleucus I. Nicator
3 Antiochus I. Soter Antiochus I. Soter
4th Antiochus II. Theos Antiochus II. Theos
5 Seleucus II Callinicus * Seleucus II Callinicus *
6th Seleucus III Soter * Seleucus III Soter *
7th Antiochus III. the big one * Antiochus the son *
8th Seleucus IV Philopator * Antiochus III. the big one *
9 Antiochus IV. Epiphanes * Seleucus IV Philopator
10 Demetrios I. Soter Demetrios I. Soter
11 Demetrios II. Nikator Demetrios II. Nikator
12 Antiochus VII Sidetes * Antiochus VIII. Grypus
13 Antiochus VIII. Grypus female ancestors
-17 female ancestors

* The ruler's names in italics can only be reconstructed from external sources.

The name Cleopatra can be identified on stele 14 of the west terrace, and the inscription Isias Philostorgos on stele 16 can also be read. It is unclear whether this is identical to Isias, the wife of Antiochus, who is mentioned in an inscription on a dexiosis on Karakuş. Dörner adds Tryphaina for stele 15 and Antiochus' mother Laodike for 17 from the king's family tree. Bruno Jacobs published a different interpretation of the female figures, both of which are shown below.

stele Name after Dörner Name after Jacobs
14th Cleopatra Thea , wife of Demetrios II. Nikator and mother of Antiochus VIII. Grypos Cleopatra (?) Tryphaina, wife of Antiochus VIII. Grypus and daughter of Ptolemy VIII.
15th Tryphaina , wife of Antiochus VIII. Grypus and daughter of Ptolemy VIII. Laodike, wife of Mithridates I. Kallinikos and mother of Antiochus I.
16 Isias Philostorgos, possibly wife of Antiochus I. Isias Philostorgos
17th Laodike , wife of Mithridates I. Kallinikos and mother of Antiochus I. a daughter of Antiochus I, possibly Laodike, wife of Orodes II.

Relatives' steles

Presumably sons of Antiochus, left Antiochus II , right Mithridates II , drawing by M. Lübke 1890

On the east terrace, another three-part row was found behind each of the two ancestral rows. There were no altars in front of these reliefs. It is believed that living relatives of the king were depicted on it. Humann and Puchstein were able to find two partially preserved sculptures near the northern, paternal ancestral gallery. Goell and Dörner conclude from the depictions of two younger, beardless men in commagenic costume and from the few fragments of inscriptions found that they are two sons of King Antiochus I, possibly Antiochus II and Mithridates II. From the third stele and the corresponding one In the southern row there are only sparse fragments which do not allow any conclusions to be drawn about the depicted.

It is not clear whether such reliefs were also present on the western terrace. Humann and Puchstein found a stele with a partially preserved inscription near the southern ancestral gallery on the west terrace, which they assigned to the end of this row. From the inscription it was possible to infer a Mithridates, whom they interpreted as the king's father. However, since the titulature of Antiochus here did not correspond to that on the other steles in the row, and Mithridates also lacked the epithet Kallinikos, it is possible to conclude that this stele belongs to a second row that shows members of the royal family living analogously to the east terrace, here perhaps Mithridates II, the son and successor of Antiochus.

Main altar

Lion at the northwest corner of the altar platform
Platform of the main altar on the east terrace

On the eastern edge of the eastern platform, in the direction of the monumental statues, there is a stepped platform measuring 13 × 13 meters. During their excavations, Humann and Puchstein drove a trench from west to east through the base in search of an entrance to the presumed burial chamber of the king. The excavators around Goell were able to restore the truncated pyramid from existing sandstone blocks in 1973. It had five steps made of sandstone blocks on four sides and rose at least 1.50 meters above the surface of the courtyard. The second, wider step from below merged into the cliffs of the courtyard on the west side and thus formed a path that ran around the altar platform on all sides. A wall, which Humann and Puchstein found on the east side facing the slope and believed to be free-standing, connects directly to the lowest step and forms a retaining wall. On the west side, facing the courtyard, they discovered two more walls that ran parallel for a few meters towards the hill. Their function was unclear, they thought it would be a later extension. The graves in the 1950s then received information from their Kurdish workers that it was a trap built in modern times for quail hunting, and the walls were torn down. On the surface of the platform was presumably an altar block, possibly a Persian fire altar flanked by lions and eagles. One of these animals, a 1.78 meter high seated lion, found the grave in the northwest corner of the podium and set it up there. Other guard animals, a total of two lions and two eagles, came to light in fragments in the debris around the platform left by the excavation work of the first excavators. The animals were probably to the right and left of the fire altar. Some blocks with sloping surfaces were found under the rubble, leading to the assumption that the altar might have a pediment. Goell and Donald H. Sanders, who published the collected research results in 1996, see similarities between the altar and representations on the facades of the rock tombs of the Achaemenid kings Darius I, Darius II, Xerxes and Artaxerxes I in Naqsch-e Rostam . There is a tiered pyramid with an altar of fire on which a king stands under a winged god Ahura Mazda.

North terrace

North terrace from the east

The northern terrace differs from the other two mainly in the absence of sculptural decoration. The main feature is a row of stone pedestals about 86 meters long, which delimits a wedge-shaped area 56 meters long and 32 meters wide between the tumulus and the slope towards the east terrace and a rectangle measuring 5 × 28 meters to the west. This is followed by the gravel path to the west terrace. The bases stand without gaps except for a few places. Some of them are carved from the rock, the majority consists of sandstone blocks, some of which are lined because of the unevenness of the terrain. Next to it lie overturned orthostats with pegs, which, like the ancestral and dexiosis reliefs, fit into a hole in the base. They are smooth and show no traces of relief or inscriptions.

There is no clarity about the function of the resulting wall. Humann and Puchstein assumed that the orthostats had never been set up and assumed as a possibility that they should either be provided with sculptures or serve to protect against the northern storms. On the basis of traces of mortar in the plinths, the excavators working with Goell and Dörner concluded that the stones actually stood there in the past and that they were overturned by the same destructive force - vandalism or earthquake - as the other monuments. Since the stones are only an average of 30 centimeters thick and thus, in their opinion, were hardly suitable for reliefs, they considered the wall to be a mere delimitation of the north terrace and the processional path surrounding the hill from the northern slope. Bruno Jacobs, on the other hand, thinks it is more likely that the row of plinths was intended for further pictorial work. Since the width of the stones is different, he suggests a procession of gods or a procession of sacrifices with carts, carts or sacrificial animals as motifs.

About 28 meters from the western end of the pedestal row there is a passage almost one meter wide. To the north of this a ramp can be seen on the slope, which forms the end of a northern entrance from the valley below. Remains of walls can be seen on both sides of the ramp, on the eastern side traces of a wedge-shaped platform roughly 3 × 3 meters. During the excavations, fragments of an eagle figure came to light that had stood here, similar to the one at the eastern entrance.

Paths and entrances

Both Hamdi Bey and Humann and Puchstein expressed their astonishment that Antiochus, who was expecting numerous visitors to his place of worship, had not laid out any access routes. However, the excavations of the 1950s and 1960s showed that three processional routes , called Propylaia Odos ( Greek προπύλαια ὁδός ), led to the summit from different directions . In the east, two routes that came from Arsameia on the Euphrates (Gerger) and from the source of Nymphaios (Kahta Çayı) met at another source, about an hour and a half walk northeast of the summit sanctuary. From there the partly natural, partly cut into the rock path led uphill to the east terrace. About 300 meters below the hierothesion, a pedestal with an overturned inscription stele was found on the staircase. In the detailed and well-preserved text, Antiochus first introduces himself with ancestry, surname and title, and then warns the newcomer. Those who mistakenly enter the place should turn back and purify themselves in a temple. Whoever approaches the sanctuary with hostile intent, he threatens the infallible arrows of Apollo and Heracles in his evil heart as well as bitter pain inside his all-good-hating nature . The path continued past the stele to the northeast corner of the eastern terrace, where the entrance to the courtyard was located between the stepped altar and the paternal ancestral gallery. It was guarded by an eagle sitting on a platform, of which, however, apart from the outlines of the claws on the base, only the smallest fragments have been preserved.

A second processional way came from the Hierothesion of Mithridates Kallinikos in Arsameia on Nymphaios in the west. He approached the summit from the southwest and passed the position of a corresponding stele, which was found in 1955, about 100 meters below the west terrace. Despite their very fragile condition, Dörner was able to determine that the text of the inscription resembles that of the eastern Propylaia Odos . From there the path swung to the northwest and ran beneath the retaining wall of the Greek ancestral line, and then led to the terrace at the northern end with a bend. At this entrance, a larger fragment of a three-headed lion over two meters tall was excavated, presumably standing there as a guardian figure.

A recognizable Propylaia Odos from the valley of the Kahta Çayı also led up to the north terrace . Especially in the last part in front of the entrance, as described above, it was clearly expanded and flanked by walls and a platform on which a guardian animal, here the eagle, also stood. A little below the entrance area, another stele was found in 1955 and not far from it a corresponding base. It showed no traces of inscription, but according to Goell and Sanders the site would be the logical place for a Propylaia inscription.

A gravel processional path led around the entire hill. It was divided in front of the two main terraces and led both to the courtyards, where the cult activities were to take place, and behind the monumental statues, where the large Nomos inscription could be read.

Burial chamber

The great cult inscription of Antiochus clearly shows that his body should be buried on the summit of Nemrut Dağı. Despite numerous attempts, his burial chamber has not yet been found. During their investigations, Humann and Puchstein found traces of earlier excavation attempts at various points in the tumulus. They suspected the entrance outside the gravel hill and opened the step altar on the east terrace, driving a ditch from east to west through the platform in search of a dromos (entrance corridor). In 1956, Friedrich Karl Dörner successfully uncovered the large rock corridor near base system II in Arsameia with the help of mining engineers from Siemens. Under their guidance, workers began to drive a tunnel into the hill behind the monumental statue of Zeus Oromasdes on the east side, but soon came across the overgrown rock. Excavation attempts were also unsuccessful in numerous other places on the tumulus.

Various geophysical methods were used in the search in 1963 and 1964 . First, the geologist and geophysicist Maurizio Girelli from the Fondazione Ing. CM Lerici del Politecnico di Milano examined the mountain summit using refraction seismics and geoelectric resistance measurements . In the next year, the geophysicist Jeremy R. Hutt, with the support of DynaMetric Inc. from Pasadena, California, made further measurements, now with regard to the earth's magnetic field and gravity , as well as again seismic measurements, this time under different conditions, and finally using metal detectors . Only the gravity and magnetic field readings showed an anomaly in the area of ​​the east terrace. However, during test drilling it turned out to be of natural origin. The seismic investigations did provide a picture of the grown rock under the heaped gravel, but there was no evidence of a dromos or a burial chamber. Radar surveys that were planned for 1976 were not carried out due to lack of funds. Sencer Şahin's Nemrut Dağı Project conducted renewed geophysical surveys in the late 1980s, which provided more information about the structure of the summit, but again no indication of the chamber it was looking for. With the renewed viewing of the geophysical data in connection with the interpretation of architectural anomalies, the geophysicists Tomm Utecht and Volker Schulz-Rincke together with Adolf Grothkopf at the beginning of the 2000s showed that the entrance to the burial chamber is in the gravel field of the south terrace. The burial chamber itself is very likely to be found in the solid limestone 25 meters below the west terrace.

iconography

In the depictions of gods and people there are numerous iconographic elements that can be assigned to the Achaemenid or Iranian culture on the one hand and the Macedonian, Greek or Seleucid culture on the other. These elements include clothing, equipment, weapons and jewelry.

Some of these characteristics can be attributed to western and eastern cultures at the same time. This includes, for example, the diadem worn by almost everyone, male and female, rulers and gods. Differences can be seen in the ornamentation, with the Iranian rulers eagles, lions, bundles of lightning or simple discs can be found as jewelry, while the Seleucid and Hellenistic diadem, also known from coins, is smooth. The Persian diadem is worn over the tiara, while the western one is worn directly on the hair or forehead. The Heracles knot is found in all cases as a closure at the back of the head . The sash around the belly also appears in both cultures, decorated with the Persians, including oak leaves, and unadorned with the Seleucids. The scepter, like the sword, is found in both Greeks and Persians, with the latter having ornamental engravings and decorated handles in the Seleucids.

The Persian style of clothing includes boots, a cape, the Persian tunic , trousers, tiara and armor. The simple boots, some of which were decorated with oak leaves by the gods, are of Achaemenid origin and are known from numerous illustrations from Persepolis . The cloak is the Achaemenid cloak known as Kandys for the first five ancestors, the ancient Persian kings. The later ancestral figures as well as the monumental statues on the east side wear a heavy cape, which may have been modeled on Hellenistic models. The Persian tunic worn underneath, which is worn by the statues on the east terrace, is difficult to see, as is the trousers tucked into the boots. Headwear is the Persian tiara, the ears and neck flaps of which hang down. It is usually decorated with star patterns. In the case of the first five Achaemenid ancestors and the gods, the tip of the hat is tilted forward, in the case of the later, Iranian ancestors, the headgear is straight, as far as can be seen. Antiochus is the only one to wear an Armenian tiara that ends in five pointed triangles. He is also shown on coins and all other representations. The Persian tiara is known from images from Persepolis and was the symbol of Persian royal dignity among the Greeks. The armor that the paternal ancestors wear from stele 6 is made of leather and is completely decorated with stars or diamonds, occasionally also with floral decorations.

Jewelry and armament of the Iranian side consisted of brooches, neck rings, a simple bracelet, phials and a dagger. The brooches hold the cloaks together and, with the exception of the western monumental statues, are usually available in duplicate. In the old Persian ancestors (stela 1 to 5) they are round or oval without ornament, in the later (6 to 15) they are heart-shaped and decorated with bundles of lightning and eagles. Several Persian ancestors wear a neck ring ( torques ) that is open at the front . A similar piece of jewelry is the Achaemenid king Dareios III. to be recognized on the Alexander mosaic from Pompeii . The five oldest Persian rulers hold a phial in their right hand, as is known from numerous finds, from which they offer libations. The later ones hold a dagger instead, as far as it is preserved, the scabbard hanging on the right hip. The last oriental element is the Barsom from the Zoroastrian religion, a tied bundle of branches that the five ancient Persian ancestors hold in their left hand, as do the male statues of gods except Heracles, who is holding his club.

Some of the pieces of equipment that can be assigned to the western culture are Macedonian from the time of Alexander. Of the garments, the armor should be mentioned first. It is a tight-fitting piece of leather that merges under the belt into a military skirt made of leather strips in several layers. The cape worn over it is very similar to the Persian one. As footwear, the Seleucid ancestors usually wear sandals with several braided leather strips extending up to half of the lower leg from the sole. The most striking element of these depictions is a bandolier-like , wide strap that runs diagonally from the shoulder to the belt and is held by a strikingly decorated brooch. The two surviving reliefs showing this brooch show artistic portraits of Heracles and Apollo, respectively. All Seleucid rulers probably wear a belt with a buckle around their waist.

As for purely Greek elements, chitons , himations , belts and sandals should be mentioned in the portrayed women, the diadem, corona and kalathos on the head , and finally drop-shaped earrings and bracelets as jewelry. The men all, including the gods, also wear the chiton, which, however, can hardly be seen under the armor. In the case of the Achaemenid rulers, the phial is replaced by the rhyton , from which libation is made , in the Greek . The most striking Greek attributes are the cornucopia of the commagene, according to John H. Young a variation of the rhyton, and the club of Heracles.

reception

Bishop Gregor von Nazianz , who lived in the 4th century and is one of the three Cappadocian Church Fathers , described "the huge tomb, built on high" as the eighth wonder of the world . The philologist Reinhold Merkelbach and the epigraphist Louis Robert are of the opinion that Gregor was referring to Nemrut Dağı. Later stones from the complex were used to build churches.

In the course of a documentary by a French television team in 1958, the Turkish-Armenian photographer Ara Güler came to Nemrut Dağı, where he took numerous pictures. These were published in over a hundred domestic and foreign art magazines, especially in Germany and France. The sanctuary was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1987 . On December 7, 1988, the Turkish government declared the area around the Nemrut Dağı, including the Karakuş Hill, Arsameia on the Nymphaios and the Roman Chabinas Bridge, a national park. At the world exhibition in Hanover in 2000 , copies of the dexiosis reliefs and the lion horoscope were presented in the Turkish pavilion. In the same year, the World Monuments Fund put Nemrut Dağı on its list of the 100 most endangered cultural monuments. After a restoration and rescue program was initiated by the International Nemrud Foundation in association with scientists from the Technical University of the Middle East , the entry was withdrawn in 2002.

literature

  • Osman Hamdi Bey , Osgan Effendi : Le tumulus de Nemroud-Dagh. Voyage, description, inscriptions. Constantinople, Musée Impérial Ottoman / Pera, Loeffler 1883 (reprint Arkeoloji ve sanat yayınları, Istanbul 1987).
  • Karl Humann , Otto Puchstein : Travels in Asia Minor and Northern Syria. Publishing house by Dietrich Reimer, Berlin 1890. (online)
  • Helmut Waldmann: The commagenic cult reforms under King Mithradates I. Kallinikos and his son Antiochus I. Brill, Leiden 1973, ISBN 90-04-03657-1 , pp. 197-202.
  • Friedrich Karl Dörner : The throne of the gods on the Nemrud Dag. Kommagene - the great archaeological adventure in Eastern Turkey. 3. Edition. Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 1987, ISBN 3-7857-0277-9 .
  • Nemrud Dağ. New methods of archeology. (Booklet accompanying the special exhibition “Nemrud Dağ - New Methods in Archeology” of the Westphalian Museum of Archeology and the Westphalian Museum Office, Münster). Westphalian Museum of Archeology, Münster 1991, ISBN 3-927204-09-9 .
  • Helmut Waldmann: The Nemrud Dağ, its terraces and the Indian Soma victim. In: Istanbul communications. 44, 1994, pp. 107–124 = reprinted in: ders .: Essays on the history of religion and theology. Verlag der Tübinger Gesellschaft, Tübingen 1996, pp. 142–163.
  • Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): Nemrud Daği. The hierothesion of Antiochus I of Commagene. Results of the American excavations dir. by Theresa B. Goell . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 .
  • Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Von Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 .
  • Herman AG Brijder (Ed.): Nemrud Dağı: Recent Archaeological Research and Conservation Activities in the Tomb Sanctuary on Mount Nemrud . Walter de Gruyter, Boston / Berlin 2014, ISBN 978-1-61451-713-9 .

Web links

Commons : Nemrut Dağı  - collection of images, videos and audio files
Wikivoyage: Nemrut Dağı  - travel guide

Single receipts

  1. Donald H. Sanders (ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 2.
  2. ↑ Site plan ( Memento from October 9, 2007 in the Internet Archive ).
  3. ^ Theresa Goell: Topography In: Donald H. Sanders (ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 4-5.
  4. ^ A b c Hans-Gert Bachmann, Theresa Goell: Geology. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 5-12.
  5. Donald H. Sanders: Editor's Note In: Theresa Goell: Topography In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 4.
  6. Contributions to the flora of Nemrut Mountain (Adıyaman / Turkey) (PDF; 353 kB)
  7. Adıyaman - Nimrodberg National Park
  8. ^ Aygün and Max Kasparek: Travel Guide Nature Turkey. BLV Verlagsgesellschaft, Munich / Vienna / Zurich 1990, ISBN 3-405-14030-7 , p. 211.
  9. Osman Hamdy Bey, Osgan Effendi: Le tumulus de Nemroud-Dagh: Voyages, description, inscriptions. Loeffler, Constantinople, Pera, 1883. See Edhem Eldem : Le voyage à Nemrud Daği d'Osman Hamdi Bey et d'Osgan Efendi, 1883. De Boccard, Paris 2010, ISBN 978-2-7018-0281-7 .
  10. ^ Karl Humann, Otto Puchstein: Travels in Asia Minor and Northern Syria. Verlag von Dietrich Reimer, Berlin 1890, pp. 233-234. See Friedrich Karl Dörner: The Throne of the Gods on Nemrud Dağ. Kommagene - the great archaeological adventure in eastern Turkey. 2nd, expanded edition. Gustav Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 1987, ISBN 3-7857-0277-9 , pp. 11-66.
  11. Friedrich Karl Dörner: The throne of the gods on Nemrud Dağ. Kommagene - the great archaeological adventure in eastern Turkey. 2nd, expanded edition. Gustav Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 1987, ISBN 3-7857-0277-9 , pp. 150, 241-243; Theresa Goell: Ancient Sources and Previous Scholarship. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 29-32.
  12. Friedrich Karl Dörner: The throne of the gods on Nemrud Dağ. Kommagene - the great archaeological adventure in eastern Turkey. 2nd, expanded edition. Gustav Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 1987, ISBN 3-7857-0277-9 , pp. 150, 244-248.
  13. Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 239; Sencer Şahin, Jörg Wagner: The tomb of King Antiochus I. Von Kommagene on the Nemrud Dağ .
  14. ^ International Nemrud Foundation .
  15. a b Commagene Nemrut Conservation and Development Program - Excavations and Research ( Memento of October 6, 2013 in the Internet Archive ).
  16. Commagene Nemrut Conservation and Development Program Aim and Scope ( Memento from September 11, 2013 in the Internet Archive ).
  17. Jörg Wagner: Kommagene - Protection and change of the historical landscape in the 20th / 21st centuries. Century In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 236.
  18. Friedrich Karl Dörner: The throne of the gods on Nemrud Dağ. Kommagene - the great archaeological adventure in eastern Turkey. 2nd, expanded edition. Gustav Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 1987, ISBN 3-7857-0277-9 , p. 30.
  19. Jörg Wagner: The kings of Kommagene and their ruler cult In: Jörg Wagner (Hrsg.): Gottkönige am Euphrat. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 53.
  20. Jörg Wagner: The kings of Kommagene and their ruler cult In: Jörg Wagner (Hrsg.): Gottkönige am Euphrat. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 55.
  21. a b Bruno Jacobs : The religious policy of Antiochus I. von Kommagene. In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 100.
  22. ^ A b F. K. Dörner, John H. Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 209.
  23. Bruno Jacobs: The religious policy of Antiochus I. von Kommagene. In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 102.
  24. ^ Donald H. Sanders, Theresa Goell, John H. Young: Detailed Site Description: East Terrace, West Terrace, North Terrace. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 102.
  25. Bruno Jacobs: The religious policy of Antiochus I. von Kommagene. In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 103.
  26. ^ Georg Petzl : The royal inscriptions from Kommagene. In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 63.
  27. Jörg Wagner: The kings of Kommagene and their ruler cult. In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , p. 46.
  28. ^ Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin: Iran and Greece in the Commagene. Universitätsverlag Konstanz 1984, ISBN 3-87940-240-X , pp. 15-16.
  29. Jörg Wagner: The kings of Kommagene and their ruler cult. In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , pp. 56-58.
  30. The exact dimensions refer to the statues on the east terrace, the dimensions on the west terrace only differ slightly.
  31. ^ A b F. K. Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 182-205.
  32. a b c d e Bruno Jacobs: The sanctuary on the Nemrut Dağı. In: Jörg Wagner (ed.): God kings on the Euphrates. New excavations and research in Kommagene. Zabern, Mainz 2012, ISBN 978-3-8053-4218-6 , pp. 78–86.
  33. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 202.
  34. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 193-195, 205-206.
  35. ^ DH Sanders, JH Young: Sculpture Analysis. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 421.
  36. ^ Hans-Gert Bachmann, Theresa Goell: Geology. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , Editor's Note by Donald Sanders, p. 10.
  37. The identification of the monumental statues of Antiochus and Apollon by Humann and Puchstein is reversed according to the current state of knowledge.
  38. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 206-207.
  39. ^ Helmut Waldmann: The commagenic cult reforms under King Mithradates I. Kallinikos and his son Antiochus I. Brill, Leiden 1973, ISBN 90-04-03657-1 , pp. 63-76.
  40. a b c Translation after Helmut Waldmann: The commagenic cult reforms under King Mithradates I. Kallinikos and his son Antiochus I. Brill, Leiden 1973, ISBN 90-04-03657-1 , pp. 76-77.
  41. Eduard Norden: The ancient art prose: from VI. Century BC Until the Renaissance . 9th edition. 1st volume. Teubner, Stuttgart 1983, ISBN 3-519-07220-3 , pp. 140 ( limited preview in Google Book Search - reprint of the 2nd edition 1909).
  42. The relief on the left shows the parts that Humann and Puchstein brought to Berlin. According to Goell / Dörner, the individual hand is incorrectly assigned here.
  43. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 225, 232-236.
  44. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 225-226, 237-240.
  45. Helmut Waldmann: The commagenic cult reforms under King Mithradates I. Kallinikos and his son Antiochus I. Brill, Leiden 1973, ISBN 90-04-03657-1 , p. 109.
  46. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 226-228, 240-243.
  47. ^ Photo from the frontispiece by Osman Hamdy Bey, Osgan Effendi: Le tumulus de Nemroud-Dagh: Voyages, description, inscriptions. Constantinople, Pera, Loeffier 1883 .
  48. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 228-229, 243-245.
  49. Otto Puchstein: The commagenic monuments using the investigations of Karl Humann. In: Karl Humann, Otto Puchstein: Travels in Asia Minor and Northern Syria. Published by Dietrich Reimer, Berlin 1890, p. 339.
  50. ^ Helmut Waldmann: The commagenic cult reforms under King Mithradates I. Kallinikos and his son Antiochus I. Brill, Leiden 1973, ISBN 90-04-03657-1 , pp. 197-202.
  51. Tadhalija with sarruma in Yazılıkaya .
  52. Warpalawas and Tarhunna in İvriz .
  53. Donald H. Sanders: Endnote 33. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 157.
  54. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 252-254.
  55. a b Otto Puchstein: The commagenic monuments using the investigations of Karl Humann. In: Karl Humann, Otto Puchstein: Travels in Asia Minor and Northern Syria. Publishing house by Dietrich Reimer, Berlin 1890, p. 329 ff.
  56. a b Stephan Heilen : On the interpretation and dating of the 'lion horoscope' on the Nemrut Dağı. In: Epigraphica Anatolica. Volume 38, 2005, pp. 145–158 (PDF)
  57. ^ Theresa Goell: Dating of Nemrut Dağı and of the Life of Antiochos I, King of Commagene. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 87-91.
  58. a b Friedrich Karl Dörner: The throne of the gods on Nemrud Dağ. Kommagene - the great archaeological adventure in eastern Turkey. 2nd, expanded edition. Gustav Lübbe, Bergisch Gladbach 1987, ISBN 3-7857-0277-9 , pp. 238-240.
  59. ^ Heinrich Dörrie: The royal cult of Antiochus von Kommagene in the light of new inscriptions finds . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1964, p. 205.
  60. ^ International Nemrud Foundation - Lion Horoscope
  61. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 230-231, 248-251.
  62. ^ DH Sanders, JH Young: Sculpture Analysis. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 448.
  63. ^ Donald H. Sanders, Theresa Goell, John H. Young: Detailed Site Description: East Terrace, West Terrace, North Terrace. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 113.
  64. ^ Donald H. Sanders, Theresa Goell, John H. Young: Detailed Site Description: East Terrace, West Terrace, North Terrace. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 124-127.
  65. FK Dörner, JH Young: Sculpture and Inscription Catalog. In: Donald H. Sanders (Ed.): The Hierothesion of Antiochos I of Commagene . Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , pp. 254-256.
  66. Theresa Goell 1961, quoted in: Donald H. Sanders (ed.): Nemrud Dağı. The Hierothesion of Antiochus I of Commagene. Eisenbrauns, Winona Lake, Ind. 1996, ISBN 1-57506-015-9 , p. 257 (books.google) .
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  88. Reinhold Merkelbach: Mithras: a Persian-Roman mystery cult . 2nd Edition. Beltz, Athenäum, Weinheim 1994, ISBN 3-89547-045-7 , pp. 71 ( limited preview in Google Book search).
  89. Türkiye'de Yüzyılın Fotoğrafçısı Ara Güler ile Urfa, Harran ve Nemrut Üzerine Söyleşi ( Memento of the original from December 10, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.hezarfen.net
  90. Entry in the list of UNESCO .
  91. Nemrut Dağı Milli Parkı ( Memento of the original of September 13, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link has been inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.milliparklar.gov.tr
  92. ^ World Monuments Fund - Mount Nemrut Archaeological Site .
  93. 2002 Final Field Mission Report ( Memento of the original from May 16, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) Info: The archive link was automatically inserted and not yet checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF; 15.6 MB). @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.wmf.org
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