Francesco Patrizi da Cherso
Francesco Patrizi da Cherso (also Patrizzi , Patricio , Latinized Franciscus Patricius , Croatian Frane Petrić , Franjo Petrić or also Franjo Petriš ; born April 25, 1529 in Cres ; † February 7, 1597 in Rome ) was a Venetian humanist , philosopher , writer, Literary , political and historical theorist , military scientistand poet of Croatian descent.
Patrizi studied Aristotelian philosophy at the University of Padua , but turned to Platonism while still a student . He became a sharp, high-profile opponent of Aristotelianism, which he dealt with extensively in extensive writings. After many years of unsuccessful efforts to secure a permanent material existence, he finally received an invitation to the ducal court of the Este in Ferrara in 1577 . At the university there , a chair for Platonic philosophy was set up especially for him. In the years that followed he gained respect as a professor, but also involved himself in scientific and literary controversies; he was prone to polemics and was himself violently attacked by opponents. In 1592 he accepted an invitation to Rome, where thanks to papal favor a new chair was created for him. The last years of his life were darkened by a serious conflict with the ecclesiastical censorship authorities , which banned his main work, the Nova de universis philosophia .
One of the last Renaissance humanists, Patrizi was distinguished by a broad education, varied scholarly activity, a strong will to innovate, and exceptional literary fertility. He critically examined established, universally accepted teachings and proposed alternatives. In particular, he wanted to replace the prevailing Aristotelian philosophy of nature with his own model. He opposed the traditional view of the meaning of historical studies, which was narrowed down to moral instruction, with his concept of a broad, neutral, scientific historical research. In poetry he emphasized the importance of inspiration and fought against conventional rules, which he saw as arbitrary, unreal restrictions on creative freedom.
In the early modern period , despite the condemnation of the church, Patricius' highly controversial natural philosophy found considerable support, but remained an outsider's position. Modern research appreciates his contributions to the constitution of the modern concept of space and to the theory of history.
origin and name
Francesco Patrizi came from the town of Cres on the island of the same name off Istria (Italian : Cherso ). The island was then part of the Republic of Venice , but a large part of its population was Croatian. Francesco was an illegitimate son of the priest Stefano di Niccolò di Antonio Patrizi (Petrić), who belonged to the lower nobility. His mother was Stefano's partner Maria Radocca. In older specialist literature, Francesco's father was mistakenly identified with the judge of the same name, Stefano di Niccolò di Matteo Patrizi, and his mother Maria was equated with Maria Lupetino, the alleged wife of the judge. The claim that the philosopher is related to the famous theologian Matthias Flacius , which is related to the erroneous genealogy, is also inaccurate .
According to Francesco, his family was originally based in Bosnia and, according to their coat of arms, was of royal descent. As a result of the Turkish conquest of her homeland, she emigrated, and that is how an ancestor named Stefanello came to Cres. This happened, if the report is correct, in the second half of the 15th century.
Following a humanistic custom, the philosopher Latinized his name and called himself Patricius or Patritius . Since he lived in Italy and published his works there, the form of the name Francesco Patrizi has prevailed internationally, but variants of the Croatian form are preferred in Croatia. The addition "da Cherso" (from Cres) serves to distinguish it from the humanist Francesco Patrizi (Franciscus Patricius Senensis), who came from Siena and lived in the 15th century.
Life
youth and study time
Francesco Patrizi was born on April 25, 1529 in Cres. He spent his childhood in his hometown. In February 1538, his uncle Giovanni Giorgio Patrizi, who commanded a Venetian warship, took the boy, who was only nine years old, on a campaign against the Turks. So it happened that Francesco took part in the naval battle of Preveza , in which the Christian fleet was defeated. He almost ended up in Turkish captivity. He spent several years at sea. In September 1543 he went to Venice to acquire a professional qualification. Initially, he attended a commercial school at the will of Giovanni Giorgio, but his inclination was towards humanism. Since his father showed understanding, the youngster received Latin lessons. His father later sent him to study in Ingolstadt , where the Bavarian University was based at the time. There he learned Greek. In 1546, however, he had to leave Bavaria because of the turmoil of the Schmalkaldic War .
In May 1547 Patrizi went to Padua , whose university was one of the most prestigious in Europe. Initially, at the request of his practical father Stefano, he studied medicine with Giambattista Montano , Bassiano Lando and Alberto Gabriele, albeit very reluctantly. When Stefano died in 1551, he was able to break off his medical training. He sold the medical books. He continued to be interested in humanistic education. During his studies he attended philosophical lectures by professors Bernardino Tomitano, Marcantonio de' Passeri (Marcantonio Genova), Lazzaro Buonamici and Francesco Robortello . Among his friends and fellow students was Niccolò Sfondrati, who later became Pope Gregory XIV . The philosophy classes were a disappointment for Patricius, because Padua was then a stronghold of Aristotelianism , whose representatives continued the tradition of medieval scholasticism . This was a direction that Patricius firmly rejected and later fiercely opposed. Under the influence of a Franciscan scholar, he turned to Platonism . The Franciscan recommended him the Neoplatonic teachings of the humanist Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499). The reading of Ficino's writings, especially his major philosophical-theological work, the Theologia Platonica , became groundbreaking for Patrizi. He later expressed his distance from Padua's scholastic-Aristotelian teaching establishment by describing himself as an autodidact in an autobiographical letter in 1587 . During his student days he already wrote and published philosophical and philological writings; in 1553 he had a collection of his youthful works printed in Venice.
First attempts at securing a livelihood (1554–1560)
In 1554 Patrizi had to return to Cres because of a protracted inheritance dispute with his uncle Giovanni Giorgio. There he experienced an unpleasant time, marked by illness, isolation and family conflict. Apparently he belonged at that time - at least until 1560 - to the clergy. In order to secure his livelihood permanently, he tried in vain to obtain a church benefice at home. After this failure he went to Rome in 1556, but his efforts to secure a benefice failed there too. Then he moved to Venice. The young scholar unsuccessfully sought employment at the splendid court of the House of Este in Ferrara . At least he gained a foothold in Venetian humanist circles: he joined the Accademia della Fama, a scholarly community in which he found like-minded people.
Activities in Cyprus (1560–1568)
In 1560 the philosopher entered the service of the nobleman Giorgio Contarini, who belonged to one of the most distinguished families in Venice. First he had to give his employer lessons in Aristotelian ethics. Patrizi soon gained Contarini's trust and received an important commission: he was sent to Cyprus to inspect and then report to the family estate, which was managed by one of Contarini's brothers. When he described the conditions he found after his return in the summer of 1562, Contarini sent him back to Cyprus and gave him authority to carry out improvement measures. As the new administrator, Patrizi ensured a significant increase in the value of the land through melioration , which could now be used for cotton cultivation. However, the necessary measures were expensive, and bad harvests also reduced income, so that the customer could not be satisfied. Contarini's Cypriot relatives, whom Patrizi had discredited with his report, took this opportunity to take revenge and blacken the administrator to the head of the family. When Patricius' justification was not accepted, he asked for his dismissal in 1567.
In the period that followed, Patrizi initially stayed in Cyprus. He now entered the service of the Catholic Archbishop of Nicosia , the Venetian Filippo Mocenigo, who entrusted him with the administration of the villages belonging to the Archdiocese. But already in 1568 he left the island threatened by the Turks together with the archbishop and went to Venice. Looking back, he saw the years in Cyprus as lost time. After all, he used his stay in the Greek-speaking area for an important humanistic concern: he searched with considerable success for Greek manuscripts, which he then bought or had copied, perhaps also copied himself.
Alternating efforts to secure a material livelihood (1568–1577)
After his return, Patrizi turned to science again. He now went again to Padua, where he apparently no longer worked at the university, but only gave private lessons. Among his students was Zaccaria Mocenigo, a nephew of the archbishop. Very important to him was the fruitful exchange of ideas with the well-known philosopher Bernardino Telesio , with whom he later corresponded.
During this time Patricius' relationship with the archbishop deteriorated. He now made contact with Diego Hurtado de Mendoza y de la Cerda, Viceroy of Catalonia , who was an avid book collector. The beginning of this connection was promising: the viceroy invited him to Barcelona and promised him a position as court philosopher with an annual salary of five hundred ducats . Patrizi then undertook his first trip to Spain. In Barcelona, however, he suffered a severe disappointment when the financial promise was not kept. Under these circumstances, the philosopher was forced to return home in 1569.
One benefit of the trip, however, was the prospect of making a living in the long-distance trade in books. Exporting books from Italy to Barcelona seemed lucrative, and Patrizi had been able to make a corresponding agreement with local business partners before he left. Dispatch got underway and did indeed prove worthwhile at first, but the venture eventually foundered due to the philosopher's inexperience and lack of business acumen. Patrizi suffered a severe blow in 1570 when the Turks in Cyprus captured a shipment of goods that belonged to him and were intended for export to Venice, for which he had paid 3,500 ducats. This put him in such distress that he turned to his former employer Contarini, who in his opinion still owed him 200 ducats. When he refused to pay, a lengthy process ensued, which Patrizi apparently lost.
In order to rehabilitate his finances, Patrizi turned to book production. In August 1571 he contracted with the heiress to the manuscript of a treatise on emblems by the late scholar Girolamo Ruscelli , Le imprese illustri . He took over as editor and the work was published by a Venetian printer the following year. However, Patrizi was unable to meet his contractual obligations due to his precarious financial situation. This resulted in a conflict that was difficult to resolve. After this unpleasant experience, Patrizi founded his own publishing house, all'Elefanta . There he brought out three books in 1573, but then the publishing house went under. The philosopher then made a new trip to Spain in 1574 to sue his former business partners and sell Greek manuscripts. In February 1575 he was received by Antonio Gracián, secretary to King Philip II , who bought 75 codices from him for the royal library in the Escorial . From a humanist point of view, however, this commercial success was questionable, because the Escorial was considered a "book grave" by scholars. When the court proceedings about the failed book trade dragged on without any foreseeable result, Patrizi returned home after thirteen months.
On his return, Patrizi settled in Modena in 1577 , where he entered the service of the distinguished musician and poet Tarquinia Molza , to whom he taught Greek.
Professorship in Ferrara (1578–1592)
In Modena, Patrizi received the invitation to the ducal court of Ferrara that he had been aspiring to for two decades. At the turn of the year 1577/1578 he arrived in Ferrara. He was well received by Duke Alfonso II d'Este , an important patron of culture . His advocate there was the ducal council - from 1579 secretary - Antonio Montecatini, who valued him very much, although he was a representative of the Aristotelianism fought by Patrizi from a platonic perspective. At the suggestion of Montecatini, a chair in Platonic philosophy was set up especially for Patrizi at the University of Ferrara . The starting salary of 390 lire was later increased to 500 lire. The time of material worries was over.
With the move to Ferrara, a pleasant and fruitful phase of life began for the new professor. He was held in high esteem both at Alfonso's glamorous court and in the academic community. He was friends with the duke. Patrizi also had a good personal relationship with the famous poet Torquato Tasso , who lived in Ferrara, although he had a difference of opinion with him in a controversial controversy. During the fourteen years he worked in Ferrara he published numerous writings.
However, the dedicated statements made by patricians on philosophical and literary issues also provoked opposition and led to arguments. A written polemic with the Aristotelian Teodoro Angelucci broke out over the criticism of Aristotle. In the literary field, Patrizi engaged in a dispute about the criteria of poetic quality, in which Camillo Pellegrino and Torquato Tasso took the opposite view.
Professorship in Rome, conflict with censorship and death (1592–1597)
Patricius' academic career finally reached its peak thanks to the goodwill of Cardinal Ippolito Aldobrandini, who invited him to Rome in October 1591. In January 1592 Aldobrandini was elected Pope and took the name Clement VIII . He gave an enthusiastic welcome to the scholar, who arrived in Rome on April 18, 1592. At the Roman University of La Sapienza , a chair in Platonic philosophy was created for Patrizi. The professor resided in the house of Cinzio Passeri Aldobrandini , who was a nephew of the Pope and a well-known patron of the arts and was made a cardinal in 1593. On May 15, he gave his inaugural lecture on Plato's Timaeus in front of a large audience . The remuneration granted to him - 500 ducats basic salary, with allowances a good 840 ducats - was the highest at the Sapienza. It was a sign of the special papal favor bestowed on the Platonist. Among his listeners and interlocutors was Torquato Tasso, now living in Rome, who did not hold grudges against him for the dispute in Ferrara.
Despite his excellent relationship with the pope, Patrizi was soon targeted by church censorship. His major philosophical work Nova de universis philosophia , which he had published in Ferrara in 1591, provided the occasion . There, the censor Pedro Juan Saragoza discovered a series of statements that he considered heretical or at least suspicious and denounced in a report. Among other things, he declared the assertion that the earth rotates to be erroneous, because this was incompatible with the Holy Scriptures. According to the consensus of theologians, the Bible tells us that the heavens of fixed stars revolve around the immovable earth.
In October 1592 the Index Congregation, the authority responsible for the Index of Prohibited Books , became active. She summoned the author of the suspect writing in November 1592 and allowed him to read Saragoza's expert opinion, which was an unusual accommodation towards the accused at the time. Patrizi reacted to the censor's attack with a defence, the Apologia ad censuram , in which he professed his submission in principle, but aggressively defended his position on the matter and accused Saragoza of incompetence. He met with no understanding. He later tried unsuccessfully to satisfy the panel with written explanations of his doctrine and concessions. Even after the congregation decided in December 1592 to cite the Nova de universis philosophia in the revised index, the author continued his rescue efforts while the publication of the new 1593 index was delayed. The fact that the last responsible censor, the Jesuit Francisco Toledo , was a well-known representative of the scholastic Aristotelianism that Patrizi fought against had an especially unfavorable effect . In July 1594 the Congregation imposed an absolute ban on the distribution and reading of the work and ordered the destruction of all copies that could be found. In the updated edition of the Index, which appeared in 1596, and in subsequent editions, the writing was cited. However, it was expressly left to the author to submit an amended version for approval. The aged philosopher, worn down by the conflict, began the revision but was unable to complete it, for he died of a fever on February 7, 1597. He was buried in the Roman church of Sant'Onofrio al Gianicolo next to Torquato Tasso.
factories
Most of Patricius' writings are in Italian, the rest in Latin. The Latin part of the oeuvre includes two monumental works in particular: the Discussiones peripateticae , an extensive pamphlet against Aristotelianism, and the Nova de universis philosophia , the unfinished overall presentation of his teachings.
Anti-Aristotelian writings
Discussiones peripateticae
The fight against Aristotelianism was a central concern of Patricius, which appears throughout his texts. He not only wanted to refute individual teachings of the ancient thinker, but to bring down his entire system. Especially for this purpose he wrote a polemical writing, which he called Discussiones peripateticae (Peripatetic Investigations) , with which he referred to the Peripatos , the philosophical school of Aristotle, referring. The first impetus for this came from a wish from his student Zaccaria Mocenigo, who asked him to write a history of Aristotle. Patricius fulfilled this request with the original version of the Discussiones , a critical examination of the life and works of the Greek philosopher, which he published in Venice in 1571. After a long break, he later took up the systematic analysis of Aristotelianism again and expanded his original text into a comprehensive critique of the Peripatetic worldview. In this expansion of the project, the Discussiones printed in 1571 were included as the first volume in a four-volume complete work, which Patrizi had printed in folio format by Pietro Perna in Basel in 1581. In doing so, he presented a polemical writing that was also designed as a handbook of Aristotelianism.
The first volume consists of thirteen books. The first book offers a detailed biography of Aristotle, the second a catalog raisonné. The following seven books contain philological investigations. There it is about clarifying the questions of which of the writings traditionally attributed to Aristotle actually come from him, which work titles are authentic and how the writings are to be arranged systematically. Patrizi defines a series of stylistic, content-related and historical criteria for distinguishing between genuine and fake writings. Particular attention is paid to the fragments from the Greek thinker's lost works, which have survived in later ancient literature. They are assembled in large numbers. The tenth book deals with the reception history. The last three books are devoted to the various methods that come into consideration for the interpretation of the doctrine and for an Aristotelian philosophizing.
In the second volume, Patrizi compares the Peripatetic philosophy with older doctrines, especially Platonism. His intention is to discredit Aristotle as a plagiarist and compiler . He expresses himself carefully, however, since this volume is dedicated to his friend and colleague Antonio Montecatino, professor of Aristotelian philosophy in Ferrara. A contrast to this is offered by the open, violent polemics in the last two volumes, in which the author gives up his reserve. The third volume presents the Peripatetic teachings as incompatible with those of the pre- Socratics and Plato . Patrizi discusses the disagreements between the authorities through a wealth of contradictory statements, always declaring Aristotle's view to be wrong. From his point of view, Aristotelianism is an intellectual-historical phenomenon of decay, a falsification and destruction of the knowledge of earlier thinkers. The fourth book serves to prove errors in Aristotelian natural philosophy.
When dealing with peripatetic thinking, Patricius attaches great importance to taking Aristotle's doctrinal opinions directly from his own words and not - as has been customary since the Middle Ages - to being influenced by the interpretations of numerous commentators. In addition, he demands that Aristotle's view should not be substantiated by a single statement, as has been the case up to now, but that all relevant statements of the philosopher should be used. In the Discussiones peripateticae , Patrizi does not consistently assume a Platonic alternative system to Aristotelianism, but also makes use of arguments based on non-Platonic, rather nominalistic and empiricist ideas. In terms of the history of philosophy, he sees a fateful development: Aristotle's first students still thought independently and even contradicted their teacher; later, however, Alexander von Aphrodisias gave himself unreservedly to the founder of the school and thus renounced free thinking. The first medieval Arabic-language interpreters, Avicenna , Avempace , and Alfarabi , were relatively unbiased, but then Averroes proclaimed the absolute authority of Aristotle, paving the way for sterile scholastic Aristotelianism.
Controversy with Teodoro Angelucci
The scathing judgment on Aristotelian philosophy in the Discussiones peripateticae led to a controversy with the Aristotelian Teodoro Angelucci. He reacted to the Discussiones with a counter-writing in which he sharply criticized Patricius' statements on metaphysics and natural science. The attacked responded with the Apologia contra calumnias Theodori Angelutii (defense against the slanders of Teodoro Angelucci) , which he had printed in 1584. The following year, Angelucci continued the argument with another pamphlet, the Exercitationes (Exercises) .
Metaphysics, natural philosophy, mathematics and number symbolism
Preliminary work on the system of the "new philosophy"
In the 1580s Patricius dealt with preparatory work for an overall presentation of his philosophical system, which he conceived as an alternative to Aristotelianism. First, he provided relevant material. He translated the commentary by Pseudo- Johannes Philoponos on Aristotle's metaphysics and the Elementatio physica and the Elementatio theologica of the late antique Neoplatonist Proclus into Latin. Both translations were printed in 1583. Then Patrizi worked out his theory of space. In the treatise Della nuova geometria , completed in 1586, which he dedicated to Duke Charles Emmanuel I of Savoy, he presented a new basis for geometry, which he preferred to Euclidean definitions. In 1587 a Latin exposition of his understanding of spatiality appeared as the first part of a Philosophia de rerum natura (Philosophy Concerning the Nature of Things) . This publication consists of the two books De spacio physico (On physical space) and De spacio mathematico (On mathematical space) . There he presented his alternative to Aristotelian cosmology and physics.
As part of this preliminary work, Patricius' work Zoroaster et eius CCCXX oracula Chaldaica (Zarathustra and his 320 Chaldean oracles) was created, the first independent modern collection of fragments of the Chaldean oracles . He believed that these were authentic teachings of Zarathustra and that the oracles were the oldest testimony in the history of philosophical thought. It was therefore important to him to secure the text. He took the passages from the works of the late antique authors Proclus , Damaskios , Simplikios , Olympiodoros and Synesios . His collection, comprising 318 oracular verses, was a vast expansion of the previously authoritative compilation of the Georgios Gemistos Plethon , which contains only sixty hexameters .
Nova de universe philosophia
Patricius' main work, the Nova de universis philosophia (New philosophy about things in their entirety) , was to consist of eight parts according to his plan and should present his entire interpretation of the world. But he was only able to complete the first four parts and publish them in Ferrara in 1591. He worked on another part, De humana philosophia , in 1591/1592, but the manuscript remained unfinished, and the conflict with the censorship authorities prevented it from being completed and published. The author dedicated the first edition of 1591 to Pope Gregory XIV , with whom he had a childhood friendship from his student days in Padua.
In the preface, Patrizi recommended to the Pope a far-reaching revolution in the Catholic school system: He suggested replacing the Aristotelianism that had been dominant since the Middle Ages with an alternative world view, that of the dominant school philosophy, in the teaching of church educational institutions - the religious schools and universities under papal control be superior There are five models to consider. The first is his own system according to the Nova de universis philosophia , the second is Zoroastrianism , the third is Hermetics , the teachings of Hermes Trismegistus , the fourth is an allegedly ancient Egyptian philosophy - meaning the teachings of the Theologia Aristotelis, which was wrongly attributed to Aristotle -, the fifth the Platonism. He reconstructed, ordered and explained the four older philosophies. All five models are conducive to religion and acceptable from a Catholic perspective, in contrast to Aristotelianism, which is godless and incompatible with faith. The church fathers of antiquity would have already recognized that Platonism corresponded to Christianity . Nonetheless, Aristotelian philosophy prevailed. Their continued dominance goes back to the medieval scholastics. The works of Plato were unknown to them, so they turned to the useless writings of Aristotle.
In the preface, Patricius provocatively criticized the actions of the Counter-Reformation church, which tried to secure belief in its teachings by means of censorship, the Inquisition and state violence. He strongly recommended relying on reason and the persuasiveness of philosophical argument rather than on coercion.
The first part of the scripture, entitled Panaugia ( All -enlightenment or All- Splendour ), deals with the principle of light, presented as the formative and animating force in the universe, and with physical light and its properties. Among other things, the reflection and refraction of light and the nature of colors are discussed . The second part is called Panarchia ( all- rule or all- causality ). This is a neologism of the author, derived from the Greek noun archḗ (“origin”, “cause”, “rule”), which refers to the hierarchical world order and its divine source. The Panarchia describes the emanation - the gradual outpouring of entities from their divine source - and the resulting hierarchy in the universe. The third part is entitled Pampsychia (All Souls) . There the philosopher presents his concept of the animation of the entire physical cosmos through the world soul and discusses in particular the souls of animals. In the fourth part, the Pancosmia (universal order) , topics of physical cosmology are discussed, in particular the question of the spatial expansion of the universe, which Patrizi considers infinite.
Attached as appendices are, in addition to source texts, two digressions by the author on specific subjects: an attempt to determine the order of Plato's dialogues and a compilation of contrasts between Aristotelian and Platonic philosophy. The source texts are Patrizi's collection of fragments of the Chaldean oracles, Hermetic literature and the Theologia Aristotelis , referred to as the "mystical philosophy of the Egyptians" , a pseudo-Aristotelian writing, the content of which Patrizi equated with the " unwritten teaching " of Plato, which was only presented orally. He said it was a record of wisdom teachings of ancient Egyptian origin made by Aristotle that Plato had conveyed to his students in class.
Despite his great respect for the authors of the ancient wisdom teachings, Patricius did not hesitate to express a different opinion in individual cases. He stressed the need for solid evidence and refused to accept citations from reputable authorities as a substitute for missing arguments. He saw his task as providing arguments for what was not sufficiently founded in the traditional texts of the ancient sages.
De numerorum mysteriis
The writing De numerorum mysteriis (On the Secrets of Numbers) , which Patrizi wrote in 1594 on behalf of Cardinal Federico Borromeo , deals with number symbolism according to the Pythagorean theory of numbers . It has been handed down in manuscript, but has remained unedited .
State theory, historical theory and military science
La citta felice
La città felice (The happy city) is an early work of the philosopher, which he wrote as a student, completed in 1551 and had it printed in Venice in 1553. The treatise is intended to show the conditions for a successful life in an ideal state community. The starting point is formed by the relevant considerations in the politics of Aristotle, whose views the young humanist still largely follows. In addition, however, the influence of Platonism is already recognizable. Material from Stoic literature is also used in the model of the state, and the influence of Niccolò Machiavelli is also noticeable.
Della historia diece dialoghi
Patrizi was one of the pioneers of historical theory , a branch of research that was still young at the time. Ten dialogues by the Venetian scholar, which he published in 1560 under the title Della historia diece dialoghi , deal with the basics of historical philosophy and the methods of historical research . The fictional dialogues take place in Venice among friends and acquaintances of the author, he himself is always there. The participants in the discussion represent different opinions in speech and counter-speech. Her arguments are presented in a manner consistent with the natural course of conversation, with frequent interruptions and digressions, irony, doubt, mockery, and a wealth of witty remarks.
La militia romana by Polibio, by Tito Livio, and by Dionigi Alicarnaseo
The treatise La militia romana di Polibio, di Tito Livio, e di Dionigi Alicarnaseo (Roman warfare according to Polybius , Titus Livius and Dionysius of Halicarnassus ) , which Patrizi wrote in 1573, was not printed until ten years later. It is strongly inspired by Machiavelli's ideas. The starting point is the thesis that the art of war is the basis of peace and a prerequisite for human happiness. Decisive is the warfare of the ancient Romans, which is superior to all others, especially the Turkish. You have to stick to this example, because if you succeed in regaining the old Roman clout, you no longer need to fear the Turks. The only one who has come close to succeeding in this so far is Duke Alfonso I d'Este , who is the unrivaled role model of all other rulers as a general, as well as in siege technology and fortress construction. With this flattery, Patrizi wanted to impress Duke Alfonso II d'Este, Alfonso I's grandson, who was reigning in Ferrara at the time. He dedicated his writing to him.
Paralleli militari
The Paralleli militari (Military Comparisons) , printed in two parts in 1594 and 1595, are Patricius' last publication. They contain the balance of his reflections in the face of Italy's political and military crisis in the late 16th century. He claimed that with his theory of warfare he could instruct the military in their own field. For this purpose he sent his writing to the well-known commanders of the troops Ferrante Gonzaga, Francesco Maria II della Rovere and Alfonso II d'Este.
literary studies
Discorso della diversità de' furori poetici
The Discorso della diversità de' furori poetici (Discourse on the Diversity of Poetic Emotions) , an early work of Patricius, printed in 1553, deals with the origin and the different products of poetic inspiration. The author deals with the controversial relationship between inspired work in a state of emotion and learned verse technique based on traditional norms and patterns. According to the discorso concept , the inspired poet is a creator who follows his impulses without being bound by rules; his art cannot be learned, but is a divine gift. Following the poetics of the Roman poet Horace , the humanistic theorist assumes that ingegno and furore work together in poetic production. By ingegno he understands individual inclination, talent and especially mental agility, by furore the inspiration by the divine muses . Thanks to the interplay of these factors, the poet attains a privileged relationship with the deity, which makes him seem sick and mad from the perspective of uncomprehending people. However, Patrizi concedes that the reception of other people's works, erudition and practice could also make a contribution to success.
Lettura sopra il sonetto del Petrarch "La gola, e'l sonno, e l'ociose piume"
This writing is also one of Patricius' youthful works, printed as early as 1553. Here he analyzes the sonnet La gola, e'l sonno, e l'ociose piume by the famous poet Francesco Petrarch from a philosophical perspective , giving it a symbolic meaning in the context of Plato's doctrine of the soul .
Della retorica dialoghi dieci
Patricius' ten dialogues on rhetoric were printed in Venice in 1562. They are dedicated to Cardinal Niccolò Sfondrati, later Pope Gregory XIV. Each dialogue is named after one of the participants in the conversation. The author himself is involved in all discussions. The writing opposes the opinion, which is widespread in humanist circles and is based on the view of Aristotle and Cicero , that rhetoric is an art of persuasion required for any knowledge transfer. Patrizi sees this as an overestimation of this discipline, which he considers a means of deception and is skeptical about. He describes it as a mere technique of dealing with the means of linguistic expression without any inner connection to truth and reality. Since the principle of rhetoric is unknown and since it deals with the probable and not with the true, it cannot be called a science in the current state of knowledge, although the possibility of future scientific rhetoric remains open.
Other themes of the rhetoric writing are the emergence of language and the power of words. The author believes that in a mythical past the spoken word possessed magical power. The later introduced control of minds with the art of persuasion is only a faint echo of this original power, because mankind has lost the former connection with the truth. Patrizi paints a culturally pessimistic picture of human history, emphasizing fear as a key factor that led to the deplorable state of civilization of his time and that dominated social life. He places the emergence and history of rhetoric in the context of this decline.
Parere in difesa dell'Ariosto
The publication of the final version of Torquato Tasso's epic poem La Gerusalemme liberata in 1581 caused a lively controversy in Ferrara. Tasso's admirers faced a group of literary critics for whom Ariosto's Orlando furioso represented the definitive model. After the poet Camillo Pellegrino had made disparaging remarks about Ariosto's treatment of the subject, Patrizi intervened in the debate in 1585 with a polemic. In his statement, entitled Parere in difesa dell'Ariosto , he praised the independence of Ariosto, who neither imitated the epics of Homer nor followed the rules of Aristotle's Poetics. Based on the current controversy, Patrizi wanted to show the uselessness of the established Aristotelian theory of poetry. Among other things, he asserted that Homer, like Ariosto, had not followed the rules of this poetics. Tasso responded immediately with a reply in which he defended the conventional principles.
Poetica
The Poetica is a large-scale presentation of Patricius' theory of poetry, an alternative to Aristotle's Poetics . It comprises seven volumes, which are called Decades because they each consist of ten books. The first two decades, the Deca istoriale and the Deca disputata , were printed in 1586. The Deca istoriale offers a detailed description of the poetic products of antiquity and the forms of their public reception. The inventory is followed by classification, study of metrics , and presentation of the presentation of poetry in cultural life. One thesis put forward here is that the actors always sang in the performances of tragedy in ancient Greece. The second decade deals with the theory. It concludes with an examination of Torquato Tasso's understanding of poetic quality. Patrizi called this part of his work Trimerone (three-day work) because it took three days to write it. The remaining five decades, which were lost in the early modern period, were only discovered in 1949 and published in 1969/1971.
Controversy with Jacopo Mazzoni
Patrizi had an intensive discussion with the scholar Jacopo Mazzoni , who contradicted him on a philological question. It was about the lost work Daphnis or Lityerses by the Hellenistic poet Sositheos , which was probably a satyr play . Patrizi wrongly believed that Daphnis and Lityerses were the titles of two tragedies by Sositheos, while Mazzoni - also wrongly - assumed it was an eclogue entitled Daphnis and Lityerses . In 1587 Patrizi responded to Mazzoni's criticism of his hypothesis with a reply, the Risposta di Francesco Patrizi a due opposizioni fattegli dal Signor Giacopo Mazzoni (Reply to two objections by Mr. Jacopo Mazzoni) , whereupon Mazzoni published a reply, to which Patrizi in turn published a new one Reply replied, the Difesa di Francesco Patrizi dalle cento accuse dategli dal Signor Iacopo Mazzoni (defense of Francesco Patrizi against the hundred accusations made against him by Mr Jacopo Mazzoni) .
eroticism
Discorsi et argomenti on Luca Contile's sonnets
Patrizi was friends with the poet Luca Contile . When he published an edition of his friend's collected poetic works in Venice in 1560, he accompanied it with his discorsi et argomenti , introductory and explanatory texts in which he presented a philosophical basis for love poetry. In doing so, he continued the treatment of the eros theme in Plato's Dialogue Symposium and gave his dear friend Tarquinia Molza the role of Plato's famous literary character Diotima , who imparts the essential knowledge about love. He compared ancient love poetry with that of the Renaissance . After treating the theory, he went into the poetic implementation of the philosophical thoughts and commented on fifty sonnets contiles.
Il Delfino overo Del bacio
It is disputed when Patrizi wrote the dialogue Il Delfino overo Del bacio (Delfino or About the Kiss) . He did not publish it; the work was not made accessible in print until 1975, when the critical first edition appeared. The interlocutors are the author and an unidentifiable Angelo Delfino, after whom the work is named. Delfino is probably a member of the important Venetian noble family of Dolfin . The starting point is a question that the young Delfino asks the reclusive Patricius: he wants to find out what the reason for the "sweetness" of the kiss is. He has not found anything about it in love literature; she ignores the kiss as if it were irrelevant to love. The two men discuss the different types of kissing and their effects, and Patrizi gives a detailed physiological explanation that satisfies the questioner. In doing so, he addresses the different erotic sensibilities of individual parts of the body and rehabilitates the sense of touch, which Marsilio Ficino judged disparagingly. Finally, the grateful Delfino directs a prayer to the “extremely powerful” god of love , Cupid .
L'amorosa filosofia
L'amorosa filosofia belongs to the genre of love treatises, the trattati d'amore , which were extremely popular in Italy in the 16th century . It is a treatise on female attractiveness and love that Patrizi wrote in Modena in 1577 but did not publish. The incomplete surviving, apparently unfinished work was only edited in 1963 on the basis of the author's handwritten manuscript. It consists of four dialogues. The interlocutors are a number of people, including the author and Bernardino Telesio as the central figure, Tarquinia Molza. In the first dialogue, which makes up about half of the text, Tarquinia does not appear in person, but is the center of attention as the interlocutors describe and praise her intellectual, artistic, and physical assets. According to this portrayal, she embodies the ideal woman of her time in unique perfection, which is modeled after the Renaissance ideal of the universal human being. She comes from a noble family, has an excellent musical and literary education and is an excellent poet, has a quick grasp and an excellent memory and is inspired by a passionate thirst for knowledge. Her character is exemplary, her voice angelic, her beauty makes her godlike. In the other three dialogues, Tarquinia speaks for herself and expresses her views with great authority. Here the traditional ideas, which derive from the concepts of platonic , courtly and Christian love , recede into the background; Self-love is emphasized as the basis of all other manifestations of love.
water management
In 1578/1579 Patrizi dealt with a water management and at the same time political question. The reason was a serious problem on the lower reaches of the Po , on whose banks Ferrara is located. After a devastating flood in 1442, the Reno River was canalised and channeled into the Po. The amelioration measure was in the interests of the flood-damaged city of Bologna , which the Reno flows past. In the opinion of the Ferrarese, however, it was the cause of the landing that severely affected shipping traffic on the Po in their area. That is why the rulers of Ferrara in the 15th and 16th centuries either reluctantly approved or refused the discharge of the Reno water into the Po. In the 1570s, a new conflict arose between the two cities for this reason, in which Pope Gregory XIII. mediation took over.
The pope set up a commission of inquiry in which Scipione di Castro, a political adviser with no engineering expertise, set the tone. Di Castro wrote a report in 1578 in which he came to the conclusion that the landing was not caused by the Reno. This enraged the Ferrarese, for whom Patrizi, after thorough studies, took the floor. He first formulated and justified his views in a 1579 report for Duke Alfonso II d'Este, the Discorso sopra lo stato del Po di Ferrara (Treatise on the State of the Po of Ferrara) , and then in a devastating statement on the document di Castro's Risposta alla scrittura di D. Scipio di Castro sopra l'arrenamento del Po di Ferrara . His contact in the Curia was Bishop Tommaso Sanfelice, with whom he was able to communicate well. In 1580 Patrizi wrote an account of his negotiations with Sanfelice. However, his bold proposals for the construction of new canals were not taken up by the duke.
Il Barignano
An ethical theme is treated by Patrizis Dialogo dell'honore (Dialogue on Honour) published in 1553 in the Collection of Early Works , which he called Il Barignano . The namesake is Fabio Barignano, a contemporary, then still very young poet from Pesaro , who appears as one of the two participants in the fictional discussion. His interlocutor is also a historical figure, Count Giovan Giacomo Leonardi , a diplomat in the service of the Duke of Urbino . In the dedication letter, Patrizi remarks that everyone attaches great importance to honor. Even the worst person wants to be respected and respected everywhere and takes revenge for insults and slander. Nonetheless, no one has ever devoted their own work to honor and philosophically examined what it actually consists of. Only one special aspect, the duel , has been discussed in the literature so far. The Barignano is intended to remedy this deficiency . In the course of the conversation, Leonardi conveys his understanding of true honor to his young dialogue partner. According to his explanations, this does not consist in reputation, but in an unshakable, virtuous basic attitude. Therefore, true honor, which does not depend on the judgments of others, can never be forfeited, unlike sham honor, a ephemeral reputation based on external values and questionable beliefs.
poems
Two poems of praise by Patrizi date from the late 1550s. In addition, in 1559 he glorified the painter Irene di Spilimbergo after her early death in two sonnets.
The first of the two poems of praise, L'Eridano (The Po) , was written when the philosopher was trying in vain to get a job at the court of the Duke of Ferrara, Ercole II d'Este . It was intended to show the ruling house the humanistic qualifications of the author and at the same time to make an impression with the usual flattery. Patrizi dedicated the poem, in which he praised the ruling family, to a brother of the duke, Cardinal Ippolito d'Este . He had it printed in 1557 and included an explanation of the verse form, the Sostentamenti del nuovo verso heroico . Here, as in other fields, he was an innovator: he claimed to be introducing a new heroic meter into Italian poetry, suited to the heroic content of an epic. These are thirteen syllables with a break after the sixth syllable, a form modeled after the classic hexameter. In reality, this meter, which probably goes back to the Alexandrian , was not new, it was already in use in the 14th century.
The second poem of praise, the Badoaro , was written in 1558 and is also in the "new" heroic meter. Patrizi praises the Venetian humanist, politician and diplomat Federico Badoer. The long-lost text was not published until 1981.
letters
Around a hundred letters from Patricius have survived, including a letter of June 26, 1572 to Bernardino Telesio , which is particularly important as a source, in which he critically examines his philosophical principles, and an autobiographical letter to his friend Baccio Valori of January 12, 1587. They make up only a modest part of his correspondence, mostly from the Ferrara and Rome years; all letters from my youth are lost. The style is matter-of-fact and dry, without literary adornment. This source material shows the scholar as an important figure in the cultural life of his era.
Del governo de' regni
According to a hypothesis by John-Theophanes Papademetriou, which is considered plausible, Patrizi made the Italian translation of an oriental collection of fairy tales, which was printed in Ferrara in 1583, under the title Del governo de' regni . The original was a Greek version of this work, originally written in India, known as the Fables of Bidpai or Kalīla wa Dimna .
teach
With his teachings in various subject areas, Patrizi wanted to make a name for himself as a critic of traditional ways of thinking and as a finder of new paths. He liked to distance himself from everything that had gone before and chose an unusual approach, which he presented – sometimes exaggeratingly – as a fundamental innovation. He strove to broaden horizons and go beyond familiar boundaries. In doing so, he came up against a main obstacle that he tried to remove: the relatively rigid framework of Aristotelianism, which dominated school philosophy and which had formed over the centuries through the extensive commentary on Aristotle and which only permitted innovation within a predetermined narrow framework. In view of this situation, the humanist's polemics were directed not only against Aristotle, but also against the scholastic tradition, which was shaped by Aristotelian thought, and in particular against its Averroist current. He accused the Aristotelians and Scholastics of dealing with words—abstractions introduced haphazardly and without reason—instead of things, and of having lost touch with the reality of nature.
In general, Patrizi's philosophy is characterized by the priority of the deductive approach. He derived his theses from premises whose correctness he considered evident. He was striving for a scientific approach that should be based on the model of mathematical discourse. The aim was knowledge of the whole (rerum universitas) existing through order by comprehending structures. Patrizi justified his rejection of the Aristotelian argument by saying that it failed in relation to the contingent . His approach was intended to remedy this deficiency; he wanted to systematize the contingent and thus make it scientifically capable.
metaphysics, natural philosophy and mathematics
In natural philosophy, Patrizi emphasized the novelty of his teaching with particular emphasis; he stated that he was proclaiming "great" and "unheard-of". In fact, he made a fundamental break with medieval and early modern scholastic tradition.
room conception
In the scholastic physics based on Aristotelian principles, which still prevailed in the 16th century, the idea of space was tied to the concept of place. The place was conceived as a kind of vessel that can hold bodies and constitute the space. The idea of a three-dimensional space existing independently of places as a reality of its own kind was missing.
Patrizi countered this way of thinking with his new spatial concept. According to his understanding, space is neither a substance nor an accident , it cannot be classified in the Aristotelian category scheme. He is also not a "nothing" or similar to non-being, but something that actually exists , namely the first being in the world of the sensible. The being of space precedes all other physical being in terms of time and ontology , it is the prerequisite for its existence. If the world were to perish, space would still exist, not only potentially but actually. As something that is, space is qualitatively determined; its characteristics are receptivity, three-dimensionality and homogeneity. He is indifferent to what is within him. In and of itself, it can be equated with the vacuum . Physical space is corporeal on the one hand, because it has three dimensions like a body, and incorporeal, on the other hand, because it offers no resistance.
philosophy of mathematics
With the "new geometry" that Patrizi proposed, he meant a new philosophical foundation of this science. He justified their necessity with an inadequacy of the Euclidean system: although Euclid had defined elementary concepts such as point, line and surface, he had failed to develop a philosophical system that would enable the remaining geometric concepts to be determined correctly. Above all, Euclid lacks a definition of space, although space must be the primary object of geometry. Patrizi tried to remedy this deficiency by making space the basis of his own system and deriving points, lines, angles, surfaces and bodies from it.
According to Patricius, the continuum is a real fact, while the discrete is a product of thought. For him, this resulted in the priority of geometry over arithmetic within mathematics . This view corresponded to the state of knowledge at the time; the analytic geometry that extends the concept of number and makes it continuous was not yet discovered.
cosmology and the origin of the world
According to Aristotelian cosmology, the world of material things enclosed by the spherical vault of heaven forms the totality of the universe. Nothing can exist outside of this limited universe, not even time and empty space. Patrizi, on the other hand, considered the part of three-dimensional space that he imagined containing all matter to be a delimited area surrounded by empty space. The question of the shape of this area remained open. The Aristotelian assumption that the material world is spherical was viewed with skepticism by Patrizi, since no proof of the spherical shape of the sky had been provided. Apparently he preferred the hypothesis that the physical part of the universe was in the form of a regular tetrahedron . In the center of the material world, according to his model, is the earth, which rotates daily on its axis. He did not consider the counter-hypothesis, a daily rotation of the heavens around the earth, to be plausible, since the speed required for this was hardly possible. He rejected the conventional explanation of the movements of the heavenly bodies, according to which the heavenly bodies were attached to transparent material spheres ( spheres ) whose revolutions they follow. Instead, he assumed they were moving freely in space. For him, the traditional idea that the orbits were circular also became obsolete. Therefore he also gave up the concept of the harmony of the spheres, which had been widespread since antiquity and which presupposes physical spheres. However, he stuck to the idea of a harmonious structure of the cosmos in the sense of Platonic natural philosophy. He took the appearance of a new star, the supernova of 1572 , as an opportunity to declare Aristotle's assertion that the heavens were immutable and imperishable to be refuted.
In Patricius' model, the material world is surrounded by an infinitely extended, homogeneous, empty space. This is flooded with light; an empty space must be light, because light is present everywhere where there is no matter that, with its impenetrability, could create darkness. The space that encompasses the material world existed before the creation of matter, which was then placed in it. With this hypothesis, the humanistic thinker contradicted the Aristotelian doctrine, according to which a vacuum is fundamentally impossible. Even within the physical world he assumed vacua; these are tiny spaces between the particles of matter. He saw one of several proofs for the existence of such vacuums in the processes of condensation , in which, in his opinion, the empty spaces are filled.
In cosmogony , the doctrine of the origin of the world, Patrizi adopted the basic features of the Neo-Platonic model of emanation , which depicts the generation of everything created as a gradual emergence from a divine source. In doing so, he used the ideas of the Chaldean oracles and Hermetics .
Contrary to Aristotle, Patrizi assumed a temporal beginning of the world. According to his teaching, the creation of the cosmos is not an arbitrary act of God, but a necessity. It flows inevitably from God's nature, which demands creation. God must create. As Creator, he is the source, the first principle from which everything originates. This source is called “ the One ” in Neoplatonism. Patrizi used his own neologism for this: un'omnia ("One-All").
According to the "new philosophy" model, the first product of the creative process is the spatial principle, the indifferent, neutral principle of the local. Its existence is the prerequisite for everything else, for the unfolding of nature. The starting point of nature is the second principle, "light". This does not mean light as a natural phenomenon and object of sensory perception, but a super-objective natural fact, the generating principle of form, which is at the same time the principle of recognition and being recognized. Out of this light, in a continuous process , emerge entities metaphorically referred to as the "seeds" of things. These are introduced through “warmth” (Latin calor ) into “flow” or “moisture” (Latin fluor ), a flexible substrate from which the preforms of world things, their patterns, are then fashioned. All of this is not yet material; the first emanation processes take place in a purely spiritual realm. In this context, expressions such as fluor and calor only serve to describe what is not clear. Thus, fluor means the principle of continuity that establishes the connection between the different elementary areas, forces and configurations. At the same time, fluor is the passive principle of assimilation of form and the factor that gives bodies the resistance needed to maintain their mutual delimitation. The "heat" represents an active principle, it is the dynamic development of the light principle in the fluor .
Thus, the four basic principles "space", "light", "flow" and "warmth" are the basis of the cosmos. The material world emerges from them. They form a complex ideal unity inherent in all material being and antecedent to it as a condition of existence. On the material level, the fluor principle manifests itself in the form of the relative “liquidity” of material objects. This means their different degrees of density. These are the cause of the different resistances of physical bodies, their hardness or softness.
This cosmology also has an epistemological aspect. When the physical universe depends on the formative principle of light, it is lightlike. Accordingly, from Patricius' perspective, nature does not appear as impenetrable, strange and dark matter, but is clear in itself, it manifests itself. Its clarity does not have to be set and produced by the human observer. Accordingly, there can be no fundamental, insoluble problem of knowledge of nature.
concept of time
In examining time, Patricius dealt with Aristotle's definition of the term, which he subjected to fundamental criticism. With the definition that time is "number or measure of movement by means of the earlier or later", Aristotle made several mistakes at the same time. He made measure and number, which are products of human thinking, essential characteristics of the natural given time, as if a thought of man gave being to a natural thing. In reality, time exists without any measurement or counting. In addition, Aristotle only considered movement and ignored standstill or rest. It is not time that measures movement, but movement that measures time. Movement and measurement are not even essential for the human perception of time. The "earlier" and "later" of things subject to the passage of time are also not part of the essence of time. Rather, time is nothing other than the duration of bodies.
According to this understanding, time cannot be ontologically equal to space. Since it is defined as the duration of bodies, but the existence of bodies presupposes that of space, time must be subordinate to space, the primary condition, and also to bodies.
anthropology
In Pampsychia , the third part of the Nova de universis philosophia , Patrizi dealt with the determination of what is specifically human by delimiting it from the animal . There he treated the animus , the enlivening and movement-enabling entity in the cosmos and specifically in living beings. He came to the conclusion that there could be no such thing as an inherently irrational animus . In doing so, he went against the conventional wisdom that animals have irrational souls . According to his understanding, rationality is not a specific feature of humans, but is also present to a greater or lesser extent in the animal world. The empirical findings do not allow for a fundamental demarcation of the rational from the irrational, rather the differences between the species in terms of rationality are only gradual.
It also does not make sense to use the act of speech – defined as “utterance expressed in words” – as a distinguishing feature of humans, because there is no fundamental discontinuity in this regard either. Animal sounds are a means of communication that are part of their languages and function analogously to human languages. The animals are also given a certain amount of knowledge (cognitio) that enables them to act in a goal-oriented manner, and they have reason (ratiocinium) at their disposal , because they are able to meaningfully link individual memory contents with new perceptions, and that is what the mental activity. The special position of man is based only on his ability to gain deep insight into causal connections with the intellect , and on the immortality of his soul. In the writing La gola, e'l sonno, e l'ociose piume , Patrizi named impulse control as a characteristic of the specifically human in addition to access to knowledge that goes beyond what is attested to by sensory perception.
Like all Neoplatonists, Patrizi dealt intensively with the relationship between the spiritual ( intelligible ) and the sensually perceptible world. In the hierarchical order of his system, the material sphere is in every respect subordinate to the spiritual, being its image and product. The spiritual as the overriding area is the simpler and closer to the divine origin, the sensually perceptible appears in the variety of the individual sensory objects and the complexity of the physical world. Each of the two spheres is graded in itself, whereby the simpler is always the superior in terms of rank and power. The relatively simple is always at the same time the comprehensive, since it brings forth the relatively complex and diverse. Within this order of total reality, man occupies an intermediate position. He forms the lowest level of expression of the spiritual world, for his intellect is that spiritual form which combines its unity with the greatest degree of multiplicity. At the same time he is the highest level of existence in the realm of beings bound to a physical substrate, since he is the only one among them who has an intellect.
With regard to the classification of the soul in this system, Patricius agrees with the teaching of Plotinus , the founder of Neoplatonism. The issue at stake is whether the soul, through its descent into the physical world, surrenders itself completely to the material conditions, as the late antique Neoplatonists believed, or whether it can maintain its presence in the spiritual world at all times, as Plotinus assumed. According to Patricius' conviction, the human soul has no non-rational or only suffering life in itself, but only a knowing life; the impulsiveness, the irrational, is a result of physicality, which confronts it from outside.
history and theory of the state
The design of a state utopia
With his youthful work La città felice , Patrizi presented a utopian state model based on the political theory of Aristotle . At that time, the Aristotelian guidelines were still decisive for him.
The starting point is the determination of the human goal in life. For the author, as a Christian, this can only lie in the attainment of the highest good, future bliss in the hereafter. The hope of this sustains people in the distress of their earthly existence. However, there must also be an interim, earthly goal: the creation of favorable living conditions conducive to higher aspirations. For Patricius, as for other humanists, the optimum that can be achieved in earthly existence represents felicità , happiness, which he, like the ancient Peripatetics and Stoics, equated with the exercise of virtue (operazione della virtù) . The state, which is understood as a city state in the sense of the ancient polis and the Italian city republic, has the task of creating and guaranteeing stable framework conditions for this. The happiness of the city is the sum of the happiness of its citizens. This presupposes the opportunity for happy activity.
On the social level, the needs that arise from the natural love of community life must be satisfied. On an individual level, it is about carefully preserving the bond that unites soul and body, preserving the spirit of life through the fulfillment of bodily needs. First, the physical must be assured; conditions include favorable climatic conditions and adequate supplies of water and food. If these elementary requirements are met, community and public life can be optimized. This requires that citizens know and interact with one another, for example by eating together, and in particular that they connect with one another through educational endeavors and spiritual exchanges. In order for this to be possible, the citizenry must not exceed a certain size. Furthermore, the social and class inequality among the citizens must be kept within limits; the state should provide public meeting places, and legislation should counteract private hostilities. Central demands of Patricius are the time limitation of the exercise of power and the free access of every citizen to the highest offices of state. This is intended to prevent tyrannical or oligarchic abuse of power. External security is to be guaranteed by the citizens themselves, not by mercenaries.
Religious cult, rites and a priesthood to satisfy a basic human need is considered necessary by Patricius, "temple and churches" should be built and "the gods" should be worshiped. The religion of the "happy city" is not described in detail, in any case it shows no specifically Christian character.
A particularly important goal of the state is the education of children in virtue. The legislator has to ensure that they are not exposed to bad influences. Great emphasis is to be placed on the musical education of young people. The lessons in music and painting have a propaedeutic function with regard to later philosophical activities.
According to Aristotle's theory of the state, the population of the city-state is divided into estates. Only the upper classes, the ruling class, form the citizenry with political rights. The members of the lower classes - farmers, craftsmen and traders - are busy securing their livelihood and have no opportunity to achieve the happiness they aspire to in the "happy city". They are also, as the author believes, not naturally predisposed and capable of doing so. Their arduous existence is a prerequisite for the well-being of the upper classes. – With regard to the inevitability of oppression, the young Patricius followed the guidelines of Aristotle, who reserved the possibility of a successful life for an elite and saw such social conditions as a natural given. This view was widespread in the Italian educated class to which Patrizi belonged.
The evaluation of forms of government
When comparing the different forms of government, Patrizi came to the conclusion that a balanced republican mixed constitution was superior to all alternatives. One should neither entrust an individual with too much power nor paralyze the state through radical democratization. The rule of a small group spurs on ambition too much, which can lead to civil wars. The mixed constitution of the Republic of Venice , in which aspects of the different forms of government are combined, is ideal. There the element of individual rule was represented by the office of the Doge , the principle of the rule of a small elite came into play through the Senate and the idea of everyone having a say was taken into account through the establishment of the Great Council.
The justification of interest in history
As in his state utopia, Patrizi's approach to history is based on his definition of human life's goal as happiness (felicità) . According to his teachings, this has three aspects: mere being as successful self-preservation, eternal being as union with the deity and being "in a good way" (bene essere) , successful life in the social context. The consideration of history is about the study of the human striving for a "good" being in this sense. The philosopher turns to him in his examination of the historical dimension of life.
According to Patricius, the need for happiness in the sense of being good arises from sensuality and thus from the realm of the affects . Man is a sensual being filled with passions. The affects are primary facts and in themselves neither praiseworthy nor blameworthy, but they create the possibility of behavior to which praise or blame can be referred. Whether it is possible to realize the bene essere depends on whether people learn to deal with their passions properly. A person's work on himself begins when he behaves towards his own affect-relatedness, and only there can "being good" be demanded as a goal. It should be noted that – according to Patrizi – the passions do not come into their own without a reason, but are always ignited in encounters with other people and always aim to have a certain effect on others. The right relationship with them can only be gained and strengthened through practice in the community. Thus, being good through the mastery of passions proves to be identical with ethical behavior in social life, in the family and in the state.
This is where the time dimension comes into play for Patrizi. The community is not only determined by the present, but also by its history. Therefore, confronting the social challenge must include the entire past, which shows itself as history. A person living only in the present would be at the mercy of his affects like an animal. What keeps him from it is the confrontation with the past. Only history opens up the field in which the individual has to face his social task and can prove himself through his ethical behavior. A constructive reference to the present is established through the analysis and awareness of the past.
Criticism of the traditional approaches of historians
The idea that the purpose of studying history is to exemplify the validity of moral teachings and to envisage encouraging or discouraging patterns has been very common since antiquity. Also in the Renaissance, numerous authors had known of this view, including the well-known humanist Giovanni Pontano and Patrician teacher Francesco Robortello. In this way, the consideration of history was placed in the service of moral education and subordinated to its purposes. In this way, she was brought closer to poetry and rhetoric, which should also aim at educational yield. In addition, a gripping, entertaining, literary narrative was expected from the historian as well as from the poet or speaker. As a result, the distinctions between historical reporting and fiction became blurred, for example in the speeches of statesmen and generals invented by historians.
Patricius rigorously opposed this way of dealing with historical material, which had been common for thousands of years, although he was also ultimately pursuing an ethical goal and enthusiastically affirmed the role model function of great figures of the past. Like his predecessors, he emphasized the practical use of history in civic life and above all in politics. His innovation, however, was that he insisted on a consistent separation between truth-finding and moral instruction or application, and condemned any embellishment. In doing so, he attacked the famous historians Thucydides and Livy , whom he accused of inventing alleged speeches that were never actually delivered. According to his concept, the lessons to be drawn from history are knowledge that is not conveyed through rhetorical language art, but rather is to be acquired through reflection and contemplation on the basis of the facts determined by the historian.
According to Patricius' argument, the concept of historiography, which has been common since antiquity, is based on a contradictory relationship to the object of observation. The starting point of his considerations can be summarized as follows: The theorists of history dogmatically profess the ideal according to which historians are obliged to be impartial and to strictly adhere to the truth. It is evident, however, that in practice this is hardly ever the case, for the accounts of historians contradict one another on innumerable points. In addition, there are serious obstacles to fulfilling the truth claim: Because of the obvious subjectivity of perceptions and perspectives and the inadequacy of the sources, historians have only very limited access to historical reality. At best, they can determine the results of the historical events reasonably correctly, while the closer circumstances, the background and the causes remain in the dark. The actual connections are only known to the respective actors, who, however, lack the impartiality required for a truthful representation. Only impartial eyewitnesses are truly reliable, but such reporters are not usually available. The neutral historian does not have access to the information that he would actually need for his work.
For Patrizi, the train of thought can now be continued as follows: A representative of the conventional, moralizing, rhetorically embellished representation of history may concede that the pure truth must remain hidden because of the weaknesses mentioned. However, he will assert that a rough approximation is possible. One has to accept the fact that the backgrounds cannot be clarified. This concession will not seem too serious to him, because from his perspective the historical truth is irrelevant anyway. He believes that historical knowledge is not worth striving for in itself, but only as a means to an end of instruction that ultimately serves the actual goal of attaining happiness.
But this is where the decisive counter-argument comes in, with which Patricius wants to refute the view he is attacking. It reads: A free poetic invention - such as the epics of Homer and Virgil - can produce the desired moral yield just as well as a historical work that mixes the true with the invented. Thus, if one resigns to finding the truth and clinging only to the educational effect, the difference between poetry and history is abolished. Historicity loses its intrinsic value and thus historical research its meaning. Then - according to Patrizi - one can do without historical studies and instead teach happiness with arbitrary fables.
The concept of a scientific historical research
Patrizi countered the criticized understanding of history with his opposite conviction, according to which the only goal of the historian is to know the historical truth and the discovery of the facts as a contribution to the bene essere is of significant value. According to this concept, objectivity and certainty must be achieved to the extent that the human mind is at all possible. In such work, standards of morality are not taken into account, there is no question of good or bad. The assessment of what happened is important, but it is a different matter and has to be done in a different context, from a different perspective. Patricius rejected the combination of philosophy and history, as Polybius had undertaken; in his opinion, the historian should not philosophize about hidden causes of the course of history, but only deal with facts - including the recognizable motivations of the actors.
As the subject of scientific historical research in this sense, Patrizi determined the documented and remembered processes in the world of the sensually perceptible in their entirety. He called them effetti ("effects"), by which he meant the individual concrete realities over time. It is the singular and contingent facts that enter through the senses and are then processed by the mind and assigned their reasons. They are effects in contrast to the general causes and purely mental facts with which philosophy deals. However, the activity of the historian is not limited to compiling and documenting the effetti ; Rather, through meticulous research, he can also determine the reasons for their emergence, recognize the intentions and motives behind them. The possibility of explaining empirical historical facts causally justifies the claim of historical research to be a science.
According to this definition of the research object, the field of work of the historian is the universal history of what is empirically found. In doing so, Patricius turned against the usual limitation to the actions of people and the further narrowing of the field of vision to the actions of kings, statesmen and generals. Going beyond the human world, from his point of view universal history also includes the processes in nature, i.e. natural history . He also called for the full inclusion of cultural history , i.e. achievements in the intellectual field, technical achievements, the discoveries of unknown countries and peoples and the history of individual estates such as craftsmen, farmers and sailors. Constitutional history deserves special attention ; the cause of constitutional changes should always be asked. The history of ideas, which deals with conceptions, ideas, opinions and attitudes (contti dell'animo) , Patricius considered more important than the history of deeds. In addition to manners and customs, he also counted products such as clothing, buildings and ships as well as all equipment manufactured for work and everyday life as culturally and historically relevant.
Furthermore, Patricius demanded the inclusion of economic history , which had been completely neglected by historians. Without taking into account the economic and financial situation of a state, the presentation of its history is empty and airy, because the economy is the basis for the life of every community. Precise information on the state budget is important.
Another field that Patrizi has been neglecting is peace research. He remarked that he had never heard of a history of peace, although that area would be a particularly worthwhile topic.
The method
With regard to the method, Patrizi insisted on clear criteria of source criticism . You shouldn't rely on any established authority, you have to check everything yourself. Even agreement of the information given by several authors is no proof of correctness, it could also be a mere rumor. The best sources are the accounts of historians who were themselves involved in the events. However, they would have to be compared with representations from the opponent's point of view. In the second place, other contemporary reports are to be assessed as relatively credible. Third-rate is information from authors who wrote about things that happened a long time ago but who still have a certain level of expertise because they themselves belong to the people in question. Patricius urged historians who report on foreign peoples and treat events that were long ago in the past to be particularly careful. In his opinion, the value of general historical works such as world chronicles lies only in the fact that one can examine the processing of the compiled material from older sources. One must always ask oneself what expertise the respective reporter could have had, to what extent he could be expected to be impartial and what to think of his informants. Patrician annalistic sources considered to be particularly reliable , provided they are available in the original, unadulterated version. In addition , due attention should be paid to the texts that were created without the intention of transmitting them - remains in the terminology of modern historical science.
Patrizi compared the historian's advance from the circumstances of the action to the cause of the action with the separation of the individual onion skins, with which one gradually arrives at the core of the onion. He also used the metaphor of the anatomist, like that of the historian. As the anatomist deals with the body, the historian must deal with the action he is studying. Every action has a main actor (principal attore) whose reason for the crime is to be uncovered, as it were, by cutting.
The story of the future
Determining the object of study as the totality of the temporal processes led Patricius to assume that historical research could even be extended to the future. He considered it fundamentally possible to write a history of the future, i.e. to create serious scientific forecasts based on recognized laws. The background was his understanding of the art of the statesman as based on the ability to foresee and realize what is not yet. Accordingly, a competent ruler would be able to keep records of what was correctly foreseen. Then a story of the future is within the realm of the imaginable.
The military
Patrizi paid special attention to the military. He found it unsatisfactory to show a state's military strength only through accounts of battles, conquests, sieges, victories or defeats. Rather, what is needed is an understanding of the military organization. You need precise knowledge of the structure and administration of the armed forces, of weapons, ammunition and salaries.
Following Machiavelli, Patricius extensively criticized the use of foreign mercenaries, the disadvantages of which he emphasized. You can only rely on a military force made up of citizens and volunteers. It is disastrous to neglect one's own rearmament and to indulge in the illusion that one can keep the peace through alliances, negotiations and payments instead of securing one's own clout. The belief that an enemy invasion can be stopped with fortresses is also completely misguided.
Patrizi emphasized the crucial role of the infantry, which is usually decisive. Only in three battles - including the Battle of Ravenna in 1512 - was the use of artillery decisive. In general, Patricius' military-scientific explanations are characterized by an underestimation of artillery and arquebuses . Therefore, from a technical point of view , his Paralleli militari were already outdated when they appeared. After all, he appreciated the value of guns in sea battles and sieges.
poetry theory
The determination of the object
With his theory of poetry, Patricius distanced himself from the traditional specifications, both from the antique definitions and from the approaches developed in the Renaissance. Above all, he turned against the Poetics of Aristotle. His protest was directed against all conventional definitions of the nature and meaning of poetry, which imposed formal or content-related limitations on poetic creation and thereby restricted the poetic creative possibilities. First and foremost he fought the ancient thesis, taken up by the influential contemporary Aristotle commentator Lodovico Castelvetro , that the poet's task was to imitate natural or historical realities. Castelvetro maintained that poetry takes all its light from history. He believed that poetry required credibility and should therefore, at least in the main story, only depict circumstances and events that are consistent with natural processes and that can be imagined as historical facts. Patrizi countered this with his concept of universal poetry, the subject matter of which encompassed the divine as well as the human and the natural. Any material can be the subject of poetic creation if it is treated poetically. He only accepted the verse form as a formal defining feature. Verse is part of the essence of poetry and separates it from prose. The Aristotelian definition of poetry by its alleged character as imitation is useless, since Aristotle himself uses the term "imitation" in different meanings.
The peculiarity and function of poetry
A central concept of Patricius' poetics is the mirabile , the "wonderful", i.e. that which arouses amazement or admiration in the reader because it stands out from the mass of ordinary, uniform and self-evident phenomena. According to the understanding of the humanistic philosopher, the mirabile is the key feature of poetry, by which it is defined in terms of content. In determining the function of this marvelous, there is an analogy between man's specificity and place in the cosmos and the specific nature and role of poetry in culture. According to an anthropological premise that was widespread in the Renaissance, the human being stands as a mediating and connecting entity between the world of the spiritual and the physical. This enables him to carry the spiritual into the physical and also to depict the physical in the spiritual. It transfers from one realm to another, transforming and transfiguring. For Patricius, this role of man in creation corresponds to the task of poetry in the area of “art” (arte) , the human product: Poetry mediates in an analogous way between the purely spiritual and the material. The analogy thus stated also extends to the factor that makes the mediating authority what it is. The peculiarity of man, which determines his nature and from which his special position derives, is the spirit (mente) or reason. What the spirit is in relation to man is, according to Patricius, the mirabile in relation to poetry. Just as reason is the universal form of man that constitutes him as a human being, so the wondrous is the specific quality that makes every poetry such. This also results in an analogy in the ranking of the respective active: just as the exercise of reason places man above all other ensouled beings, so the linguistic design of the mirabile elevates the poet above all others who write texts of any kind.
The determining factor is the mirabile form principle of what shapes it. Its function is thus comparable to that of the human soul . As the soul pervades and shapes all parts of the body, the mirabile exerts its shaping power on the whole of a poem. We can only speak of poetry where the active presence of the wonderful can be felt and gives the entire product the appropriate quality. Thus three aspects determine the poetic: first, the impact of its specific formal principle, second, the dignity that corresponds to the high rank of this creative principle, and third, the universal presence of the formal principle in what it forms. From this follows the need for verse form, since, according to Patricius, it is the only linguistic form that is appropriate to the quality of content made possible by the mirabile .
One of the common connotations of the marvelous in the Renaissance is that it not only arouses wonder and admiration, but also, by ushering in the world of the new and astonishing, enables insight. According to Patricius's teachings in the field of poetry, this refers to a special being, an independent reality that the poet has created through his form (formazione) . For the humanistic thinker, the peculiarity of the mirabile in poetry is that it shows itself in a successful mixture (mescolanza) of the familiar and the unfamiliar. A poet may and should transcend the arbitrary limits of what is permissible by theorists, deliberately disregarding norms such as imitation of the natural and conformance with normal life experience, and embracing the unusual and improbable. Because he has to present the audience with something familiar and believable as well as something new and unbelievable, he has to mix opposites, and mastering this task shows his art. The poetic act takes place on the border between being and non-being, between the possible and the real, between the believable and the unbelievable, but does not allow this border to exist, instead giving the unbelievable the “face” of the believable and vice versa. The success of this mixture creates the mirabile in the product that turns it into poetry.
The universal conception of Patrizi's poetics excludes the narrowing of poetic productivity through one-sided standards. A preference for certain models such as Homer or tendencies such as Petrarchism is therefore out of the question.
Particular emphasis is placed in Patrizi's poetry on the requirement that the aim of poetry should not be the creation of affects, not enchantment and deception, but a redirection of the listener's or reader's soul through the insight conveyed to him. The mixture of the familiar and the unfamiliar, the understood and the misunderstood should create tension in the reader that drives him to want to understand what he does not understand. It should initiate a learning process. The role of the mirabile as the central working principle of poetry is thus not an expression of a subjectivist patrician aesthetic or a turning to the irrational; rather, it arises from the didactic concern of poetry to bring about a transition from ignorance to knowledge. This is done by prompting reflection.
An important aim of Patricius' poetics is to defend the theory of inspiration , according to which great poets share in a transcendent reality and that their productivity is the fruit of divine inspiration. The inspiration shows itself in furore poetico , the ecstatic enthusiasm in poetic production, which can only be explained as the result of the influence of a deity. Patricius' remarks are a response to the fundamental criticism of the Aristotelian Lodovico Castelvetro on the theory of enthusiasm. In Castelvetro's opinion, the furore poetico only exists in a naive popular belief that is nourished by the poet's craving for recognition and self-mystification. It is therefore a ploy by poets who claim to be inspired in order to gain prestige and a voice. In contrast, Patricius pleads for the authenticity of emotion. It tries to refute the physiological argument of the Aristotelians, according to which the "possession" of the person seized by the furor is to be interpreted as a symptom of a temperament. However, in Patricius' opinion, the furore was only at work in authors of bygone ages, not in the Petrarchan-influenced poetry of his own time. The successful contemporary poems are not divinely inspired, but products of talent and artistry.
love theory
Patrizi also appeared as an innovator in the field of love theory, proclaiming a "new philosophy of love". However, the core components of his concept were already known, they were based on ancient ideas or had already been put forward by other humanists. The teaching presented in Plato's dialogues Symposium and Phaedrus served as the starting point. Like Plato, Patricius understood love as a tendency towards the divine beauty, which gave the soul the "wings" with which it could soar to its transcendent homeland. This was a concept familiar to the educated public. Two other theses of the humanist were less conventional: he claimed that love does not belong to the essence of man, but comes to him as an accident from the outside, and that all kinds of love arose from love for oneself, philautia . But these ideas were not new either. They had already been put forward by Mario Equicola in the early 16th century, and Aristotle had already reduced love of others to love of self.
By the standards of the time, however, this was a subversive concept, because the revaluation of love for oneself was unusual and offensive to large circles. It was particularly provocative that the Christian love of neighbor and the believer's love of God were also interpreted as modifications of self-love. In the Platonic and Stoic as well as in the Christian tradition, self-love was considered suspect. The suspicion of a justification of egoism or an Epicurean way of thinking was obvious. However, Patricius' thesis was not meant in this way, because he did not understand self-love in the sense of egoistic self-preference. Rather, he also pointed to an aspect that compensates for the self-reference: the lack of envy of the good, which Plato had already addressed. According to the platonic understanding, this inevitably causes the good to be communicated altruistically .
A real innovation was the incorporation of sex into the old concept of the lover's eros -driven ascension. Following the traditional Platonic view , Patrizi held that human love begins with the sight of physical beauty and then soars to the spiritual beauty of the loved one, and so gradually one moves towards divine love. Contrary to tradition, however, the humanistic theorist assumed that the eroticist then descended in turn through several stages to sensual love until he reached the lowest and last stage, and that was physical union. In doing so, Patrizi shifted the end point of the erotic movement from transcendence to sexuality.
Following the Platonic tradition, Patrizi also assigned a metaphysical and cosmological dimension to love. He saw in her not only a phenomenon of the human world, but a real principle in the cosmos, which he considered to have a soul. On the cosmic level, according to his philosophy, love has the function of holding together the individual components of the world as a connecting force and ensuring the continuity of what is. Accordingly, it is the foundation of the existence of all things. Her universal presence pervades all life in the universe. Here, too, it is originally self-love, for God made creation out of love for himself, and he loves things because they are aspects of himself. Thus he loves himself in them. Accordingly, as the image of God, man also first loves himself. This is the prerequisite for his love for others and especially for God. According to this understanding, every human or divine love for others is a self-communication that presupposes that the lover affirms his own being and self-identity. Self-love understood in this way is a manifestation of oneness as self-reference. Then, when the individual's love turns to the outside world, his striving for self-preservation is extended there. Moreover, self-love is the source and foundation of all human feelings, thoughts and actions, including religious ones. The background to this concept is Patricius' conviction that the being of everything that exists is characterized by the basic structure of self-relationship. In this context, he coined the Latin expression persistiscentia ("self-awareness"), which he used to describe the experience of staying with oneself, the awareness of permanent self-identity.
reception
Early modern age
After a long period of lack of success, Patrizi was finally able to gain respect in the academic world, as can be seen from the establishment of two chairs at important universities especially for him. However, his suggestion to replace the Aristotelian program with a Platonic one in church educational institutions was not listened to by Pope Clemens VIII. The fact that his philosophy was considered outdated is shown by the disappearance of the two chairs for Platonic philosophy that were tailored to his needs after his retirement. The Roman chair was abolished in 1600.
Patricius' natural theory and criticism of Aristotle were well received in the late 16th and 17th centuries, although his main work was on the index of forbidden books, from which it was only removed in 1900. Even in Italy, the ban on the Nova de universis philosophia could not initially be enforced across the board: in Venice a new edition was published with the wrong date of 1593, pretending that it had been printed before the 1594 ban. This issue was circulated in Protestant northern and central Europe, where a Catholic condemnation sentence served as advertising at the time.
Positive reception
Patricius' natural philosophy met with much approval from anti-Aristotelian thinkers, who liked to use his arguments. An early recipient was the English natural philosopher Nicholas Hill, who took up the ideas of the Italian humanist in his Philosophia Epicurea , printed in 1601 , without naming him. Pierre Gassendi (1592-1655), who wanted to write a book against Aristotelianism, gave up his plan when he discovered the Nova de universis philosophia . Gassendi's concept of space clearly shows the influence of this work. Tommaso Campanella (1568-1639) accepted Patricius' theory of principles positively, Johann Amos Comenius (1592-1670) continued his metaphysics of light. Pierre Bayle (1647–1706) appreciated the Venetian philosopher's metaphysics and natural sciences. He regarded him as an important thinker and believed that the Nova de universis philosophia revealed the very admirable intellectual depth of its author. Patricius' main work was also appreciated by the Cambridge Platonists in the 17th century , especially by Henry More , who further developed the concept of space presented there.
The dialogues about history and its exploration met with considerable resonance. A Latin translation, De legendae scribendaeque historiae ratione dialogi decem , appeared in Basel in 1570, and an abridged English version by Thomas Blundeville, The true order and method of wryting and reading hystories , appeared in London in 1574. Jacopo Aconcio , an Italian emigrant living in England and a friend of Blundeville's, enthusiastically approved of Patricius' concept. In the early 17th century it was taken up by Paolo Beni and Tommaso Campanella.
Critical voices
The contemporary opponents of the Venetian Platonist included defenders of Aristotelianism such as Teodoro Angelucci and Jacopo Mazzoni, but also Giordano Bruno , who, like Patricius, fought Aristotelianism but did not believe in the Discussiones peripateticae . He called this work pedantic crap and regretted that the author had soiled so much paper with his outpourings. Later, however, Bruno seems to have reached a milder verdict. He is said to have commented that Patrizi was a non-believing philosopher and yet achieved success as a favorite of the Pope in Rome. Francis Bacon , a younger contemporary, was very disparaging . He found that Patricius had lately been making nonsensical and fantastic claims, as it were, in a state of insanity.
Sharp criticism came from the astronomical side. In December 1599, Tycho Brahe complained in a letter to Johannes Kepler that his position in the Nova de universis philosophia had been misrepresented. This is true; Patrizi had criticized Brahe's view on the basis of an erroneous second-hand account, since his treatise on the comet of 1577 was not accessible to him. Kepler then violently attacked Patrizi in his 1600/1601 Apologia pro Tychone contra Ursum , a defense of Tycho. He accused him of not distinguishing between real and apparent movements. However, this criticism of Kepler was based on the fact that he had misunderstood Patricius' model.
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz also had an unfavorable opinion . He described Patrizi as a man of considerable talent, but who had corrupted his mind by reading the writings of "pseudo-Platonists". By this Leibniz meant above all the ancient Neoplatonists. The Venetian recognized flaws in the geometry, but was unable to remedy them.
The philosopher as a dialogue figure
The writer Annibale Romei had Patrizi appear as a dialogue figure in his Discorsi , completed in 1586. There the Venetian philosopher presents his cosmology and theory of beauty and takes part in the debate about honour, duels, nobility and wealth. On the seventh and last day of the dialogues, he discusses with the courtier Giulio Cesare Brancaccio, who had experienced war, whether philosophy or military service should take precedence.
modern
In the very rich modern research literature, Patrizi is often recognized as an independent, innovative thinker and his achievements are considered significant. This refers to the philosophical and literary-theoretical works, to the historical theory and the philological competence of the humanist, but not to his mathematical ideas. Hanna-Barbara Gerl describes him as a sharp-witted mastermind of genuine Renaissance philosophy, who represents the unconditional will to use methods and a unified explanation for everything that is real. According to Thomas Leinkauf , he was the most important Platonist of the early modern period after Marsilio Ficino. However, it is also pointed out that his strength lay in criticizing the conventional, not in developing viable alternatives. Benedetto Croce expressed himself in this sense as early as 1903 .
Above all, the natural-philosophical model, primarily the theory of space, finds attention and recognition. Ernst Cassirer judged in 1911 that the Nova de universis philosophia was the most important attempt at a unified and independent explanation of nature in the philosophy of the time , alongside Telesio's main work De rerum natura . Paul Oskar Kristeller expressed a widespread opinion when he stated in 1964 that there were good reasons to count Patricius among the natural philosophers who "prepared the way for the new science and philosophy of the 17th century and modernity". As a thinker of a transitional period, he tried to develop a systematic explanation of the physical universe in a new and original way. This is a mixture of science and speculation. His work represents a great attempt at system building, but at the same time reveals a number of gaps and inconsistencies.
The humanist's theory of poetry is considered an extraordinary achievement, and its special position in the rich literature of the Cinquecento on this subject is highlighted. Patricius' fight against Aristotelian poetics is seen as an innovative, if only slightly lasting, impetus that could hardly affect the dominance of Aristotelianism in this area in the 17th and 18th centuries. George Saintsbury found in 1902 that as a literary critic Patrizi was two centuries ahead of his time. In 1988, Rainer Stillers emphasized the highly developed awareness of methods that can be seen in Patricius' carefully considered handling of tradition and his methodical progression from facts to theory. Bernard Weinberg, on the other hand, was critical. In 1961, he accused a lack of consistency and dismissed the anti-Aristotelian argumentation as unfounded.
The theory of history is also much appreciated. For example, Franz Lamprecht wrote in 1950 that Patrizi had preserved “the pure basic idea of the humanistic world view” in the midst of an attitude of mind that had frozen into empty formalism. He was a main representative of the current that was "looking for a way to a more comprehensive and comprehensive scientifically based conception of history". In his concept, history became science in the modern sense for the first time. Giorgio Spini (1948), Rüdiger Landfester (1972) and Thomas Sören Hoffmann (2007) commented similarly on Patricius' pioneering role in the establishment of scientific historical research. Thomas Leinkauf (2017) said that Patrizi produced what is probably the most interesting and daring concept of history in the 16th century.
The diligence of the humanistic scholar, his thorough knowledge of the sources of the history of philosophy and his precise textual work are praised. What is criticized, however, is the bias in his polemical efforts to refute and discredit Aristotle in all areas, which is sometimes judged to be fanatical.
There is agreement that Patricius' attempt at a new justification of geometry was misguided. From a mathematical-historical point of view, it is stated that he did in fact find a weakness in Euclid's Elements , but that he failed to fix it with his own approach. His draft of an alternative to Euclidean geometry is seen as a step backwards from a level of knowledge that had already been reached in antiquity. His astronomical view of the world has also proven to be unsuitable overall, despite some correct assumptions. His purely philosophical approach to scientific problems is cited in research as the reason for this failure.
The question of the intellectual history of Patricius' diverse impulses is answered differently. Some researchers, such as Cesare Vasoli and Lina Bolzoni, locate his ideas in the midst of the intellectual world of the Cinquecento. Others, notably Giorgio Spini, Stephan Otto and Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli, emphasize the revolutionary potential of his theses, pointing beyond the Renaissance into the future. They see him as an exponent of an epochal upheaval, a forerunner of the rationalistic discourse aimed at scientific precision that grew stronger in the period that followed. Carolin Hennig locates it in a zone of upheaval between the Renaissance and the Baroque and registers "proto-baroque tendencies". Because of his philosophical orientation, even his affiliation with Renaissance humanism is not unanimously accepted.
sources
- Ugo Baldini , Leen Spruit (eds.): Catholic Church and Modern Science. Documents from the Archives of the Roman Congregations of the Holy Office and the Index. Volume 1: Sixteenth-Century Documents. Sub- volume 3. Libreria Editrice Vaticana, Rome 2009, ISBN 978-88-209-8288-1 , pp. 2197-2264 (the files of the procedure of the Index Congregation, including the opinions as well as letters and statements of Patricius)
editions and translations
Modern editions and translations
- Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Della poetica . 3 volumes. Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, Florence 1969–1971 (also contains the Discorso della diversità de' furori poetici in the third volume )
- Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Lettere ed opuscoli inediti. Istituto Nazionale di Studi sul Rinascimento, Florenz 1975 (contains, among other things, the writings on water management and the dialogue Il Delfino overo Del bacio . Critical review: Lina Bolzoni: A proposito di una recente edizione di inediti patriziani. In: Rinascimento. Volume 16, 1976, pp. 133–156)
- Lina Bolzoni (ed.): La poesia e le "imagini de' sognanti" (Una risposta inedita del Patrizi al Cremonini). In: Reinascimento. Volume 19, 1979, pp. 171-188 (critical edition of a poetic-theoretical statement by Patricius)
- Lina Bolzoni (ed.): Il "Badoaro" di Francesco Patrizi e l'Accademia Veneziana della Fama. In: Giornale storico della letteratura italiana. Volume 18, 1981, pp. 71–101 (edition with detailed introduction)
- Silvano Cavazza (ed.): Una lettera inedita di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. In: Centro di Ricerche Storiche – Rovigno: Atti. Volume 9, 1978/1979, pp. 377-396 (edition of a letter from Patricius to the Index Congregation with a detailed introduction and commentary by the editor)
- Antonio Donato (translator): Italian Renaissance Utopias. Doni, Patrizi, and Zuccolo. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham 2019, ISBN 978-3-030-03610-2 , pp. 61–120 (English translation of La città felice )
- Alessandra Fiocca: Francesco Patrizi e la questione del Reno nella seconda metà del Cinquecento: tre lettere inedite. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento. Olschki, Florenz 2002, ISBN 88-222-5156-3 , pp. 253-285 (edition of three letters from Patricius from 1580 and 1581 to the Duke of Ferrara)
- Francesco Fiorentino : Bernardino Telesio ossia studi storici su l'idea della natura nel Risorgimento italiano. Volume 2. Successori Le Monnier, Florence 1874, pp. 375–391 (edition of Patrizi's letter to Telesio)
- Sylvie Laurens Aubry (translator): Francesco Patrizi: Du baiser. Les Belles Lettres, Paris 2002, ISBN 2-251-46020-9 (French translation)
- John Charles Nelson (ed.): Francesco Patrizi: L'amorosa filosofia . Felice Le Monnier, Florence 1963
- Sandra Plastina (ed.): Tommaso Campanella: La Città del Sole. Francesco Patrizi: La citta felice. Marietti, Genoa 1996, ISBN 88-211-6275-3
- Anna Laura Puliafito Bleuel (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Nova de universis philosophia. Materials per unedizione emendata. Olschki, Florenz 1993, ISBN 88-222-4136-3 (critical edition of Patricius' texts that were created as part of the planned revision of the Nova de universis philosophia )
- Frederick Purnell (ed.): An Addition to Francesco Patrizi's Correspondence. In: Reinascimento. Volume 18, 1978, pp. 135–149 (edition of a letter from 1590)
- Thaddä Anselm Rixner , Thaddä Siber (translator): Life and doctrines of famous physicists. Issue 4: Franciscus Patritius. Seidel, Sulzbach 1823 (translation of excerpts from the Nova de universis philosophia , online )
- Giovanni Rosini (ed.): Parere di Francesco Patrizi in difesa di Lodovico Ariosto. In: Giovanni Rosini (ed.): Opere di Torquato Tasso. Volume 10. Capurro, Pisa 1824, pp. 159–176
- Hélène Védrine (ed.): Patrizi: De spacio physico et mathematico. Vrin, Paris 1996, ISBN 2-7116-1264-3 (French translation with introduction)
Reprints of early modern editions
- Vladimir Filipović (ed.): Frane Petrić: Deset dijaloga o povijesti. Čakavski Sabor, Pula 1980 ( Della historia diece dialoghi , reprint of Venice 1560 edition with Croatian translation)
- Zvonko Pandžić (ed.): Franciscus Patricius: Discussiones Peripateticae. Reprint of the four-volume Basel 1581 edition (= sources and contributions to Croatian cultural history. Volume 9). Böhlau, Cologne et al. 1999, ISBN 3-412-13697-2 (with an introduction by the editor)
- Anna Laura Puliafito Bleuel (ed.): Francesco Patrizi: Della retorica dieci dialoghi. Conte, Lecce 1994, ISBN 88-85979-04-1 (reprint of the Venice 1562 edition)
16th century editions
- Di M. Francesco Patritio La città felice. Del medesimo Dialogo dell'honore Il Barignano. Del medesimo discorso della diversità de' furori poetici. Lettura sopra il sonetto del Petrarch La gola e'l sonno e l'ociose piume. Giovanni Griffio, Venice 1553 ( online )
- L'Eridano in nuovo verso heroico. Francesco de Rossi da Valenza, Ferrara 1557 ( online )
- Le rime di Messer Luca Contile, divided in tre parti, with discorsi et arguments by M. Francesco Patritio and M. Antonio Borghesi. Francesco Sansovino, Venice 1560 ( online )
- Della historia diece dialoghi. Andrea Arrivabene, Venice 1560 ( online )
- Della retorica dieci dialoghi. Francesco Senese, Venice 1562 ( online )
- Discussionum Peripateticarum tomi IV. Pietro Perna, Basel 1581 ( online )
- La militia Romana di Polibio, di Tito Livio, and di Dionigi Alicarnaseo. Domenico Mamarelli, Ferrara 1583 ( online )
- Apologia contra calumnias Theodori Angelutii eiusque novae sententiae quod metaphysica eadem sint quae physica eversio. Domenico Mamarelli, Ferrara 1584 ( online )
- Della nuova Geometria di Franc. Patrici libri XV. Vittorio Baldini, Ferrara 1587 ( online )
- Difesa di Francesco Patrizi dalle cento accuse datesgli dal Signor Iacopo Mazzoni. Vittorio Baldini, Ferrara 1587
- Risposta di Francesco Patrizi a due opposizioni fattegli dal Signor Giacopo Mazzoni. Vittorio Baldini, Ferrara 1587
- Philosophiae de rerum natura libri II priores, alter de spacio physico, alter de spacio mathematico. Vittorio Baldini, Ferrara 1587 ( online )
- Nova de universe philosophia. Benedetto Mammarelli, Ferrara 1591 ( online )
- Paralleli militari. Luigi Zannetti, Rome 1594 (first part of the work; online )
- De paralleli militari. Parte II. Guglielmo Facciotto, Rome 1595 ( online )
literature
overview displays
- Thomas Soren Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy. An Introduction to 20 Portraits. Marixverlag, Wiesbaden 2007, ISBN 978-3-86539-127-8 , pp. 293-304
- Paul Oskar Kristeller : Eight Philosophers of the Italian Renaissance. Petrarch, Valla, Ficino, Pico, Pomponazzi, Telesio, Patrizi, Bruno. VCH, Weinheim 1986, ISBN 3-527-17505-9 , pp. 95–108
- Thomas Leinkauf: Francesco Patrizi (1529-1597). In: Paul Richard Blum (ed.): Philosophers of the Renaissance. An introduction. Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 1999, pp. 173-187
- Margherita Palumbo: Patrizi, Francesco. In: Raffaele Romanelli (ed.): Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani (DBI). Volume 81: Pansini–Pazienza. Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, Rome 2014, pp. 732-738.
Overall presentations and investigations on several subject areas
- Christiane Haberl: Di scienzia ritratto. Studies on the Italian dialogue literature of the Cinquecento and its epistemological prerequisites. Ars una, Neuried 2001, ISBN 3-89391-115-4 , pp. 137–214
- Sandra Plastina: Gli alunni di Crono. Mito linguaggio e storia in Francesco Patrizi da Cherso (1529–1597). Rubbettino, Soveria Mannelli 1992, ISBN 88-728-4107-0
- Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. Bulzoni, Rome 1989
essay collections
- Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento. Olschki, Florence 2002, ISBN 88-222-5156-3
- Tomáš Nejeschleba, Paul Richard Blum (eds.): Francesco Patrizi. Philosophers of the Renaissance. Proceedings from The Center for Renaissance Texts Conference [24-26 April 2014]. Univerzita Palackého v Olomouci, Olomouc 2014, ISBN 978-80-244-4428-4 ( online )
metaphysics and natural philosophy
- Luc Deitz : Space, Light, and Soul in Francesco Patrizi's Nova de universis philosophia (1591). In: Anthony Grafton , Nancy Siraisi (eds.): Natural Particulars. Nature and the Disciplines in Renaissance Europe. MIT Press, Cambridge (Massachusetts) 1999, ISBN 0-262-07193-2 , pp. 139–169
- Kurt Flasch : battlefields of philosophy. Great controversies from Augustine to Voltaire. Klostermann, Frankfurt am Main 2008, ISBN 978-3-465-04055-2 , pp. 275-291
history and political theory
- Paola Maria Arcari: Il pensiero politico di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. Zamperini e Lorenzini, Rome 1935
- Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography. Man and history with Francesco Patrizi. Artemis, Zurich 1950
literary studies
- Lina Bolzoni: L'universo dei poemi possibili. Studied by Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. Bulzoni, Rome 1980
- Luc Deitz: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso on the Nature of Poetry. In: Luc Deitz et al. (eds.): Neo-Latin and the Humanities. Essays in Honor of Charles E. Fantazzi (= Essays and Studies. Volume 32). Center for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, Toronto 2014, ISBN 978-0-7727-2158-7 , pp. 179-205
- Carolin Hennig: Francesco Patrizi's Della Poetica. Literary theory of the Renaissance between system poetics and metaphysics (= Ars Rhetorica. Volume 25). Lit, Berlin 2016, ISBN 978-3-643-13279-6
web links
- Literature by and about Francesco Patrizi da Cherso in the German National Library catalogue
- Works by Francesco Patrizi da Cherso in the German Digital Library
- Fred Purnell: Entry in Edward N. Zalta (ed.): Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy .
- Patrizi/Petriš - philosopher and polymath
Remarks
- ↑ Emil Jacobs : Francesco Patricio and his collection of Greek manuscripts in the library of the Escorial. In: Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen 25, 1908, pp. 19-47, here: p. 20 Note 2 assumes Osor on Cres as the place of birth, but this hypothesis is not taken up in more recent literature.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Immagini umanistiche , Naples 1983, pp. 531–541, 547 f., 553.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Immagini umanistiche , Naples 1983, pp. 528–530.
- ↑ On the name, see Zvonko Pandžić (ed.): Franciscus Patricius: Discussiones Peripateticae , Cologne 1999, p. XI; Emil Jacobs: Francesco Patricio and his Collection of Greek Manuscripts in the Library of the Escorial. In: Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen 25, 1908, pp. 19-47, here: pp. 20 f. Note 2.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: La lettera autobiografica di Francesco Patrizi. In: Quaderni di Retorica e Poetica 1986/1, pp. 59–66, here: 61; Cesare Vasoli: Immagini umanistiche , Naples 1983, p. 555 f.
- ↑ See Cesare Vasoli: Immagini umanistiche , Naples 1983, pp. 529, 539, 552 f.
- ↑ For the influence of Ficino, see Maria Muccillo: Marsilio Ficino e Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. In: Gian Carlo Garfagnini (ed.): Marsilio Ficino e il ritorno di Platone. Studi e documenti , vol. 2, Florence 1986, pp. 615–678.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: La lettera autobiografica di Francesco Patrizi. In: Quaderni di Retorica e Poetica 1986/1, pp. 59–66, here: 62 f.; Francesco Bottin: Francesco Patrizi e l'aristotelismo padovano. In: Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 32, 1999, pp. 163–176, here: 163 f.; Margherita Palumbo: Patrizi, Francesco. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 81, Rome 2014, pp. 732–738, here: 732.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Immagini umanistiche , Naples 1983, pp. 549–554.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 26-28.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: La biblioteca greca di Francesco Patrizi. In: Eugenio Canone (ed.): Bibliothecae selectae. Da Cusano a Leopardi , Florence 1993, pp. 73–118, here: 74 f.; Emil Jacobs: Francesco Patricio and his Collection of Greek Manuscripts in the Library of the Escorial. In: Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen 25, 1908, pp. 19-47, here: 22 f.; Friedrich Walkhoff: Francesco Patrizi's life and work , Bonn 1920, p. 16 f.
- ↑ Emil Jacobs: Francesco Patricio and his collection of Greek manuscripts in the Escorial Library. In: Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen 25, 1908, pp. 19-47, here: 23 f.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: Platonismo, ermetismo e «prisca theologia» , Florence 1996, p. 74 note 3; Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 12.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: La biblioteca greca di Francesco Patrizi. In: Eugenio Canone (ed.): Bibliothecae selectae. Da Cusano a Leopardi , Florence 1993, pp. 73–118, here: 76 f.; Emil Jacobs: Francesco Patricio and his Collection of Greek Manuscripts in the Library of the Escorial. In: Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen 25, 1908, pp. 19-47, here: 24.
- ^ On the Luciano Artese emblem see: Francesco Patrizi e la cultura delle insegne. In: Atti e Memorie dell'Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere La Colombaria 50, 1985, pp. 179-207, here: 186 f., 195-197.
- ↑ Corrado Marciani: Un filosofo del Rinascimento editore-libraio: Francesco Patrizio e l'incisore Giovanni Franco di Cherso. In: La Bibliofilia 72/73, 1970/1971, pp. 177–198, here: 179–181, 184 f.; Emil Jacobs: Francesco Patricio and his Collection of Greek Manuscripts in the Library of the Escorial. In: Zentralblatt für Bibliothekswesen 25, 1908, pp. 19-47, here: 24 f.
- ↑ Corrado Marciani: Ancora su Francesco Patrizio e Giovanni Franco. In: La Bibliofilia 72/73, 1970/1971, pp. 303-313, here: 303-305.
- ↑ Paola Maria Arcari: Il pensiero politico di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1935, p. 49.
- ^ On these events see Corrado Marciani: Un filosofo del Rinascimento editore- libraio : Francesco Patrizio e l'incisore Giovanni Franco di Cherso. In: La Bibliofilia 72/73, 1970/1971, pp. 177–198, here: 179–192; Margherita Palumbo: Patrizi, Francesco. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 81, Rome 2014, pp. 732–738, here: 734; Maria Muccillo: La biblioteca greca di Francesco Patrizi. In: Eugenio Canone (ed.): Bibliothecae selectae. Da Cusano a Leopardi , Florence 1993, pp. 73–118, here: 77–81.
- ↑ Maria Giovanna Cavallari: L'insegnamento del Patrizi in alcuni madrigali di Tarquinia Molza. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento , Florence 2002, pp. 129-138, here: 135.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 206-212; Margherita Palumbo: Patrizi, Francesco. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 81, Rome 2014, pp. 732–738, here: 734.
- ↑ On the dual position of Partizis as a university teacher and as a courtier, see Lina Bolzoni: L'universo dei poemi possibili , Rome 1980, pp. 173–178.
- ↑ Margherita Palumbo: Patrizi, Francesco. In: Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani , Vol. 81, Rome 2014, pp. 732–738, here: 735.
- ↑ Silvano Cavazza (ed.): Una lettera inedita di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. In: Centro di Ricerche Storiche – Rovigno: Atti 9, 1978/1979, pp. 377–396, here: 382.
- ↑ Tullio Gregory: L'"Apologia" and le "Declarationes" by F. Patrizi . In: Medioevo e Reinascimento. Studi in onore di Bruno Nardi , vol. 1, Florence 1955, pp. 385–424, here: 387–391; Maria Muccillo: Il platonismo all'Università di Roma: Francesco Patrizi. In: Roma e lo Studium Urbis , Rome 1992, pp. 200–247, here: 201–213, 218 f.
- ↑ Ugo Baldini, Leen Spruit (eds.): Catholic Church and Modern Science , vol. 1/3, Rome 2009, pp. 2197, 2199 f.; Saverio Ricci: Inquisitori, censori, filosofi sullo scenario della Controriforma , Rome 2008, pp. 306-316.
- ↑ For the dating see Maria Muccillo: Il platonismo all'Università di Roma: Francesco Patrizi. In: Roma e lo Studium Urbis , Rome 1992, pp. 200-247, here: p. 234 and note 88.
- ↑ Ugo Baldini, Leen Spruit (eds.): Catholic Church and Modern Science , Vol. 1/3, Rome 2009, pp. 2197-2201; Michael Stausberg : Faszination Zarathustra , Berlin 1998, part 1, pp. 374–381; Saverio Ricci: Inquisitori, censori, filosofi sullo scenario della Controriforma , Rome 2008, pp. 316-338, 344-350.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: La vita e le opere di Aristotele in the «Discussiones peripateticae» di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. In: Rinascimento 21, 1981, pp. 53-119, here: p. 53 and note 2, pp. 57-61.
- ↑ Zvonko Pandžić (ed.): Franciscus Patricius: Discussiones Peripateticae , Cologne 1999, p. XXV f.; Maria Muccillo: Platonismo, ermetismo e "prisca theologia" , Florence 1996, pp. 154-176.
- ↑ Attilio Luigi Crespi: La vita e le opere di Francesco Patricio , Milan 1931, pp. 36-39, Friedrich Walkhoff: Francesco Patrizi's life and work , Bonn 1920, pp. 25 f.
- ↑ For Patricius' approach, see Kurt Flasch: Kampfplatz der Philosophie , Frankfurt 2008, pp. 280-288. Cf. Cesare Vasoli: Aristotele ei filosofi "antiquiores" nelle "Discussiones peripateticae" di Francesco Patrizi. In: Atti e Memorie della Accademia Petrarca di Lettere, Arti e Scienze 44, 1981, pp. 205-233, here: 212-233.
- ↑ Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 297.
- ↑ Zvonko Pandžić (ed.): Franciscus Patricius: Discussiones Peripateticae , Cologne 1999, p. XXIV f.
- ↑ Kurt Flasch: Battlefields of Philosophy , Frankfurt 2008, pp. 286-288.
- ↑ Giuseppe Saitta: Il pensiero italiano nell' Umanesimo e nel Rinascimento , vol. 2, 2nd edition, Florence 1961, pp. 536-538; Maria Muccillo: Platonismo, ermetismo e «prisca theologia» , Florence 1996, pp. 181-189; Cesare Vasoli: Aristotele and filosofi "antiquiores" in the "Discussiones peripateticae" by Francesco Patrizi. In: Atti e Memorie della Accademia Petrarca di Lettere, Arti e Scienze 44, 1981, pp. 205-233, here: 210 f.
- ↑ See Maria Muccillo: Un dibattito sui libri metafisici di Aristotele fra platonici, aristotelici e telesiani (con qualche complicazione ermetica). In: Medioevo 34, 2009, pp. 221-304, here: 223, 259-290; Frederick Purnell: Francesco Patrizi and the critics of Hermes Trismegistus. In: The Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 6, 1976, pp. 155-178, here: 156-159.
- ^ Editions: Procli Lycii Diadochi (...) elementa theologica et physica (...), quae Franciscus Patricius de Graecis fecit Latina , Ferrara 1583; Zvonko Pandžić (ed.): The ΣΤΟΙΧΕΙΩΣΙΣ ΦΥΣΙΚΗ of Proclus in the Latin translation of Franciscus Patricius (F. Petrić). In: Elisabeth von Erdmann-Pandžić (ed.): Regiones Paeninsulae Balcanicae et proximi orientis , Bamberg 1988, pp. 199–237; Charles Lohr (ed.): Pseudo-Johannis Philoponi Expositiones In Omnes XIV Aristotelis Libros Metaphysicos. Translated by Franciscus Patritius (= Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca. Versiones latinae temporis resuscitatarum litterarum , vol. 2), Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt 1991 (reprint of the Ferrara 1583 edition with an introduction by the editor).
- ↑ For the dating see Vincenzo De Risi: Francesco Patrizi e la nuova geometria dello spazio. In: Delfina Giovannozzi, Marco Veneziani (eds.): Locus-Spatium , Florence 2014, pp. 269–327, here: 276.
- ↑ See Hélène Védrine (ed.): Patrizi: De spacio physico et mathematico , Paris 1996, pp. 23, 28-37.
- ↑ Michael Stausberg: Faszination Zarathustra , Berlin 1998, part 1, pp. 321-323; see pp. 328-330, 336-338; Udo Reinhold Jeck: Platonica orientalia , Frankfurt 2004, pp. 307-310.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: Il "De humana philosophia" di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso nel codice Barberiniano greco 180. In: Miscellanea Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae 4, Città del Vaticano 1990, pp. 281-307, here: 281-288; Anna Laura Puliafito Bleuel (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Nova de universis philosophia. Materiali per un'edizione emendata , Florence 1993, pp. X–XII.
- ↑ On Patricius' hermetic reception, see Udo Reinhold Jeck: Platonica orientalia , Frankfurt 2004, pp. 334-343.
- ↑ See Udo Reinhold Jeck: Platonica orientalia , Frankfurt 2004, pp. 343, 345-365.
- ↑ On these remarks, see Patrizis Kurt Flasch: Kampfplatz der Philosophie , Frankfurt 2008, pp. 288-291; Michael Stausberg: Fascination Zarathustra , Berlin 1998, part 1, pp. 339-345.
- ↑ Michael Stausberg: Faszination Zarathustra , Berlin 1998, part 1, p. 343 f., 366 f.; Kurt Flasch: Battlefields of Philosophy , Frankfurt 2008, pp. 289–291.
- ↑ Paul Oskar Kristeller provides a summary of the contents: Eight philosophers of the Italian Renaissance , Weinheim 1986, pp. 102–107.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Plato in the Renaissance: Marsilio Ficino and Francesco Patrizi. In: Ada Neschke-Hentschke (ed.): Argumenta in dialogos Platonis , part 1, Basel 2010, pp. 285-300, here: 289-298.
- ↑ Karl Schuhmann : Francesco Patrizi and the hermetic philosophy. In: Schuhmann: Selected papers on Renaissance philosophy and on Thomas Hobbes , Dordrecht 2004, pp. 157–170, here: 163 f.
- ↑ Anne Eusterschulte: Monadological Science. In: Hanns-Peter Neumann (ed.): The concept of monads between late Renaissance and Enlightenment , Berlin 2009, pp. 25-63, here: 45.
- ↑ See Patrizia Castelli: Le fonti de La Città felice. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento , Florence 2002, pp. 3-30, here: 12-15.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: Aristotelismo, platonismo ed ermetismo ne "La città felice" di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. In: Giuseppa Saccaro Del Buffa, Arthur O. Lewis (ed.): Utopia per gli anni ottanta , Rome 1986, pp. 553–577, here: 553–555, 562; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 905.
- ↑ Friedrich Walkhoff: Francesco Patrizi's life and work , Bonn 1920, pp. 50-52. Stephan Otto offers an overview of the content and analysis: Materials for the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, pp. 143-164.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 229-233; Friedrich Walkhoff: Francesco Patrizi's life and work , Bonn 1920, p. 47 f.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 234-240.
- ↑ Marie-Dominique Couzinet: Mythe, fureur et melancolie. In: Nouvelle Revue du XVI e siècle 19/1, 2001, pp. 21-35, here: 28-30; Liane Nebes: The "furor poeticus" in Italian Renaissance Platonism , Marburg 2001, p. 183 f.
- ↑ Carolin Hennig: Francesco Patrizis Della Poetica , Berlin 2016, p. 150 f., 154.
- ↑ Anna Laura Puliafito: Petrarch filosofo platonico. Francesco Patrizi commentatore di un sonetto petrarchesco (RVF VII). In: Bernhard Huss et al. (ed.): Para/Textual negotiations between poetry and philosophy in the early modern period , Berlin 2011, pp. 379-398, here: 383-392.
- ^ Benedetto Croce: Problemi di estetica e contributi alla storia dell'estetica italiana , 6th edition, Bari 1966, pp. 299-310; Hanna-Barbara Gerl: Introduction to Renaissance Philosophy , 2nd edition, Darmstadt 1995, pp. 142, 145–150.
- ^ On this myth see Maria Muccillo: Età dell'oro e tempo ciclico in Francesco Patrizi. In: Giuseppa Saccaro Del Buffa, Arthur O. Lewis (ed.): Utopia e modernità , vol. 2, Rome 1989, pp. 785–825, here: 792–802.
- ↑ Eugenio Garin : Aneddoti di storia della cultura del Cinquecento. In: Umanesimo e Reinascimento. Studi offerti a Paul Oskar Kristeller , Florence 1980, pp. 155–171, here: 160–164; Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 93–103.
- ↑ Klaus Werner: The genre of the epic after Italian and French poetics of the 16th century , Bern 1977, pp. 143-155; Micaela Rinaldi: Torquato Tasso e Francesco Patrizi , Ravenna 2001, pp. 33 f., 37–44; Bernard Weinberg: A History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance , Vol. 1, Chicago 1961, pp. 600-603 and Vol. 2, Chicago 1961, pp. 997-1000. Cf. Lina Bolzoni: L'universo dei poemi possibili , Rome 1980, p. 196.
- ^ Adele Spedicati provides an overview of the contents: Sulle prime deche della poetica di Francesco Patrizi. In: Bollettino di storia della filosofia dell'Università degli Studi di Lecce 9, 1986/89, pp. 263-288, here: 265-272.
- ↑ Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Della poetica , vol. 1, Florence 1969, p. XVI; Eugene E. Ryan: Torquato Tasso e Francesco Patrizi nella controversia cinquecentesca sulla poesia. In: Walter Moretti, Luigi Pepe (eds.): Torquato Tasso e l'Università , Florence 1997, pp. 213–226, here: 221–223.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: Il platonismo all'Università di Roma: Francesco Patrizi. In: Roma e lo Studium Urbis , Rome 1992, pp. 200-247, here: p. 235 note 90; Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Lettere ed opuscoli inediti , Florence 1975, p. 54 f. and note 2.
- ↑ Erna Banić-Pajnić: Marsilio Ficino and Franciscus Patricius on Love. In: Tomáš Nejeschleba, Paul Richard Blum (eds.): Francesco Patrizi. Philosopher of the Renaissance , Olomouc 2014, pp. 213–231, here: 220–223; Carolin Hennig: Francesco Patrizis Della Poetica , Berlin 2016, pp. 220-225; Riccardo Scrivano: Il manierismo nella letteratura del Cinquecento , Padua 1959, p. 64.
- ↑ On the question of dating, see Lina Bolzoni: A proposito di una recente edizione di inediti patriziani. In: Rinascimento 16, 1976, pp. 133–156, here: 148 f.
- ↑ Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Lettere ed opuscoli inediti , Florence 1975, p. XXIII and p. 135 note 1.
- ↑ Pierre Laurens: Petite introduction à la philosophie du baiser. In: Francesco Patrizi: Du baiser , Paris 2002, pp. 17–26, here: 20–26; Sabrina Ebbersmeyer: Sensuality and Reason , Munich 2002, p. 232 f.
- ↑ John Charles Nelson (ed.): Francesco Patrizi: L'amorosa filosofia , Florence 1963, pp. VII–IX, XVI; Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 187–194.
- ↑ Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Lettere ed opuscoli inediti , Florence 1975, p. XXVI f.
- ↑ Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Lettere ed opuscoli inediti , Florence 1975, pp. XXVII-XXX; Alessandra Fiocca: Francesco Patrizi e la questione del Reno nella seconda metà del Cinquecento: tre lettere inedite. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento , Florence 2002, pp. 253-285, here: 259-267.
- ↑ Isabella Fedozzi: Il Barignano: Francesco Patrizi ed il dibattito sull'onore nella cultura del Cinquecento. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento , Florence 2002, pp. 115–125; Maria Muccillo: Dal volgare al latino. In: Arturo Calzona et al. (ed.): Il volgare come lingua di cultura dal Trecento al Cinquecento , Florence 2003, pp. 243-282, here: 250-257; Paola Maria Arcari: Il pensiero politico di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1935, pp. 155–170.
- ↑ Ivana Skuhala Karasman, Luka Boršić: Patrizi and His Women. In: Tomáš Nejeschleba, Paul Richard Blum (eds.): Francesco Patrizi. Philosopher of the Renaissance , Olomouc 2014, pp. 162–184, here: 167–169.
- ↑ Lina Bolzoni: L'universo dei poemi possibili , Rome 1980, pp. 47-52; Friedrich Walkhoff: Francesco Patrizi's life and work , Bonn 1920, p. 37 f. Cf. Lina Bolzoni (ed.): Il "Badoaro" di Francesco Patrizi e l'Accademia Veneziana della Fama. In: Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 158, 1981, pp. 71-101, here: 89-94; Danilo Aguzzi-Barbagli: Francesco Patrizi e l'Umanesimo musicale del Cinquecento. In: Vittore Branca , Sante Graciotti (ed.): L'Umanesimo in Istria , Florence 1983, pp. 63–90, here: 69–72.
- ↑ Lina Bolzoni (ed.): Il "Badoaro" di Francesco Patrizi e l'Accademia Veneziana della Fama. In: Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 18, 1981, pp. 71-101, here: 71-73, 99-101.
- ↑ For the stock, see Silvano Cavazza (ed.): Una lettera inedita di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. In: Centro di Ricerche Storiche – Rovigno: Atti 9, 1978/1979, pp. 377–396, here: 379.
- ↑ Danilo Aguzzi Barbagli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: Lettere ed opuscoli inediti , Florence 1975, pp. XVII-XXII.
- ↑ Paul Oskar Kristeller: Eight philosophers of the Italian Renaissance , Weinheim 1986, p. 98.
- ↑ John-Theophanes Papademetriou: The Sources and the Character of Del governo de' regni. In: Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association 92, 1961, pp. 422-439, here: 434-437.
- ↑ See Cesare Vasoli: La critica di Francesco Patrizi ai "principia" aristotelici. In: Rivista di storia della filosofia 51, 1996, pp. 713-787, here: 713-716, 718-725; Karl Schuhmann: Francesco Patrizi and the hermetic philosophy. In: Schuhmann: Selected papers on Renaissance philosophy and on Thomas Hobbes , Dordrecht 2004, pp. 157–170, here: 160 f.; Sandra Plastina: Gli alunni di Crono , Soveria Mannelli 1992, pp. 148–151.
- ↑ Hanna-Barbara Gerl: Humanistic and geometric philosophy of language. In: Journal for philosophical research 36, 1982, pp. 189-207, here: 193-199.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, p. 1631.
- ↑ Edward Grant : Much ado about nothing , Cambridge 1981, p. 200 f.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, p. 1644. Cf. Max Jammer : The problem of space , 2nd, expanded edition, Darmstadt 1980, p. 16 –22.
- ↑ For Patrizi's argument against the Aristotelian concept of space, see John Henry: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Concept of Space and its Later Influence. In: Annals of Science 36, 1979, pp. 549-573, here: 560-562.
- ↑ Max Jammer: The problem of space , 2nd, expanded edition, Darmstadt 1980, p. 93.
- ↑ Edward Grant: Much ado about nothing , Cambridge 1981, pp. 200-204; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, pp. 1645-1647; Maria Muccillo: La prima creatura: la concezione patriziana dello spazio fisico e le sue fonti. In: Accademia 13, 2011, pp. 9–45, here: 18–23; Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 302 f.
- ↑ Jacomien Prins: Echoes of an Invisible World , Leiden 2015, pp. 258–260; Vincenzo De Risi: Francesco Patrizi e la new geometria dello spazio. In: Delfina Giovannozzi, Marco Veneziani (eds.): Locus-Spatium , Florence 2014, pp. 269–327, here: 269–275.
- ↑ Paul Oskar Kristeller: Eight philosophers of the Italian Renaissance , Weinheim 1986, p. 106; Edward Grant: Much ado about nothing , Cambridge 1981, p. 206.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi sull'infinità dell'universo. In: Michele Ciliberto, Cesare Vasoli (eds.): Filosofia e cultura. Per Eugenio Garin , vol. 1, Rome 1991, pp. 277–308, here: 286–291.
- ↑ Luc Deitz: Space, Light, and Soul in Francesco Patrizi's Nova de universis philosophia (1591). In: Anthony Grafton, Nancy Siraisi (eds.): Natural Particulars , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 1999, pp. 139–169, here: 143–147, 155 f.
- ↑ Lynn Thorndike , A History of Magic and Experimental Science , Vol. 6, 4th edition, New York/London 1966, p. 376.
- ↑ Jacomien Prins: Echoes of an Invisible World , Leiden 2015, pp. 267–269, 277 f.
- ↑ Jacomien Prins: Echoes of an Invisible World , Leiden 2015, p. 273.
- ↑ Karl Schuhmann: Francesco Patrizi and the hermetic philosophy. In: Schuhmann: Selected papers on Renaissance philosophy and on Thomas Hobbes , Dordrecht 2004, pp. 157–170, here: 159 f.
- ↑ John Henry: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Concept of Space and its Later Influence. In: Annals of Science 36, 1979, pp. 549-573, here: 562-565; John Henry: Void Space, Mathematical Realism and Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Use of Atomistic Arguments. In: Christoph Lüthy et al. (eds.): Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories , Leiden 2001, pp. 133-161, here: 139-144; Edward Grant: Much ado about nothing , Cambridge 1981, pp. 201–203; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, p. 1647.
- ↑ Anna Laura Puliafito: "Principio primo" and "Principi principiati" in the "Nova de Universis Philosophia" di Francesco Patrizi. In: Giornale critico della filosofia italiana 67, 1988, pp. 154-201, here: 158-171; Karl Schuhmann: Francesco Patrizi and the hermetic philosophy. In: Schuhmann: Selected papers on Renaissance philosophy and on Thomas Hobbes , Dordrecht 2004, pp. 157–170, here: 161–165.
- ↑ Miguel A. Granada: Palingenio, Patrizi, Bruno, Mersenne. In: Guido Canziani (ed.): Potentia Dei , Milan 2000, pp. 105–134, here: 111–113.
- ↑ Luc Deitz: Space, Light, and Soul in Francesco Patrizi's Nova de universis philosophia (1591). In: Anthony Grafton, Nancy Siraisi (eds.): Natural Particulars , Cambridge (Massachusetts) 1999, pp. 139–169, here: 140–142.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Francesco Patrizi (1529–1597). In: Paul Richard Blum (ed.): Philosophers of the Renaissance , Darmstadt 1999, pp. 173–187, here: 184 f.; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, p. 1645 f., 1649, 1663-1666. Cf. Anna Laura Puliafito: Per uno studio della Nova de Universis Philosophia di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. Note alla Panaugia. In: Atti e Memorie dell'Accademia Toscana di Scienze e Lettere La Colombaria 52, 1987, pp. 159-199, here: 192-196.
- ↑ See Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, pp. 1664-1666; Gregorio Piaia: Tra misticismo neoplatonico e "filosofia dei fiumi". In: Quaderni per la storia dell'Università di Padova 29, 1996, pp. 127-146, here: 138-140.
- ↑ Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 300 f.
- ↑ Karl Schuhmann: On the emergence of the modern concept of time: Telesio, Patrizi, Gassendi. In: Schuhmann: Selected papers on Renaissance philosophy and on Thomas Hobbes , Dordrecht 2004, pp. 73–98, here: 82–89.
- ↑ Karl Schuhmann: On the emergence of the modern concept of time: Telesio, Patrizi, Gassendi. In: Schuhmann: Selected papers on Renaissance philosophy and on Thomas Hobbes , Dordrecht 2004, pp. 73–98, here: 82 f., 89; Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 303.
- ↑ Anna Laura Puliafito: Francesco Patrizi e la ragione degli animali. In: Bruniana & Campanelliana 17, 2011, pp. 129–138, here: 129 f., 137; Jacomien Prins: Echoes of an Invisible World , Leiden 2015, pp. 344–349.
- ↑ Anna Laura Puliafito: Francesco Patrizi e la ragione degli animali. In: Bruniana & Campanelliana 17, 2011, pp. 129-138.
- ↑ Anna Laura Puliafito: Animi brutorum in se ipsos faciunt syllogismos? In: Luisa Secchi Tarugi (ed.): Feritas, humanitas e divinitas come aspetti del vivere nel Rinascimento , Florence 2012, pp. 405-416, here: 406-408.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Francesco Patrizi's Poetics of the Wonderful. In: Comparatio 3, 2011, pp. 189-207, here: 193 f.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Francesco Patrizi's Poetics of the Wonderful. In: Comparatio 3, 2011, pp. 189-207, here: 194 f.
- ↑ Lina Bolzoni: L'universo dei poemi possibili , Rome 1980, p. 38 f.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 905-907. Cf. Paola Maria Arcari: Il pensiero politico di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1935, pp. 90-93.
- ↑ Maria Muccillo: Aristotelismo, platonismo ed ermetismo ne "La città felice" di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso. In: Giuseppa Saccaro Del Buffa, Arthur O. Lewis (ed.): Utopia per gli anni ottanta , Rome 1986, pp. 553–577, here: 557–561; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 906-908. Cf. Paola Maria Arcari: Il pensiero politico di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1935, pp. 122-132.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 13, 16-18.
- ↑ Michel Aubin: La Cité heureuse de Franjo Petrić. In: Revue des études slaves 56, 1984, pp. 9–15, here: 12; Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, p. 22 f.; Patrizia Castelli: Le fonti de La Città felice. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento , Florence 2002, pp. 3-30, here: 17 f.
- ↑ Lina Bolzoni: L'universo dei poemi possibili , Rome 1980, pp. 39-41; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 907 f.; Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 8–19; Patrizia Castelli: Le fonti de La Città felice. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento , Florence 2002, pp. 3–30, here: 20 f. Cf. Paola Maria Arcari: Il pensiero politico di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1935 , pp. 95–102.
- ↑ Friedrich Walkhoff: Francesco Patrizi's life and work , Bonn 1920, p. 66 note 1.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, pp. 16-18, 36; Stephan Otto: Materials on the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, p. 151 f.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 17 f., 22.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 19, 36 f.; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 1034.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, pp. 34-37; Christiane Haberl: Di scienzia ritratto , Neuried 2001, pp. 151–153.
- ↑ On the importance of the role models for Patrizi, see Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 14, 21, 24 f.
- ↑ Girolamo Cotroneo: I trattatisti dell' "Ars historica" , Naples 1971, pp. 223-226, 231-236; Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 36 f., 48.
- ↑ Stephan Otto: Materials on the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, p. 142.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 63–68; Girolamo Cotroneo: I trattatisti dell' "Ars historica" , Naples 1971, pp. 237-252; Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, pp. 38, 47.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 38 f.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 38 f.; Stephan Otto: Materials on the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, p. 154 f.
- ↑ See Marie-Dominique Couzinet: History and Philosophy in Francesco Patrizi's Dialoghi della istoria (1560). In: Tomáš Nejeschleba, Paul Richard Blum (eds.): Francesco Patrizi. Philosopher of the Renaissance , Olomouc 2014, pp. 62–88, here: 81–83.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 36 f.; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350–1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 1034 f., 1044 f. Cf. Girolamo Cotroneo: I trattatisti dell' "Ars historica" , Naples 1971, p .252-258.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 41; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 1036 f.
- ↑ Girolamo Cotroneo: I trattatisti dell' "Ars historica" , Naples 1971, pp. 215-222; Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, pp. 39, 42-44; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 1037 f. Note 232.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 44 f.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 44.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, pp. 45-48; Stephan Otto: Materials on the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, pp. 155–158.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 1038 f.; Stephan Otto: Materials on the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, p. 158.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 41 f.; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 1037.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 45.
- ^ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, pp. 246-251.
- ↑ Alfredo Perifano: Penser la guerre au XVI e siècle: science, art ou pratique? In: Danielle Boillet, Marie-Françoise Piéjus (ed.): Les guerres d'Italie , Paris 2002, pp. 237–257, here: 245–248; Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, p. 249 f.
- ↑ For Patrizi's argument see Luc Deitz: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso on the Nature of Poetry. In: Luc Deitz et al (ed.): Neo-Latin and the Humanities , Toronto 2014, pp. 179-205, here: 186-198; Baxter Hathaway, The Age of Criticism: The Late Renaissance in Italy , Ithaca 1962, pp. 9–17.
- ↑ Lina Bolzoni: La Poetica di Francesco Patrizi da Cherso: il progetto di un modello universale della poesia. In: Giornale storico della letteratura italiana 151, 1974, pp. 357-382, here: 365-368, 371 f., 377-382; George Saintsbury: A History of Criticism and Literary Taste in Europe , Vol. 2, 6th edition, Edinburgh/London 1949, pp. 97-100; Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , Vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 590-592.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 589-593.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 593 f.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, pp. 594-597.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 597.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 559 note 801, p. 563.
- ↑ Rainer Stillers: Humanistic Interpretation , Düsseldorf 1988, pp. 368-370. See Carolin Hennig: Francesco Patrizis Della Poetica , Berlin 2016, p. 138 f., 144-148.
- ↑ See Liane Nebes: The "furor poeticus" in Italian Renaissance Platonism , Marburg 2001, pp. 161-182.
- ↑ Carolin Hennig: Francesco Patrizis Della Poetica , Berlin 2016, pp. 172-174.
- ↑ John Charles Nelson (ed.): Francesco Patrizi: L'amorosa filosofia , Florence 1963, p. 7.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, pp. 1329 f., 1372-1375; Cesare Vasoli: "L'amorosa filosofia" by Francesco Patrizi e la dissoluzione del mito platonico dell'amore. In: Davide Bigalli, Guido Canziani (eds.): Il dialogo filosofico nel '500 europeo , Milan 1990, pp. 185-208, here: 198-203.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, pp. 1373-1378.
- ↑ Sabrina Ebbersmeyer: Sensuality and Reason , Munich 2002, p. 231.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline Philosophy of Humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 180 f. Note 527 and vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, pp. 1373-1381; Michael Stausberg: Fascination Zarathustra , Berlin 1998, part 1, pp. 292-294; Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 299.
- ↑ Ugo Baldini: Philosophy at the universities. In: Outline of the History of Philosophy . 17th Century Philosophy , Vol. 1/2, Basel 1998, pp. 621–668, here: 653 f.; John Henry: Void Space, Mathematical Realism and Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Use of Atomistic Arguments. In: Christoph Lüthy et al. (eds.): Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories , Leiden 2001, pp. 133–161, here: p. 134 and note 10.
- ↑ Paola Zambelli: Aneddoti patriziani. In: Rinascimento 7, 1967, pp. 309-318, here: 310 f., 314-316; John Henry: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Concept of Space and its Later Influence. In: Annals of Science 36, 1979, pp. 549-573, here: 566-573; Michael Stausberg: Fascination Zarathustra , Berlin 1998, part 1, pp. 380-383.
- ↑ Sandra Plastina: "Philosophia lucis proles verissima est". Nicholas Hill lettore di Francesco Patrizi. In: Bruniana & Campanelliana 10, 2004, pp. 175–182.
- ↑ John Henry: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Concept of Space and its Later Influence. In: Annals of Science 36, 1979, pp. 549-573, here: 567-569.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 2, Hamburg 2017, p. 1666 note 801.
- ↑ Gerhard Michel: Johann Amos Comenius. In: Outline of the history of philosophy. 17th Century Philosophy , vol. 4/1, Basel 2001, pp. 166–180, here: 176. For details, see Marta Fattori: La filosofia del Rinascimento italiano in JA Comenius: note su Campanella e Patrizi. In: Sante Graciotti (ed.): Italia e Boemia nella cornice del Rinascimento europeo , Florence 1999, pp. 305-331, here: 322-326; Jan Čížek: Patricius - Alstedius - Comenius. In: Tomáš Nejeschleba, Paul Richard Blum (eds.): Francesco Patrizi. Philosopher of the Renaissance , Olomouc 2014, pp. 370–384.
- ↑ Pierre Bayle: Dictionnaire historique et critique , 11th edition, vol. 11, Geneva 1969 (reprint), pp. 464 f., 469.
- ↑ John Henry: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Concept of Space and its Later Influence. In: Annals of Science 36, 1979, pp. 549-573, here: 567-572.
- ↑ See Susanna Gambino-Longo: La traduction latine des Dialoghi della Historia de Francesco Patrizi da Cherso par Nicholas Stupan (1570) et la réception européenne de sa théorie de l'histoire. In: Astérion 16, 2017 ( online ).
- ↑ See Giorgio Spini: I trattatisti dell'arte storica nella Controriforma italiana. In: Contributi alla storia del Concilio di Trento e della Controriforma , Florence 1948, pp. 109-136, here: 118 f., 121-124; Jean Jacquot: Les idées de Francesco Patrizi sur l'histoire et le rôle d'Acontius dans leur diffusion en Angleterre. In: Revue de Littérature comparée 26, 1952, pp. 333-354, here: 342-345; Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, p. 54.
- ↑ Laura Fedi: Patrizi da Cherso Francesco. In: Michele Ciliberto (ed.): Giordano Bruno. Parole, concetti, immagini , vol. 2, Pisa/Florence 2014, pp. 1442–1445; Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 298. On the accusation of pedantism, see Kurt Flasch: Kampfplatz der Philosophie , Frankfurt 2008, p. 279 f.
- ↑ Francis Bacon: Descriptio globi intellectualis 7, ed. by James Spedding et al.: The Works of Francis Bacon , Vol. 3, London 1876, pp. 747 f.
- ↑ See Nicholas Jardine: The birth of history and philosophy of science , Cambridge 1984, pp. 98-100, 154-156, 234-237; Paolo Rossi : La negazione delle sfere e l'astrobiologia di Francesco Patrizi. In: Paolo Rossi (ed.): Il Rinascimento nelle corti padane , Bari 1977, pp. 401-437, here: 419-421. See Edward Rosen: Francesco Patrizi and the Celestial Spheres. In: Physis 26, 1984, pp. 305-324.
- ↑ Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz: Philosophical writings (Academy Edition), vol. 4, part A, Berlin 1999, pp. 479, 966. Cf. Vincenzo De Risi: Francesco Patrizi e la nuova geometria dello spazio. In: Delfina Giovannozzi, Marco Veneziani (eds.): Locus-Spatium , Florence 2014, pp. 269-327, here: 310 f., 320 f.
- ↑ Stefano Prandi: Il «Cortegiano» ferrarese , Florence 1990, pp. 87-112, 198, 203-210; Isabella Fedozzi: Il Barignano: Francesco Patrizi ed il dibattito sull'onore nella cultura del Cinquecento. In: Patrizia Castelli (ed.): Francesco Patrizi, filosofo platonico nel crepuscolo del Rinascimento , Florence 2002, pp. 115–125, here: 125.
- ↑ Kurt Flasch: Battlefields of Philosophy , Frankfurt 2008, p. 276 f., 280; Paul Oskar Kristeller: Eight philosophers of the Italian Renaissance , Weinheim 1986, pp. 95, 98; Michael Stausberg: Fascination Zarathustra , Berlin 1998, part 1, p. 292; Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, pp. 43, 52; Eugenio Garin: Ritratti di umanisti , Florence 1967, p. 100.
- ↑ Hanna-Barbara Gerl: Introduction to Renaissance Philosophy , 2nd edition, Darmstadt 1995, p. 142.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 1034.
- ↑ Benedetto Croce: Problemi di estetica e contributi alla storia dell'estetica italiana , 6th edition, Bari 1966, p. 309 f. Arno Seifert : Cognitio historica , Berlin 1976, p. 64 f. and Paul Richard Blum: Philosophieren in the Renaissance , Stuttgart 2004, p. 60.
- ↑ Ernst Cassirer: The problem of knowledge in modern philosophy and science , Vol. 1, 2nd revised edition, Berlin 1911, p. 239.
- ↑ Paul Oskar Kristeller: Eight philosophers of the Italian Renaissance , Weinheim 1986, pp. 97, 107. Cf. Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, pp. 293, 304; Edward Grant: Much ado about nothing , Cambridge 1981, pp. 199–201; August Buck : The Reception of Antiquity in the Romance Literatures of the Renaissance , Berlin 1976, p. 99.
- ↑ Paul Oskar Kristeller: Eight philosophers of the Italian Renaissance , Weinheim 1986, p. 98 f.
- ↑ George Saintsbury, A History of Criticism and Literary Taste in Europe , Vol. 2, New York 1902, p. 101.
- ↑ Rainer Stillers: Humanistic Interpretation , Düsseldorf 1988, pp. 378-384.
- ↑ Bernard Weinberg: A History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance , Vol. 2, Chicago 1961, pp. 768 f., 772, 781. Cf. Christiane Haberl's statement on Weinberg's finding: Di scienzia ritratto , Neuried 2001, p .192.
- ↑ See the research overview at Rüdiger Landfester: Historia magistra vitae , Geneva 1972, pp. 13-15.
- ↑ Franz Lamprecht: On the theory of humanistic historiography , Zurich 1950, pp. 43, 52, 55.
- ↑ Giorgio Spini: I trattatisti dell'arte storica nella Controriforma italiana. In: Contributi alla storia del Concilio di Trento e della Controriforma , Florence 1948, pp. 109-136, here: 117 f.
- ↑ Rüdiger Landfester: Historia magistra vitae , Geneva 1972, p. 81.
- ↑ Thomas Sören Hoffmann: Philosophy in Italy , Wiesbaden 2007, p. 295 f.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Outline of the philosophy of humanism and the Renaissance (1350-1600) , vol. 1, Hamburg 2017, p. 1033.
- ↑ Thomas Leinkauf: Cusanus, Ficino, Patrizi - Forms of Platonic Thinking in the Renaissance , Berlin 2014, p. 351 f.; Kurt Flasch: Battlefields of Philosophy , Frankfurt 2008, p. 280; Giuseppe Saitta: Il pensiero italiano nell' Umanesimo e nel Rinascimento , Vol. 2, 2nd edition, Florence 1961, p. 538; Friedrich Walkhoff: Francesco Patrizi's life and work , Bonn 1920, p. 25.
- ↑ Michael J. Wilmott: “Aristotle exotericus, acroamaticus, mysticus”. In: Nouvelles de la République des Lettres 1985/1, pp. 67-95, here: p. 70 and note 13, 14.
- ↑ Jacomien Prins: Echoes of an Invisible World , Leiden 2015, p. 258 f. Cf. Hélène Védrine (ed.): Patrizi: De spacio physico et mathematico , Paris 1996, p. 33 f.; John Henry: Void Space, Mathematical Realism and Francesco Patrizi da Cherso's Use of Atomistic Arguments. In: Christoph Lüthy et al. (eds.): Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories , Leiden 2001, pp. 133–161, here: 145–161.
- ↑ Hélène Védrine tries to explain this step backwards: L'obstacle réaliste en mathématiques chez deux philosophes du XVI e siècle: Bruno et Patrizi. In: Jean-Claude Margolin (ed.): Platon et Aristote à la Renaissance , Paris 1976, pp. 239–248.
- ↑ Matjaž Vesel: Franzesco Patrizi, a Renaissance Philosopher and the Science of Astronomy. In: Tomáš Nejeschleba, Paul Richard Blum (eds.): Francesco Patrizi. Philosopher of the Renaissance , Olomouc 2014, pp. 313–342, here: 339.
- ↑ Cesare Vasoli: Francesco Patrizi da Cherso , Rome 1989, p. 38 f.
- ↑ Lina Bolzoni: L'universo dei poemi possibili , Rome 1980, p. 195 f.
- ↑ Giorgio Spini: I trattatisti dell'arte storica nella Controriforma italiana. In: Contributi alla storia del Concilio di Trento e della Controriforma , Florence 1948, pp. 109-136, here: 117 f.
- ↑ Stephan Otto: Materials on the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, pp. 134-137, 141.
- ↑ Danilo Aguzzi-Barbagli: Humanism and Poetics. In: Albert Rabil (ed.): Renaissance Humanism. Foundations, Forms, and Legacy , Vol. 3, Philadelphia 1988, pp. 85–169, here: 139.
- ↑ See the research-historical overview in Christiane Haberl: Di scienzia ritratto , Neuried 2001, pp. 137-144.
- ↑ Carolin Hennig: Francesco Patrizis Della Poetica , Berlin 2016, p. 40 f.
- ↑ See Stephan Otto: Materials for the theory of intellectual history , Munich 1979, p. 139 f.
| personal data | |
|---|---|
| SURNAME | Patrizi da Cherso, Francesco |
| ALTERNATIVE NAMES | Patrizzi, Francesco; Patricio, Francesco; Patricius, Franciscus; Petrić, Frane; Petrić, Franjo; Petriš, Frane; Petris, Franjo |
| BRIEF DESCRIPTION | Venetian philosopher |
| BIRTH DATE | April 25, 1529 |
| PLACE OF BIRTH | Cres |
| DATE OF DEATH | February 7, 1597 |
| PLACE OF DEATH | Rome |
