Jusos

Logo of the Juso Federal Association



Basic data
Chairman:	Kevin Kühnert
Deputy Chair:	Manon Luther Antonia Hemberger Jan Dieren Matthias Glomb Almut Großmann Josef Parzinger Stephan Schumann Philipp Türmer Anna Rasehorn Hanna Reichhardt
Federal Managing Director	Julie Rothe
Alignment:	Social Democracy Democratic Socialism Feminism Internationalism
Co-opted board members:	Michelle Rauschkolb ( YES Vice President ) Mia Thiel ( IUSY Vice President ) Laura Loew ( Juso University Groups )
Members:	approx. 80,000 (2018)
Structure:	16 regional associations and 6 districts
Website:	jusos.de

The Working Committee of the Young Socialists and Young Socialists in the SPD , abbreviations Young Socialists or the Young Socialists , the youth organization of the SPD .

Content profile

Since their “left turn” in 1969, the Jusos no longer saw themselves as a youth organization of their party , but as a “ socialist , feminist and internationalist organization ” within the SPD . Although the SPD is also committed to democratic socialism in its basic program , there have been various conflicts with the “mother party” since then. Within the association, the Jusos were dominated by violent disputes between the wings that saw themselves as “ left ”, which only subsided in the second half of the 1990s. Meanwhile they call themselves again as a youth organization in the SPD.

structure

membership

Every SPD member up to 35 is automatically a Juso, a so-called “born” member. In 1994, a “Juso membership” for young people and young adults up to 35 years of age outside the SPD was created as a model project. Since 2014, “Nur-Juso” membership has cost € 12 a year; a written declaration of membership is sufficient.

At the beginning of 2005 the Jusos had 49,400 SPD members, eight percent of the SPD membership at the time. There were also around 20,000 Juso members who did not belong to the SPD. In 2005 there were around 69,500 members. The number of members was given in July 2013 (with the year 2011) with around 51,562 members, which corresponded to the SPD members of Juso age. In November 2018 there is talk of almost 80,000 members. According to the company's own statements, the number of members had been constant at 70,000 since 1995.

Currents

There are a number of different currents within the Jusos. A rough distinction can be made between a left and a pragmatic camp. These camps are again divided into two groups.

On the left-hand side are the “Netzwerk Linkes Zentrum” (NwlZ) and the “Traditionalists” (Tradis). The regional associations of North Rhine-Westphalia , Berlin , Bremen and the four districts of Lower Saxony are usually assigned to the NwlZ , while the regional associations of Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania , Thuringia , Saxony , Rhineland-Palatinate , Saarland , Bavaria and Saxony-Anhalt as well as the district of Hesse-South are part of the camp assigned to the tradis. The Pragmatic Left (PL) is in the more pragmatic or conservative area of the Jusos . The state associations of Hamburg and Baden-Württemberg belong to this trend . A third trend, that of the so-called reform socialists (Refos), claimed to be outside the left-right scheme. This trend was carried by the Hesse- North district until 2009 . The state associations Schleswig-Holstein and Brandenburg as well as the district Hessen-Nord are not currently assigned to any current.

The regional associations are not homogeneous. In all regional associations there are sub-districts / district associations that feel they belong to other political currents. Belonging to a current usually only reflects the current majority in a regional association.

construction

The structures of the Jusos follow those of the SPD. The federal association is divided into 20 districts, which mostly correspond to the federal states and are called "regional association" there. Only in Hesse and Lower Saxony are there districts on a regional level, so that the regional association there plays a rather subordinate role, as it is solely responsible for questions of state politics.

Below the districts, there are the sub-districts at the level of the independent cities, districts or federal parliamentary constituencies, which in some regions are called "district association". Subdistricts that encompass several administrative districts are usually divided into districts.

In the city districts or the municipalities, working groups can be formed as the lowest basic structure. Juso university groups exist at most of the larger universities and, since 2004, the Juso schoolchildren and trainees group (JSAG) again nationwide and in many regional associations .

The legal position of the Jusos is rather weak compared to other party political youth organizations such as the Junge Union , which are organized as independent associations. As a working group of the SPD, the Jusos are subject to the organizational power of the SPD, which can go as far as the possibility of the dissolution of Juso divisions if there is an appropriate reason.

Working groups

Working groups are the smallest division of the Jusos, i.e. they correspond to the local and city associations of the SPD. They are often organized on a grassroots basis and deal with all political issues. Not infrequently, however, local political issues are in the foreground. They are protected by the main statutes of the SPD and at the same time part of the Juso association and independent working groups of the local associations. They also elect the delegates for the subdistrict conferences, if they are not held as a plenary meeting.

Regional association or district association

In some federal states there are regional or district associations between AGs and sub-districts. These usually correspond to the area of a district or an independent city (district associations) or in some large cities different city districts and deal in particular with local politics. The designation "regional association" or "district association" is not always clear, as this level of structure is not provided for in the nationwide guidelines for organizational structure. In particular, some subdistricts also refer to themselves as "district association" because they comprise a district or a district-free city. In addition, there are also former districts that today call themselves "regional associations" (for example in Rhineland-Palatinate the regional associations Palatinate, Rheinhessen and Rhineland).

Subdistricts

As in the SPD, the subdistricts are the most important bodies and are also called district associations in many places. They usually correspond to the area of an independent city, a district or a federal constituency. Subdistricts, which consist of several counties, are mostly divided into districts.

The highest body of the sub-districts is the sub-district conference (UBK), which takes place in larger sub-districts as a delegate assembly, otherwise as a general assembly. The conference elects a board of directors, which usually takes on the organizational work.

As a rule, the subdistricts take care of regional and municipal politics, but they also deal with federal and state politics. In many areas, the sub-district level is the lowest level of subdivision.

Districts

The traditional SPD district structures still exist in Hesse and Lower Saxony. In all other federal states, the districts have been merged into state associations (which bear the name "regional district"), which coincide with the respective federal state. There are two districts in Hesse (north and south) and four in Lower Saxony (Braunschweig, Hanover, North Lower Saxony and Weser-Ems). The districts have their own board members and usually hold a district conference (BeKo) as a delegate assembly once a year. Their political task consists mostly in federal politics, in alliance politics at federal association level as well as in work with the SPD.

district	Chair
Hesse-South	Natalie Pawlik
North Hessen	René Petzold
Braunschweig district	Jana Kurz
Hanover district	Silke Hansmann
Weser-Ems	Andre Goldenstein
North Lower Saxony	Let Rebbin

In Bavaria, the regional association is subdivided into districts ("regional districts"), which correspond to the administrative districts: Upper Franconia, Middle Franconia, Lower Franconia, Swabia, Upper Bavaria, Lower Bavaria and Upper Palatinate. However, these do not have the competencies of the “actual” district associations of the Jusos, which are part of the regional association in Bavaria.

In North Rhine-Westphalia, the regional association is divided into the regional associations Western Westphalia (corresponds to the area of the administrative districts of Münster and Arnsberg), Lower Rhine (administrative district Düsseldorf), Middle Rhine (administrative district Cologne) and Ostwestfalen-Lippe (administrative district Detmold). These reflect the district associations that existed until 2001, but do not have their competencies; these lie with the regional association. They are now largely meaningless.

In Rhineland-Palatinate, the regional association is divided into the regional associations of Rhineland, Rheinhessen and Palatinate. The competencies of the original district associations, however, lie at the state level.

Regional associations

There are regional Jusos associations in all federal states. The highest decision-making body at state level, which usually meets once a year and elects the state board, is in the state associations

Baden-Württemberg, Berlin, Brandenburg, Hamburg, Saxony and Saxony-Anhalt the State Delegates' Conference (LDK)
Bavaria, Hesse, Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania, Lower Saxony, North Rhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate, Saar, Schleswig-Holstein and Thuringia the state conference (LaKo)
Brandenburg and Bremen the State Members' Assembly (LMV)

In addition, there are bodies in various regional associations such as the “regional committee”, “extended regional committee” or “small regional conference”, which meet between the regional conferences as a decision-making and control body for the regional executive board.

In Hesse and Lower Saxony, the state associations mainly have state political tasks and various district associations take care of the work in the Juso Federal Association. In all other federal states, the state associations are also responsible for federal politics and for work in the Juso federal association.

Regional association	Chair
Baden-Württemberg	Pavlos Wacker
Bavaria	Anna Tanzer
Berlin	Sinem Taşan-Funke / Peter Maaß
Brandenburg	Antonia Müller / Lisa-Maria Pridik
Bremen	Sebastian Schmugler
Hamburg	Alexander Mohrenberg
Hesse	Sophie Frühwald
Mecklenburg-Western Pomerania	Johannes Persch
Lower Saxony	Johanna Kuipers / Jakob Blankenburg
North Rhine-Westphalia	Jessica Rosenthal
Rhineland-Palatinate	Umut Kurt
Saar	Kira Brown
Saxony	Sophie Koch
Saxony-Anhalt	Franca Meye
Schleswig-Holstein	Simon Bull
Thuringia	Oleg Shevchenko

federal Association

Kevin Kühnert, incumbent Juso federal chairman

The federal association is the top level of the Jusos. The highest decision-making body is the Federal Congress, which meets once a year as an assembly of delegates. He elects the federal board. The federal committee, which consists of elected representatives of the districts or state districts and controls the work of the federal executive committee, meets between the federal congresses. The acting federal chairman has been Kevin Kühnert since November 2017 . His predecessor was Johanna Uekermann , who took over this position from Sascha Vogt .

Membership in international associations

The Jusos are members of the European political youth association Young European Socialists and the international umbrella organization International Union of Socialist Youth .

history

Until 1904

Up until 1904 there was no organization for young people in the German labor movement. The prevailing opinion was that there was no need for this, since the life situation was determined solely by class.

It is true that within the Social Democratic Party there was a noticeable conflict between “old” and “young” when the latter called for a more radical approach by the party in favor of pursuing revolutionary instead of parliamentary politics and also advocated the democratization of the party. This conflict escalated to the Erfurt party congress in 1891, when the "boys" called for work to be stopped nationwide by May 1st , whereupon the spokesmen of the "boys" were expelled from the party. Nevertheless, the participating groups of “boys” did not acquire any organizational structures. Even from the 1890s onward, organizational forms of youth workers in neighboring Austria found no imitators in the German social democracy.

On the contrary, the Social Democratic Party was initially very skeptical about making young people independent. This should experience wage labor and the associated exploitation in order to develop a proletarian class consciousness so that it fits into the party line. Approaches for independent youth programs were therefore initially rejected; For example, an application for the creation of a youth magazine was rejected by the Dresden party congress in 1903, as was Karl Liebknecht's request at the party congress in Bremen in 1904 for the creation of an anti-militarist youth organization, which the party executive replied that this would jeopardize the unity of the party.

1904–1918 - Development of the workers' youth movement and its relationship to the world war

The formation of actual organizational forms on the part of the German working-class youth only came about after the suicide of the 15-year-old Berlin apprentice Paul Nahring on June 3, 1904. Nahring could no longer bear the torments and humiliations of his master. His death led to outrage in the social democratic public and ultimately to the formation of apprentice associations, to which the Jusos also refer as their founding roots. In 1906 the "Association of Free Youth Organizations in Germany" was founded as the umbrella organization for North German workers' youth associations. The burgeoning working class youth movement was viewed critically by the Prussian authorities, in particular their associations were forbidden by law from making political demands. In 1906, the “Association of Young Workers in Germany” was founded in the more liberal southern Germany.

In 1906 and 1907, the SPD party congresses decided to set up social democratic apprentices' associations and an independent social democratic youth organization, but these decisions were initially not followed in practice. This was based on the negative attitude of the party and trade union leadership, but also in the repressive new version of the association legislation in the Reich, which against the votes of the SPD parliamentary group in Section 17 of the Reich Association Act, the membership of under 18-year-olds in political associations and their participation Political association meetings were prohibited.

As a result, there was an existential crisis for the workers' youth associations, which saw both the bourgeois state and the leaders of the party and trade unions against them. An initially agreed continuation of their work within the structures of the trade union organizations ultimately did not materialize. Instead, the Nuremberg Party Congress in 1908 decided, as a compromise solution, to set up local youth committees, made up of three equal representatives from the party leadership, the trade unions and young people over 18 years of age. Due to their better work resources, these quickly displaced the existing workers' youth associations and were loosely coordinated in their work by the party executive through the “Central Office for Working Youth”. Friedrich Ebert, who later became President of the Reich, was chairman of the central office until 1918 . The task of the youth committees was educational and cultural work; political interference was prohibited.

The limitations of the work of the youth committees left many, especially the older representatives of the working class, unsatisfied, who demanded their own organization. The Chemnitz party congress therefore decided in 1912 that the youth committees should take a closer look at the 18 to 21-year-old workers in order to win them over to the party. This led to the emergence of individual new structures that made it easier for young people to work independently.

A historically significant case of such new structures was the founding of the “youth section” of the “Munich Social Democratic Association”, which took place on February 3, 1914 at a meeting in the small hall of the Munich trade union building. At this meeting, the introductory speech was given by Felix Fechenbach , who later became Kurt Eisner's secretary . It was also he who first used the word “Young Socialists” in an article. The main task of the new organization was to be the education of the young workers, but Fechenbach stated that the “youth section” had “a strong intellectual and political life of its own”. However, a party congress still rejected the request to officially use the name “Young Socialists”.

The decision to support the First World War and the associated split of the social democracy into majority and independent social democrats also split the working class youth movement. While the central office for the working youth of the party executive was on the official party line and propagated the support of the war bonds, various especially older representatives of the working youth movement tried to distance their groups and associations from the SPD and to position themselves in opposition to its war policy. In 1916 there was a conference of 62 delegates from workers' youth associations in Jena in the “Vegetarian Speisehaus”, which was passed off as a meeting of nature lovers to camouflage themselves from the authorities . At the suggestion of Karl Liebknecht, the conference passed a resolution with political demands similar to that of the Spartakusbund and decided to found a nationwide headquarters and publish its own magazine, which would then be called "Free Youth". After the second edition it was already banned. Head of the headquarters was initially Wilhelm Rodominsky , who was called up for military service in August of the same year. At Easter 1917 the delegates met for a second Reich conference and elected Karl Plättner and Karl Albin Becker from the circle of the Bremen left-wing radicals to head the headquarters . This went hand in hand with a tightening of the agitative behavior of the organization, but this did not have any effects. The police were able to arrest Karl Plättner in September 1917 and confiscate extensive holdings of addresses, with the help of which it was possible to bring the left opposition even further into distress. At a party-loyal conference of the SPD youth committees in June 1917, however, it was underlined that only the SPD bodies were responsible for political decisions, while the task of the youth committees lay in leisure and educational work for young people.

The Free Socialist Youth (FSJ) was founded in the youthful opposition shortly before the end of the war in 1918 , but it did not officially join any party, being close to the USPD and the Spartakusbund.

After the party-political split in the labor movement, the youth committees of the majority SPD now only consist of representatives of the responsible party executive boards and the young people, since the unions no longer sent representatives because they wanted to exercise neutrality between the workers' parties.

1919–1931 - Recognition, work and dissolution of the Jusos in the Weimar Republic

After the proclamation of the Weimar Republic and the election of Friedrich Ebert as its president, Heinrich Schulze became the new head of the Central Office for Working Youth. The freedom of association introduced with the Weimar Constitution led to an end to the repression by the authorities against political workers' associations and also those of the young workers, which placed new requirements for social democratic youth work. In the spring of 1919 the central office was transformed into the Association of Workers' Youth Associations in Germany (VAJV) with around 70,000 members. In addition, other youth socialist groups were founded autonomously. The design of what a youth group should and should not be allowed to decide on site independently of the SPD remained controversial and was resolved differently on site. Sometimes the youth groups had a great deal of independence in their political work, sometimes their work was limited to purely educational tasks. In the latter sense, the Weimar Party Congress in 1919 also decided that the socialist youth movement had tasks "primarily of an educational nature" in the sense of socialist-political education and the protection of young people, that it was "not a fighting organization with party political goals". The age limit was set at the age of 18, although contrary to requirements, up to 20-year-olds were also allowed.

Nonetheless, more and more youth socialist groups with members over the age of 18 were founded independently across the country. The Kassel party congress in 1920 finally and officially recognized this and obliged "the party organizations to actively support the efforts of the Young Socialists" and decided to set up local groups of Young Socialists where possible. This went hand in hand with the recognition of extensive self-administration rights, with only one party functionary belonging to the local councils of the Young Socialists.

At the Reichsjugendtag of the majority Social Democratic working-class youth in Weimar in 1920, in which around 1,000 young people took part, the focus was on dealing with nature, art and culture and less political issues. The main speaker was the spokesman for the Magdeburg workers 'youth, 19-year-old Erich Ollenhauer , who identified the establishment of the republic as a necessary condition for the growth of the workers' youth movement. The later party song of the SPD when we step from 'to side' was also presented to the participants. Overall, the Workers' Youth Day took a positive stance on the politics of the parent party M-SPD. Following the Workers' Youth Day, the VAJV held its first Reich Conference.

The Young Socialists gathered for a first Reich Conference in July 1921 in Bielefeld. The main subject of the debate was the relationship between the Young Socialists and the SPD; The majority wish was to develop the Young Socialists into an independent association within the SPD, which "seeks an enrichment of their personal attitude towards life and consciousness in a direct exchange of views with like-minded people, from which [the Young Socialists] hope to further enrich socialism." With Bach, Wegner, Wissel, Gustav Dahrendorf , Schmidt and Lösche, primarily young socialists who were close to the youth movement were elected to the Reich Committee in charge of the organization . In addition, Karl Bröger was appointed editor of the new association journal Jungsozialistische Blätter (JB). Although the threat to the republic from the law and disputes between the social democrats over the unification of the two parties, the MSPD and the USPD, dominated day-to-day politics, the work of the Young Socialists dealt more with abstract, idealistic questions of human virtue and was located in the youth movement.

Another subject of the internal debate was the relationship to the nation. It was argued that it was Germany's task as a nation to bring socialism to the world; only those who want them are a member of the " Volksgemeinschaft ". Others saw the Jusos as having the task of creating the intellectual prerequisites for the achievement of true socialism beyond material and mere power-political demands. While the political work for a socialist social order had to lie with the party, according to the popular conception of roles at the time, it was up to the young socialists to spread the socialist spirit among the people.

After the unification of the two large workers' parties in September 1922, the social democratic youth associations were also to be unified. VAJV and the Socialist Proletarian Youth (SPJ), which emerged from the Free Socialist Youth in December 1919 and committed itself to the USPD, united five weeks later after difficult negotiations to form the Socialist Workers' Youth (SAJ). In terms of content, the SAJ partially filled the gap that the rather apolitical Young Socialists left in their work. This led to tension between the two youth organizations, even though they actually had different target groups. The SAJ aimed at 14 to 17 year olds, the Young Socialists at 18 to 25 year olds. The SAJ mostly remained more firmly attached to the position of the party executive, while the Young Socialists increasingly emancipated themselves from it. Young Socialists were involved in the educational work of the SAJ. In 1923 the Association of Socialist Student Groups in Germany and Austria was founded as a student organization .

Increasingly there was a dispute between the left and right wing among the Young Socialists, which tied itself to further debates about people and nation. In this context, representatives of the right wing, especially from the Ruhr area , invited to Hofgeismar at Easter 1923 , where, as a result of the meeting, the national Hofgeismar circle came together as a current, whereby not all participants followed the nationalist positions. In contrast, on the left, there were the currents of the International Youth League or the “Nelsonians”, which came together around the neo-Kantian scholar Leonard Nelson , as well as Marxist-oriented groups. The "Nelsonians" were numerically insignificant, but were able to occupy important positions in some districts of the association due to their uniformity. At a meeting in Hannoversch Münden at Pentecost 1924, the left wing for its part formed an alliance, the Hanoverian Circle .

After the reunification of the two social democratic parties, other social democratic (or social democratic dominated) youth organizations emerged in addition to the SAJ and the young socialists. Mention should be made of the Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft der Kinderfreunde , which aimed at the age group below the SAJ, the Naturfreundejugend , the Jungbanner as well as youth groups of the Workers' Gymnastics and Sports Association (ATSB), the Esperanto friends , the free thinkers , the Arbeiter-Samariter-Bund ( ASB) or the trade unions , with the latter keeping their distance since the split in the labor movement.

At the Reich Conference of the Young Socialists on April 12 and 13, 1925 in Jena , the central debate again focused on questions of the relationship to nation, people and state. The referee for the Hofgeismar Circle was the constitutional lawyer Hermann Heller , who advocated not negating the state, but recognizing the republic as an important step towards the realization of socialism. On the other hand, the lawyer Max Adler spoke in favor of the Hanoverians , who pointed out that a state is always a necessary coercive order and that it depends on its solidarity or lack of solidarity for its assessment. The republic is still a society based on solidarity. Whoever speaks of the abolition of the state means the abolition of the class state, not the state in general. In the following discussion, the Hofgeismar Circle was accused of disregarding Marxism and overcoming class society in favor of exaggerating the nation. Finally, the conference passed a resolution according to which the association rejects “national romanticism in every form” and builds Weimar democracy only on formal, but not on economic, equality of people and thus conceals class differences. In addition, the proletariat in the bourgeois class state must not assume any political responsibility if this runs counter to the international class struggle.

The annual report presented at the conference numbered 179 local groups with a total of around 4,000 members. Furthermore, the conference decided to make organizational changes in the association in accordance with a previous agreement between the two wings. From then on, a seven-person Reich leadership was entrusted with the management of the association, informally made up of two "Hofgeismarers", two "Hanoverians" and three representatives from Berlin. Scholz, Gustav Dahrendorf, Franz Osterroth , Otto Lamm, Franz Lepinski, Keller and Maria Hodann were elected unanimously . Georg Engelbert Graf was elected editor of the Young Socialist papers . From then on, the Reich Committee, composed of representatives from the districts, had the task of controlling the Reich leadership.

The work of the “Nelsonians” in the International Youth Association was subsequently viewed increasingly critically within the association and within the party. They were accused of forming a secret society . Although their representative Maria Hodann in the Reich leadership could just be nominated as the German representative for the Executive Committee of the Socialist Youth International , the SPD party executive soon declared membership of the Nelson Bund to be incompatible with SPD membership. Some of the Nelsonians then left the Bund and remained in the SPD, but most of them gave up their SPD membership and founded the International Socialist Fighting League (ISK). The Young Socialist Reich leadership then declared him a political opponent who opposed a strong workers' party.

After the association expelled the right-wing national revolutionary young socialist Ernst Niekisch in 1926, the Hofgeismar representatives in the Reich leadership resigned from their offices, although the Hofgeismar circle had distanced themselves from Niekisch beforehand. Hanoverians also accused the Hofgeismarers of putting pressure on the association's journal JB with their Political Circular, which was struggling with falling circulation (3,030 copies in 1926), which the Hofgeismarers assumed was too left-wing. The dispute led to the fact that the Hofgeismarer withdrew from active work with the Young Socialists and were henceforth directly active in the party. The SAJ's demand to raise their age limit to 20 years, which the Young Socialists rejected, was also prone to conflict. The Young Socialists were accused of showing a lack of party discipline and of concentrating on flow fights. The Young Socialists, on the other hand, complained that the party did not support them enough and that the young banner was stealing their members.

Topics within the association of this time, which were also reflected in the JB, concerned a range of subjects such as "the development of modern imperialism, parliamentarism and democracy, socialization, socialist economy, works councils and socialization, [...] England, de [ n] Colonialism and the beginning of the end of the English empire, de [n] struggle for the pace of work, machine and man ”, war in poetry and love.

On June 5, 1927, the Reich Conference of the Young Socialists took place in Dresden. How many delegates a local group was allowed to send was determined by the number of local JB subscribers. For every 12 subscribers there was one basic delegate, for every 50 additional subscribers there was another delegate. According to a survey of the Dresden Young Socialists in 1927, the Berlin Young Socialists had a total of 249 members in twelve local groups, of which 158 were men and 91 women, 201 between the ages of 18 and 25. 74% were members of a trade union.

81 voters took part in the conference, apart from the delegates, including seven members of the Reich leadership and one representative of the party executive. The Reich Conference passed without any major conflict; Reichsleiter Franz Lipinski identified a positive development in his report with the departure of the Hofgeismarers and Nelsonians. Franz Lipinski, Ott, Gentz, Wiechert and Eisner were unanimously elected to the Reich leadership; Graf was also unanimously re-elected as editor of the JB.

With the course of the second half of the 1920s, the " Red Fighters ", a manageable left-communist grouping in the association, which formed local groups in Saxony, Berlin and the Rhine and Ruhr areas, gained increasing importance . They were under the idealistic influence of Karl Schröder , the people involved included Helmut Wagner and Heinz Kühn . The Red Fighters propagated an intensification of the class struggle and also had some influence in the SAJ as well as in SPD bodies in western Westphalia. From 1930 to 1931 they published Der Rote Kampf as a magazine.

At the Reich Conference on May 19, 1929, Wendt (Dresden), Gentz (Bremen), Seifart (Munich), Fritz Lewy (Breslau) and the Berliners Lepinski, Seigewasser and Dora Fabian were elected to the Reichsleitung ; Graf was re-elected as editor of the JB.

The Reichsleiter of the Young Socialists Lepinski tried at the SAJ Reich Conference on 18./19. April 1930 also to become chairman of the SAJ in order to take over the SAJ main board, which was considered to be loyal to the party board. The incumbent SAJ chairman, Erich Ollenhauer, asserted himself with 93 to 50 votes. Several politically left-wing motions from ranks actually to the Young Socialists Aktiviver were made, all of which were rejected, but made it clear that the SAJ also had an increasingly left-wing opposition. The average age of the SAJ delegates calculated at the conference was 25 years, above the actual target group of the association.

In 1930 a conflict broke out in the SPD district of Greater Berlin between the Berlin Young Socialist Association and the SPD district executive. At a party event on November 21, members of the Jungbanner working in the hall protection and some younger Social Democrats clashed. The district board determined that the latter was a young stewardship of the Young Socialists, which had been set up in violation of a party decision and showed that the Young Socialists acted as a "party within the party". As a result, the district board dissolved the Berlin Young Socialist Association. Meanwhile, the leadership of the Berlin Young Socialists denied that there had been a “Young Proletarian steward service” in Berlin with their approval.

The SPD Reich Committee approved the dissolution of the Berlin Young Socialists Association and decided to call on the party executive to reorganize the youth socialist movement at the Reich level in order to “carry out the advertising and training work of the young party comrades on a broader basis and a closer connection between this work and the to establish general activity of the party. ”The Reich Executive Committee of the Young Socialists thereupon declared that it was ready to participate in such a reorganization.

Work against the Young Socialists was now taking place in various districts of the party. Local groups were amalgamated by the party or a “working group of young social democrats” was founded as a rival organization close to the party. The Young Socialist Reich Committee decided on February 15, 1931 its own proposals for a reorganization of the association. In every SPD local association, a youth socialist group of all comrades up to the age of 25 should be founded, whose chairman should belong to the local leadership. The same was proposed for the district organization. At the Reich level, a Reich Youth Day was to meet every two years and an advisory board for the Young Socialists should be set up in the party executive instead of the Reich leadership.

The possible reorganization was a major topic of the Reich Conference at Easter 1931. The Reich Chairman Lepinski supported the proposals of the Reich Committee, while the Wroclaw Young Socialist gave a presentation in favor of maintaining the existing structures, in which he identified better opportunities for the Young Socialists in the party to have an impact . The Reich Committee proposal was rejected with 73 to 31 votes. A motion from Brandenburg and Breslau, however, was approved with 37 to 31 votes. According to this, the current situation of the Young Socialists is characterized by the escalation of class antagonisms and a political and programmatic crisis of the SPD. In order to promote a revolutionary Marxist policy, the socialist youth must therefore show full commitment in the work of the party itself. A reorganization of the Young Socialists with the aim of suppressing their self-determination in the formation of political will is therefore rejected. Nonetheless, at the request of the Young Socialists in Düsseldorf, the Reich Conference subsequently resolved the original reorganization proposal of the Reich Committee with a few changes and thus contradicted itself. The Berlin Seigewasser, Kreßmann and Breitbach, from Düsseldorf Suchan, were elected to the Reich leadership Breslau Schuler and from Plochingen Löffler elected.

The party executive refused to enter into a dialogue with the new Reich leadership. At the Leipzig party congress in 1931, the Young Socialists were deprived of their right to send an advisory delegate. Erich Ollenhauer gave a lecture on the subject of "Party and Youth" for the party executive committee, in which he attacked the Young Socialists by saying that they were not fulfilling the task of mediating between party and youth and that they were too publicly critical. The party congress then decided to dissolve the association without first giving the floor to representatives of the Young Socialists.

In order to continue socialist youth work, the former JB editor Graf founded the socialist youth as a successor magazine , which was discontinued after five issues. Some Young Socialists switched to the SPD split-off of the Socialist Workers' Party in Germany , which was founded in October 1931, but many continued to reject this as divisive.

1933–1945 - Workers youth organizations are banned

After the dissolution of the Young Socialists, the SPD remained as the party youth association, the Socialist Workers' Youth (SAJ). They tried to continue their work after the National Socialists came to power in January 1933. However, individual SAJ groups began to prepare for a possible ban on the SAJ and for work in secret, which the party prevented. On February 22, 1933, two SA men murdered an SAJ member who was distributing leaflets in the street. This was followed by bans on the SAJ magazine Arbeiter-Jugend and regional SAJ organizations, around March 11th in Bavaria. In April 1933, along with other party executive members, SAJ chairman Ollenhauer went into exile, followed by the SPD's ban on June 22, 1933. In the underground, some party members tried to continue working despite the persecution by the Nazis, including those from the ranks of the former Young Socialists. For example, the Red Fighters were able to remain active in the German Reich until the end of the 1930s. Members of the workers' youth movement also organized themselves in supposedly non-political hiking and alpine clubs, where anti-Nazi thoughts were often spread. Former members of the Young Socialists were partially murdered or imprisoned by the Nazis, including former leaders who were now active in the resistance in different ways.

During the book burning carried out by the German Student Union on May 10, 1933 , the destroyed works also included many other socialist texts, such as Georg Engelbert Graf, Franz Lepinski's Die New Socialist Movement and others.

1945–1969 - re-establishment and development up to APO

At the same time as the reorganization of the SPD in post-war Germany, representatives of the youth workers met again in 1945. In 1945, associations of young social democrats and communists formed as Free German Youth , a little later many younger people went to the falcons , older people came together in local groups as “young socialists”.

The newly formed youth socialist movement was recognized by the SPD party congress in Hanover in 1946. He decided to found between 18 and 35 young socialist working groups in every local club for party members, which should deal with the education of the party youth "to become socialist activists". For this purpose, the "scientific tools" must be imparted and the "detailed work" of the individual members in the party must be guaranteed. Raising the age limit to 35 should make it possible to include the majority of the war participants in the work. Participation was also permitted without a party membership.

The dualism of Young Socialists and SAJ from the Weimar period was replaced by a dualism of Young Socialists and falcons. The first central secretary of the Jusos, who was appointed by the party executive and headed the association, Hans Hermsdorf , called on the SPD districts to set up Young Socialist working groups in a circular following the party decision . In the meantime, Klaus Schütz , who was also a young socialist himself, tried to promote the establishment of the Falken as a youth association of the SPD. In addition, the Socialist German Student Union (SDS) was founded as a student organization under the founding chairman Helmut Schmidt .

The Young Socialists' annual report showed 480 local groups in 1947 and 900 in the following year. About 80,000 of the SPD members were under 30, 15% of whom worked actively with the Jusos, according to the annual report, a third were women.

The first delegates' conference of the Young Socialists in post-war Germany met in May 1947 in Gelsenkirchen. The work of the association was still very party-oriented, in the central committee mainly functionaries of the party leadership gave lectures. In 1948 the association was accepted into the Socialist Youth International. At the central conference of the Young Socialists in Hof from May 12 to 14, 1948, which was also attended by delegates from the Soviet zone of occupation , Heinz Kühn applied for the Young Socialists to be an “educational community of young socialists” without being “politically independent from the party Action Tasks “stressed the creation of the office of elected chairman. However, this was rejected. Only a few substantive debates have survived.

1949 was the new central secretary Werner Buchstaller . The upper limit for the age of membership was reduced to up to 30 years and the Jusos were expressly instructed in their work and organizational guidelines to take a stand on questions of youth policy. In addition to the appointed central secretary, the Jusos elected a central working committee to lead the association. The individual Juso working groups were often not allowed to do their own political work on site, especially not externally. The subordination of the Young Socialists as a mere “working group” within the SPD was often emphasized. However, in 1949 the SPD decided to set up a committee for youth issues within the party committee, to which Falken, SDS and Jusos, among others, sent representatives. Buchstaller, Heinz Pöhler and Walter Haas took part for the Young Socialists .

At the beginning of the 1950s, the Young Socialists agitated against recruiting efforts by the French Foreign Legion for anti-militarist and anti-colonial reasons . So they tore down Legion propaganda posters and put up their own. In 1951, the Young Socialists helped found the Ring of Political Youth (RPJ).

In 1953, the Young Socialists began to publish the magazine Klarer Kurs on a monthly basis. The focus was still on educational work, in 1952 the Jusos organized 361 training courses with 14,000 participants. In the mid-1950s, the Jusos began to intensify their international contacts. So it came to trips of delegations to Yugoslavia with a meeting with Josip Tito with a later Yugoslav return visit, to India, to Israel and to contacts with the FDJ in the GDR or with Tunisian socialists. The Festival of the Workers' Youth International took place in Berlin from July 1st to 10th. The Young Socialists hardly took part in the internal party discussions on the Godesberg program in the run-up to the 1959 party congress.

In 1959 there was an organizational reform of the Young Socialists by the party executive. The age limit was raised again to 35. A federal congress should be held every two years. In addition, there should now be a Federal Committee of Young Socialists, which was composed of the Juso district chairmen. This elected a Juso federal chairman and a deputy from among his number. The election had to be confirmed by the party executive. In future, the federal secretary was appointed in agreement with the federal committee. The first federal chairman was Hans-Jürgen Wischnewski , his deputy Horst Seefeld . Werner Buchstaller remained Federal Secretary.

The first Juso federal congress met from May 8 to 10, 1959 in Karlsruhe and passed resolutions on the second education path, apartments for young families, cooperation with members of the Bundeswehr and educational work; He spoke out against nuclear weapons for the Bundeswehr and the campaign of the Foreign Legion and for the support of war refugees from Algeria in Germany. He also refused to cooperate with communist organizations.

The second Juso Federal Congress took place in 1961. Holger Börner was elected federal chairman and Günther Müller as his deputy . Horst Seefeld was appointed federal secretary. In the same year, the party executive declared that membership in the SDS, with which it had major disputes, was incompatible with that of the SPD. Instead, the Social Democratic University Association (SHB) was founded as a party-affiliated university organization.

The 1963 Federal Congress in Berlin, which was now able to elect the chairman himself, appointed Günther Müller as chairman and Peter Corterier as deputy . In 1965 in Hamburg, the Federal Congress dealt with the Easter marches , the Hallstein Doctrine and the emergency laws . The congress was characterized by an unusual wealth of debates, which can be attributed to the districts of Hesse-South and Schleswig-Holstein, which sent decidedly left-wing delegations to the federal congress. Due to lack of time, the congress was interrupted and continued in Bad Godesberg in March 1966.

The Jusos kept their distance from the FDJ and even broke off relations with the National Committee of Belgian Young Socialists in 1964 when it established official contacts with the FDJ.

Between 1963 and 1967 every second SPD member was a member of the Jusos, and at the same time the youth were politicizing themselves towards the left. This also had an effect on the Young Socialists. For example, at the Federal Congress in Mainz in 1967, a candidate for a fight for the chairman's post came about, but Peter Corterier won 110 to 78 votes against Christian Richter on the left . The congress demanded the recognition of the GDR as an equal negotiating partner of the Federal Republic and rejected an application by the district of North Lower Saxony to rename the association “Young Social Democrats”.

The Federal Committee of the Jusos demanded the resignation of those responsible in the West Berlin Senate in 1967 after the student activist Benno Ohnesorg was shot during protests . Corterier attended Ohnesorg's funeral for the SPD and wrote a protest letter to Axel Springer Verlag on behalf of the Federal Committee .

The SHB, which was often linked to the Jusos in terms of personnel, soon also moved to the left following many discussions in the SDS. The famous protest action at the handover of the rector's office at the University of Hamburg in 1967 with the banner “ Under the gowns - Muff of 1000 years ” was organized by SHB members.

A defining topic in the association was how to deal with the dissatisfaction of many young socialists with the existing conditions and the role of social democracy. The “Haushamer Manifesto” of the Bavarian Juso district stated that there was a contradiction between the democratic theory of free and equal development and the democratic practice of, among other things, economic dependence, manipulation, status thinking and the oppression of minorities. Statements by leading politicians are insincere about the circumstances, representative democracy has degenerated into a facade. The SPD has disappointed the hopes placed in it by young people, since it has given up its claim to fundamentally change society and not just manage existing capitalist conditions. The concept of the People's Party , which obscured the existing class relations, was also rejected by an increasing number .

The Mainz Federal Congress in May 1968 passed a resolution according to which it was concerned about increasing deficiencies in democratic decision-making in the SPD. He criticized a shift in power from the party base to the party executive and the parliamentary group. He also recognized that the extra-parliamentary opposition was necessary due to a “freezing of political life” and condemned the exclusion of the SPD left Harry Ristock and Erwin Beck from the party. In the same year, the federal executive board demanded that the concentration of the press, especially that of Springer Verlag, be regulated by law. He also called for a university reform with effective co-determination of students, assistants and non-ordinaries as well as the co-determination of employees in large companies.

Left turn in 1969

In December 1969 the historic “left turn” of the Jusos took place. The congress began with the scandal that the SPD Federal Managing Director, Hans-Jürgen Wischnewski, who came as a guest, was booed by the delegates, described as incompetent and his intended presentation was voted off the agenda. Chairman Corterier's statement of accounts was also voted off the agenda, who then offered his immediate resignation, which Congress refused. Instead, Corterier was voted out by 146 votes to 11 with 15 abstentions. In a press release, Corterier then described the Congress majority as left-wing extremists and decided that the SPD wanted to be transformed into an extremist party; an accusation that 15 Juso districts sharply rejected in a subsequent press release.

The congress decided that the Jusos should strive for “recognition of social contradictions and conflicts” instead of “misunderstood pragmatism”, while the Federal SPD adapts to the situation by abandoning socialist conceptions and, through the model of the People's Party, already helps to compromise within the party the commoners was forced. This prevents the SPD from representing the actual interests of the wage earners. The goal of social democracy, however, must be the democratization of all areas of life, which includes transferring the means of production to a responsibility for society as a whole. The federal congress elected Karsten Voigt as the new chairman with 155 of the 190 votes cast , and Thomas von der Vring and Norbert Gansel as deputies .

In the same year, the party board decided that the Juso federal secretary should be subject to the instructions of the Juso federal board.

1969 to 1989

Former logo of the Jusos, is today u. a. used by the district of Hessen-Nord to emphasize the IUSY connection.

The Jusos have been using the traditional “fist with rose” of the Socialist International as their logo since the 1970s .

In 1973 the Jusos, positioned to the left of the SPD, succeeded in reaching their highest level to date with more than 300,000 members as part of the 1968 movement , and in “taking over” many SPD bodies; Examples include the takeover of the Munich sub-district in a dispute with Hans-Jochen Vogel or the successful placement of 28-year-old Herbert Schmalstieg as Hanover’s mayor candidate. At that time, the Jusos made up about 30% of the SPD membership.

From 1969 onwards, the Young Socialists advocated the democratization of all areas of life, especially the economy and the state, through reforms that transcended the system. This should mean: the socialization of the structurally determined areas of the economy (so-called key industries), overall social planning of investment, research and development priorities with relative autonomy of the individual companies within the framework of this central framework (so-called "central framework plan with decentralized fine control"). The Jusos also took increasing feminist positions.

The numerical size of the Jusos and their offensive socialist demands led to a critical eye by the party executive committee, which dealt intensively with the resolutions of the federal congresses in 1969 and 1970 and sharply rejected the criticism expressed therein. It was even considered to deprive the Jusos of their independence. At the same time, the party executive found Juso positions in education and training policy, local politics and co-determination to be debatable.

Another hot topic was the cooperation with communists, especially the German Communist Party (DKP). While the SPD leadership rejected this in the strongest possible way up to the enactment of an official cooperation ban in November 1970, the Jusos wanted to leave open cooperation with communist organizations themselves in order to be able to participate in politically broad-based alliances, including among others Communists were involved. This led to a number of party regulation procedures and also party exclusions, for example against the deputy federal chairman Wolfgang Roth , who was excluded from the SPD by the Hamburg SPD arbitration commission for his participation in the “ Red Dot ” protest . The Federal Arbitration Commission reduced the sanction to a reprimand after great public sympathy. An informal meeting of a delegation from the Juso leadership with the GDR State Council Chairman Walter Ulbricht in June 1970 led to a sharp reaction from the party executive.

The Young Socialists began to pursue the so-called “double strategy”, which is relevant to the work of the association up to the present day. For the first time, this was the subject of a major resolution at the local political labor conference in Mannheim in 1970. According to the dual strategy, there can only be social changes of fundamental importance if, in addition to a parliamentary majority, an appropriate civil society will is formed, for which the population must be influenced accordingly. This means, on the one hand, to act with the "mainstay" in the SPD and occupy positions of power there in order to enforce content-related positions, and on the other hand, to be present with the "free leg" in social movements and with them jointly pressure on the SPD towards the to develop the jusos also represented in the party. However, details of the strategy and its derivation remained controversial.

In December 1970 the federal congress met in Bremen. Gradually, through different approaches to argumentation in the debates of the delegates about the direction of the SPD, the formation of currents emerged. Guests at the congress were Willy Brandt , Herbert Wehner and Hans-Jürgen Wischnewski. Karsten Voigt ran again as federal chairman, the opposing candidate was the more moderate Norbert Gansel. While Voigt prevailed with a majority of the Congress, which tended to be Marxist, with 138 votes, Gansel, who represented more of an ethical concept of socialism , lost with 59 votes.

In March 1971 the SPD separated from the Social Democratic University Association, which was then renamed the Socialist University Association.

By resolution of the Bremen Federal Congress, a strategy congress was convened in Hanover in December 1971, which was intended to advance and standardize the content of the conception of reforms that transcended the system, which had already been decided in 1969. The result of the congress were the “Theses on Political Economy and Strategy”, which, however, were unable to resolve the theoretical dispute that had flared up among the currents.

In terms of numbers, the Juso current was the loosely connected group of reform socialists ("Refos", from the mid-1980s also "undogmatic"), which provided all members of the federal executive committee. She assumed that the state and the economy were relatively independent, mutually influencing spheres that were not hierarchized in terms of base and superstructure . Its political goal was to use the party to achieve parliamentary majorities for anti-capitalist structural reforms, for which the social democratic government policy had to become more radical.

Opposite the Refos were the "Juso-Linken" (their own name) or the "Stamokaps" or "Stamis" (the foreign name), who represented the theory of state monopoly capitalism and have been part of a " Hanoverian Circle " since December 1971 ( HK) organized. In terms of content, they built on Rudolf Hilferding's finance capital and his theory of organized capitalism, as well as related discussions by French socialists. According to the “Juso-Linke”, monopolies are formed in the economy due to the compulsion to accumulate . These ultimately made use of the state to enforce their interests by intervening in the economy in the interests of the monopolies. In addition, by means of repression and the welfare state, he ensures a social peace that protects the existing relations of production and is himself active as a capitalist where the economy depends on its infrastructure. The political goal of the Jusos must therefore represent the conclusion of an anti-monopoly alliance with the exploited population groups in order to organize a unified counter-power against the monopolies. This includes selective cooperation with the DKP, but not with the so-called " K groups ". The Stamokap wing had its centers in Hamburg, Berlin, North Lower Saxony and Frankfurt, and later also in East Westphalia-Lippe. Its partially existing theoretical overlap with the official science of the GDR made it the target of the accusation that the Jusos wanted to establish a state in the Federal Republic based on the East German model. His most important programmatic publication was the Herford theses published in 1980 . The " Spw - Journal for Socialist Politics and Economy " , which has been published since 1978, was founded in the vicinity of the Hanoverian Circle .

In addition to Refos and Stamokaps, there were also the more spontaneous or council- oriented “anti revisionists ” (“Antirevis”), who formed the majority in the Juso district of Hanover and who also had a focus in Göttingen. Their masterminds were Helmut Korte and Karl Nolle . According to them, the state function is to generalize the form of the capitalist mode of production, to establish the general conditions for it and to generalize the sphere of circulation. Parliamentary reform policy does not lead to the overcoming, but to the consolidation of capitalism. Instead, it is necessary to develop forms of social self-organization.

Ultimately, the “55 theses” bore the signature of the reform socialists most clearly, but they contained passages in which rammers and anti-revisionists could also find themselves. However, this meant that a clear strategy of the Jusos for the required path to socialism and the role of the state was not clear, as the theses contradicted each other due to the borrowings from the various theoretical camps. In the press public this was interpreted as a weakness of the Jusos, which had brought with it a loss of importance as an actor in the SPD.

At the federal congress in February 1972, Wolfgang Roth was elected as the new federal chairman with 158 votes in favor, 26 against and 18 abstentions. The anti-revisionist Detlev von Larcher applied as a deputy, but was not elected in two rounds. The federal executive board continued to be occupied solely by reform socialists.

The congress debated whether the SPD's program could even be supported in the next federal election in view of the many criticisms made by the Jusos. Finally, the congress decided to prepare “your own campaign contribution”, “which can also go beyond the statements of the party.” During the election campaign, the Jusos then showed themselves to be largely united with the party.

At the beginning of 1973, the deputy federal chairman and Refo thought leader Johano Strasser published a paper in which he attacked the Hanoverian Circle and its “Hamburg strategy paper” on state monopoly capitalism. He accused the circle, among other things, of pursuing an irresponsible cadre policy and not delimiting itself from the authoritarian communists, which threatened to fall by the wayside under socialism. In addition, the Hanoverians would overestimate the influence of the monopolies on the state and fail to consider the crisis-prone nature of capitalism. The ensuing argument heated up the mood in the association.

Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul , Juso federal chairwoman between 1974 and 1977

At the federal congress in Bad Godesberg in 1973, the Hanoverian Circle tried to continue the theoretical debates, but did not succeed in view of the reform-socialist majority of delegates. As federal chairman, Wolfgang Roth was confirmed with 138 votes in favor, but with 54 against. The federal congress decided to convene an education congress in order to better position the association in terms of higher education policy. This took place in November of the same year and decided that Juso university groups should be set up nationwide , which in some places had already existed since the clashes in the SHB.

As a counterpoint to the socialist Jusos, the party executive founded the Working Group for Workers' Issues (AfA) in 1973 . In 1974, the party executive also forbade the Jusos from publicizing positions that contradicted party resolutions; All public relations work had to be approved by the responsible SPD executive committee.

At the 1974 federal congress in Munich, the majority of the reform socialists were significantly reduced in size, while the support of the opposition Hanoverian circle increased due to the work of the federal executive committee, which was perceived as too lax towards the SPD. Nevertheless, the Refos managed to get Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul as the first woman to be elected to the office of federal chairman . With the Hanoverian Klaus Uwe Benneter as deputy, however, a representative of the oppositional currents was elected to the federal executive board for the first time. The congress sharply condemned the coup in Chile against the socialist president Salvador Allende , and it also expressed solidarity with Greek and Portuguese freedom movements. In terms of content, he also dealt with the role of the state in a very heated debate at Congress; his resolutions were again composed of theoretical borrowings from all currents and mostly contradicted each other. The public reception was therefore very negative for the association.

The theoretical discussions at a high level tied the practical forces. As early as the early 1970s it became clear that it mostly offered no points of contact for trainees or apprentices. Later this also applied to the existing grassroots membership in the sub-districts. Dwindling numbers of active members were the result. In addition, the Jusos failed to gain influence in the consolidating party left, so that they lost importance. Instead of practical association work, there was often a dispute about who was really a socialist and who was not.

The “anti-revisionist” trend, which lost its radicalism after the move from Korte and Nolle to the “ Socialist Office ” (SB), founded the Göttinger Kreis in 1975 , which joined the Hanoverian Circle at the federal congress from February 28 to March 2 1975 formed an alliance.

Both Refos and the left opposition did not have a majority at the congress. The theoretical conflict, however, came to a head in such a way that the Jusos were on the verge of a split. The main motion of the reform-socialist-dominated federal executive board did not find a majority. The subject of the controversial debate was, among other things, when a reform crossed the “system boundary” to socialism or whether this would be possible at all without a revolution and whether government policy was moving in the direction of the system boundary. After an agreement could not be reached, Wieczorek-Zeul gave the congress the ultimatum to either resolve a revised proposal by the federal executive board not to elect the Hanoverian candidates for the deputy post or the reform socialist candidates to withdraw from the election of the federal executive board . Finally, the Wieczorek-Zeul Congress followed. She was re-elected with 56.6% of the votes, her deputies were the Refos Rudolf Scharping and Herrmann Scheer . The federal executive board was again occupied only by reform socialists.

Wieczorek-Zeul was re-elected at the Dortmund Federal Congress in March 1976, and Klaus Uwe Benneter and Traute Müller from Hanover as deputies . Theoretical discussions were largely omitted. After the federal election in 1976 , the federal executive fell out over the question of cooperation with communists, which tendency was to blame for the bad state of the association and how the party executive's ban on autonomous public relations should be dealt with.

At the 1977 federal congress, following a vote between Refo Ottmar Schreiner , Wolfgang Jüttner from Göttingen and Klaus Uwe Benneter from Hanover in the second ballot, following an agreement between the opposition currents , the latter was elected as the new federal chairman with a four-vote lead. He was determined to fight against the ban on independent public relations work (the “muzzle decree”).

When Benneter in an interview with the specifically, however, described the membership of the Jusos in the SPD as “not a dogma” and the communists as political opponents, the CDU / CSU as a class enemy that was even more distant politically, he was eliminated after about a month in office the SPD excluded, which the Juso federal board condemned. His exclusion was used in other places as an opportunity to proceed against left-wing lawyers with party order procedures. In July 1977 the state executive of the Hamburg SPD decided to exclude 56 Hamburg lawyers who had shown solidarity with Benneter. The decision of the SPD state executive committee was followed by declarations of solidarity from 1,400 SPD members within a few days.

At the federal congress in February 1978 in Hofheim, which only took place under the conditions of the party executive not to give Benneter the floor and not to refer positively to Eurocommunism , the candidate of the Göttingen district Gerhard Schröder was elected, who opposed Refo Schreiner prevailed with 164 to 126 votes. In terms of content, the congress decided on an action program that should leave the theoretical disputes of the currents behind and offer a common, identity-creating practical political perspective for the association. The program comprised a number of specific individual demands and also dealt with issues of equality for women, the peace movement and ecology. In fact, the everyday work of the association de-theorized itself to some extent, but still retained its reference to Marxism. Schröder campaigned for a relaxation of the relationship with the mother party and achieved this, so that the "muzzle decree" was finally largely withdrawn. However, he relied on cooperation with the Refos, which is why he was excluded from the Göttingen circle. In 1979 he was re-elected as federal chairman.

The reform socialists founded the Malenter Circle in 1977 , which published the journal Sozialistische Praxis . The other circles also published their magazines; the Göttingen socialist since 1976 , the Hanoverian the spw - magazine for socialist politics and economy, published since 1978 .

In 1978 the “Herford Theses” were published in the Hanoverian district, which led to a long-lasting and broad debate, so that a major revision was also published in 1980 by the Ostwestfalen-Lippe district. They dealt with a socialist perspective for social democracy and, in terms of content, were in the tradition of the “Hamburg Strategy Paper”. They rejected mere reformism. For its part, the Göttinger Kreis published the “Göttingen Theses” I and II, which carried out an analysis of capitalism starting from the economic basis and advocated the necessity of basic mobilization to overcome capitalism. Reform policy as such was rejected, but recognized as necessary to achieve intermediate goals. In addition, the unions should be supported in their immediate class struggle.

At the federal congress in Hanover on June 1, 1980, the reform socialist Willi Piecyk was elected federal chairman. He was re-elected in Lahnstein in 1981. In the following year, the Federal Congress, again in Lahnstein, elected Rudolf Hartung as chairman. At their congresses, the Jusos rejected the NATO double resolution .

At the federal congress in Bad Godesberg in 1984, the current-free Ulf Skirke became federal chairman, while Uwe Kremer, Ingrid Petersen-Buggisch and Olaf Scholz could fill deputy positions for the Hanoverians . Efforts to merge Göttingen and Hanoverians into one large Marxist wing of the association failed. Ultimately, the Göttingen Circle largely dissolved. In its ideological place came the "Südschiene" from Baden-Württemberg and Bavarian Juso districts, which continued to publish the magazine Sozialist . The 1984 federal congress decided for the first time to introduce a 30 percent quota for women for the association.

A Juso delegation also took part in the 1985 World Festival of Youth and Students in Moscow. In the same year a delegation visited Masaya in Nicaragua and helped build a paving stone factory.

At the 1986 Federal Congress in Hagen, the reform socialists held 45 percent of the delegate's votes. Your candidate for the federal chairmanship was Matthias Kollatz , the opponent from Hanoverians and Südschiene was Michael Guggemos , who finally prevailed with 166 to 132 votes.

In 1988 the federal congress in Karlsruhe elected Susi Möbbeck as federal chairman. At the time, 23 years old, she was the youngest Juso federal chairman to date. She prevailed against Doris ancestors from the Undogmatic and Martina Naujocks from the Südschiene. Möbbeck was re-elected in 1990 at the Federal Congress in Munich. Not to invite the deputy party chairman Oskar Lafontaine to this congress, because his positions on social policy were understood as a softening of social democratic principles, led to a minor scandal. The congress discussed an application by the Jusos Hessen-Süd under the catchphrase “Right to be lazy”, which called for the equality of certain non-profit-making activities with traditional gainful employment as well as the evaluation of work not according to pay, but to social benefit. For example, volunteer work or domestic care work should be better recognized. The "exemption in" and "from gainful employment" was called for. For large parts of the population, an increase in the quality of life is only possible through a more self-determined relationship between gainful employment and leisure. However, the federal congress decided instead on the motion “Modern Socialism and the Future of Work”, which called for the 30-hour week and the 6-hour day, among other things. The broader population is by no means satisfied with their general needs compared to higher-income groups. In order to democratize all areas of life, the state must now regulate the social division of labor

Theoretical discussions were now very much in the background; the term "Stamokap" became largely the battle term. The Jusos began to see themselves not only as a socialist directional association, but also increasingly as a youth policy association. More and more groups of more “conservative” Jusos were founded, who called themselves “Young Social Democrats” and for a time came together in the “Duisburger Kreis”.

In April 1989 the Hanoverian Circle published the "53 Theses" as a theoretical impetus for debate. They should serve the analysis of the worldwide upheavals and present different theoretical approaches and discuss them objectively. The problem of securing peace and the atomic threat, the problem of underdevelopment of large parts of the earth's population and the problem of energy, resources and the environment were identified as global problems of modern capitalism which threatened human existence. The causes of these problems lie in the history of productive forces and production relations. The transition to socialism can only take place through a break with the economic logic and the power of capital, which will show itself in intensified class struggles. However, this will have to be done in a democratic and peaceful way.

Oskar Lafontaine’s candidacy for chancellor and the draft for the Berlin program that he largely worked out were judged differently by the Jusos. While the undogmatic wing welcomed Lafointaine's candidacy, she rejected an association majority. At the federal congress from March 31 to April 2, 1989 in Osnabrück, however, a motion prevailed that viewed the basic program critically. Susi Möbbeck accused Lafontaine of using his suggestions for solidarity on a small scale to divert attention from the fact that the system as a whole must be attacked. For the first time, in addition to Israeli guest speakers, Abdallah Frangi, a guest speaker from the Palestinian PLO , spoke at the Osnabrück Congress .

1989 to 2005 - wing fights

At the end of the 1980s a discussion arose among the undogmatic wing of the association about whether the adherence to the concept of socialism after the collapse of the Eastern Bloc was still justified, since it stood for failed, dictatorial state models. This was followed by Ralf Ludwig objected that capitalism alongside freedoms oppression and exploitation make it. The movement against this lack of freedom remains a socialist one, even if it can no longer be said that socialism offers a global alternative to capitalism.

In the course of the founding of the Social Democratic Party in the GDR , the Young Social Democrats were also founded as their youth association.

With regard to German reunification, the federal committee of the Jusos decided to call on the SPD to reject the state treaty between the GDR and the Federal Republic. Instead, the Jusos called for gradual development. A fixed exchange rate between the two currencies should initially protect the GDR economy. Both states should set up a joint socio-ecological infrastructure investment program. In addition, a new, common constitution should be drawn up and submitted to a referendum.

In 1990 the Union Congress of Young Socialists and Young Social Democrats took place in Potsdam. The former had 150,000 members at that time, the latter around 3,000. It began with the scandal that the Young Social Democrats had not sent delegations with women quota, which Congress eventually accepted. The Hanoverian Claudia Walther was defeated in the election of the federal chairman to the reform socialist Ralf Ludwig. The Congress just passed the Potsdam Declaration , which is the last major declaration of principle by the Jusos so far.

In this the Jusos acknowledge the further necessity of a democratic socialism. This means “the liberation of all people from exploitation and oppression, the implementation of freedom and equality, the unrestricted guarantee of all human rights and democracy in all areas of life. [...] Socialism is a society of self-determination in solidarity, the prerequisite of which is to understand 'the free development of everyone as a condition for the free development of all' (Karl Marx). ”It distanced itself clearly and self-critically from what actually existed Socialism of the Eastern bloc states, which “ecologically, socially and politically failed”. “The decisive factor was the lack of democratic structures and individual freedom.” Socialism must represent the “positive negation” of capitalism. The profit principle must be replaced by an orientation towards the interests of the people, external determination by self-determination. This must lead to everyday and economic democracy. The declaration also addresses the work of the Jusos with the women's movement to overcome patriarchal structures.

Nevertheless, the end of Eastern Bloc socialism led to great uncertainty among many Jusos and the social left as a whole. Ideas of socialism seemed discredited, regardless of the fact that the Jusos never strived for GDR socialism. Around 10,000 members left the association every year.

The binding force of the currents decreased. The Hanoverian Circle dissolved in 1991. Instead, a “Juso left” formed. Opposed to this were reform socialist “undogmatic” groups, who often lacked unity beyond mere blockades, and as a small minority “young social democrats”. The journals Socialist and Socialist Practice ceased to appear in the mid-1990s, the SPW positioned itself across all currents.

The Petersberg turnaround in the asylum policy of the SPD federal party conference in 1992, which was supposed to enable the restriction of the basic right to asylum, was rejected by the association across all currents at the 1992 federal congress in Magdeburg. The Jusos were very active in the protest movement. For many Jusos, the Petersberg resolutions led to a great and final disappointment towards their Juso predecessors from the generation of Willy Brandt's grandsons .

At the federal congress in Magdeburg in 1993, the Jusos decided, at the instigation of the Juso left, a new association strategy of "campaign policy orientation". In this way, the association should improve its appearance so that it should concentrate on individual main topics instead of dealing with a wide range of topics with many committees and working groups. The Juso-Linke Thomas Westphal was elected as chairman, Anke Stille took over the national management. In 1994 the SPD party conference decided to allow non-members to join the Jusos.

In the 1990s, a few Juso groups tried to change their name to “Young Social Democrats” in order to distinguish it from the concept of socialism. This ultimately failed before the SPD arbitration tribunals, because the name “Young Socialists” was given by the party and could not be changed independently.

In 1995 there was an escalation at the federal congress in Gera, when Westphal was confirmed as federal chairman in office with just one vote and prevailed against the undogmatic Stephan Grüger and the candidate of the southern rail Thomas Huber. The result was not recognized by some delegations and the SPD Federal Arbitration Commission was finally called, which canceled the election due to procedural errors. This led to a low point in the association's history. An extraordinary federal congress was called to Bad Godesberg to cure the mistake. Thomas Westphal was no longer a candidate here; instead, the majority of the delegates elected the Rhineland-Palatinate state chairman Andrea Nahles , who stood between the majority wings and prevailed against Stephan Grüger with 165 to 147 votes.

Willy-Brandt-Center with the old city of Jerusalem in the background

In 1996 the Jusos founded the Willy Brandt Center together with the youth organization of the Israeli workers' party haAwoda and the Palestinian Fatah youth , which has since served as a political meeting place in order to contribute to understanding in the context of the Middle East conflict . In 2000, the youth organization of the Israeli Meretz party joined the initiative . The center's building stands on a house on the Green Line in Jerusalem that was acquired by the SPD .

Under Nahles, the Jusos campaigned for apprenticeship apportionment (“Those who do not train will be apportioned”) and the expansion of solar energy . Furthermore, more contact was sought with the union youth. At the federal party conference in 1996, the delegates decided on various Juso demands, including a. after a apprenticeship apportionment. The Jusos were also successful with their demand to nominate 30 candidates under the age of 40 for the 1998 Bundestag election .

In 1997 Nahles was re-elected by the federal congress with 188 against 142 votes and thus again prevailed against Grüger. The association also gave itself a modernized logo, which, however, was rejected by some districts partly out of traditional awareness and partly as a result of current disputes.

The 1999 federal congress in Essen elected Benjamin Mikfeld unopposed candidate with only 51% of the votes as federal chairman. Mikfeld belonged to the Juso-Linken, as did the new federal manager Jessika Wischmeier. The Jusos condemned the German intervention in the Kosovo war , ordered by their own social democratic government , as being contrary to international law, and instead called for a robust UN mandate to contain the violence.

The Jusos also regularly criticized the economic and socio-political reforms of the Schröder government, which it called no alternative, as neoliberal. The Jusos also repeatedly criticized the fact that the federal government was not taking any steps to implement the apprenticeship allocation. The Schröder-Blair paper also met with extremely sharp criticism .

In 2001, the federal congress in Cologne elected Niels Annen , who was supported by the Juso left, as federal chairman, who prevailed by 22 votes ahead of Barbara Gersmann from the Refo wing. The wing of the reform socialists largely disintegrated as a result of the defeat, and in many cases "association rights" largely withdrew from active Juso work at the federal level. The Juso left was also divided and at odds over personnel issues. This eventually led to a new order of the Juso currents.

The Linkes Zentrum (NwlZ) network was formed as the successor to the Juso Left and the traditionalists (Tradis). Both see themselves as "left" and differ with regard to the analysis of social change (in particular whether the financial markets have changed the mode of operation of capitalism or not), in questions of strategy in intra-party work (participation in intra-party agreements in compromise or consistent demonstration of differences to Parent party) and internal organization issues (project groups with clear assignments from the Federal Congress or autonomous structures); the third stream was initially called the Ypsilon and saw itself as the pragmatic part of the Jusos.

The federal election campaign in 2002 polarized strongly and led to an increase in the number of members of the Jusos. This also rejuvenated the association, the majority were now between 17 and 25 years old.

In March 2003, Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder announced his plans for cuts in the welfare state under the name “ Agenda 2010 ”. These met with sharp criticism at the federal congress in Bremen in the same year, although the Jusos did not substantially support a membership petition launched against the plans. The debate on Agenda 2010 continued in the following year. While the Jusos welcomed some aspects (investment in education, BAföG reform, the fight against the lack of training places), they rejected the dismantling of social policy guarantees in sharp tones as " neoliberal ". In the SPD, in the course of the agenda reforms, there was a wave of resignation, which did not affect the Jusos to any significant extent.

At the 2004 federal congress in Munich, Björn Böhning , who was part of the NwlZ, was elected as the successor to the resigned Annen with 69.5% of the delegate's votes unopposed.

At the Juso Federal Congress in Leipzig (June 10–12, 2005), the delegates re-elected Böhning with 65%, all board positions were filled by NwlZ and traditionalists after an agreement between the two wings. The delegates spoke out in favor of introducing citizens' insurance , against tuition fees , for nationwide childcare and for Turkey's accession to the EU . They explicitly said no to the lifting of the arms embargo against the People's Republic of China and thereby contradicted the foreign policy wishes of the then Federal Chancellor Gerhard Schröder . The Young Socialists also massively criticized the Federal Government's decision to schedule a new Bundestag election in autumn 2005. The balance of the Jusos for the red-green government was very negative, nevertheless the Jusos announced their support in the fight against the “market radicals around Merkel ” for the election campaign . Basically, one can say that during the Schröder government, the Jusos were primarily looking for internal party opposition.

2005 to 2009 - Jusos in the second grand coalition

Franziska Drohsel at the Federal Juso Congress 2009 in Munich

Due to the strongly polarizing federal election campaign in 2005, the Jusos were able to win numerous new members. In terms of content, however, the Jusos remained true to their line, which was achieved by adhering to old resolutions such as citizens' insurance or the rejection of reductions in corporate taxes, minimum wage of 7.50 euros / hour. became clear at the federal congress in Saarbrücken. The then Juso federal chairman Björn Böhning also called for the resignation of the former defense minister Franz Josef Jung , as he considered his views on security policy to be unacceptable.

In the debates on the new basic program of the SPD resolved by the federal party congress in October 2007, the Jusos got involved intensively. In particular, they had the effect that proposals by some prominent party members to delete the concept of democratic socialism as the objective of the SPD were rejected. In addition, the Jusos worked to ensure that the chapter on gender equality policy did not lose its rhetorical sharpness, as was also proposed.

In October 2007, the “ Pragmatic Left ” movement was founded and gave the Jusos, who define themselves as pragmatic , a new platform. They are committed to a social market economy and realpolitik and reject the demand for a "system change" with reference to historically failed state alternative models. You are largely in favor of Agenda politics and thus oppose the other two wings. Since then, however, a large majority of members of the two major currents Tradis and NwlZ have been represented in the Juso federal board, so that the substantive positions of the pragmatic left at the federal level hardly play a role.

In November 2007, Franziska Drohsel was elected chairwoman of the federal congress in Wolfsburg with 76 percent of the delegate's votes. The rest of the board was composed equally of NWLZ and traditionalists. Drohsel tried to sharpen the left and independent profile of the Jusos more and published 63 theses on youth socialist politics, which were confirmed at the 2008 Federal Congress of the Jusos. In 2009, Drohsel was re-elected with 69% unopposed candidate.

Since 2010

Sascha Vogt at the 2010 Federal Juso Congress in Essen

After the defeat of the SPD in the 2009 Bundestag election , the Jusos launched a “SPD Renewal” campaign and in particular demanded personal consequences from the defeat. The Jusos therefore criticized the fact that Frank-Walter Steinmeier, as a failed candidate for chancellor, had himself elected as parliamentary group chairman. In the same year, the Jusos achieved success at the federal party conference when the latter called for the reintroduction of the wealth tax .

In 2010 Drohsel resigned as chairwoman, from June 18 to 20, 2010, the Federal Congress in Essen elected Sascha Vogt as the new chairman with around 68.1%, and Jan Böning became the national managing director. The Jusos reaffirmed their role as a substantive driving force within the SPD and at the same time want to continue the path of the dual strategy. This includes cooperation with social alliance partners such as the youth organizations of the trade unions , the Gelöbnix alliance and initiatives to prevent Nazi marches .

On November 25, 2011, Vogt was confirmed as federal chairman at the federal congress in Lübeck. He received 72.9 percent of the vote, and won against Juso Frederic Striegler ( Pragmatic Left ) from Baden-Württemberg , who received 21.7 percent of the vote. Jan Böning was confirmed as federal managing director.

In the run-up to the 2013 National Congress in Nuremberg, Sascha Vogt and Jan Böning declared that they would not compete again. There were two candidacies for the post of Chair. The previous deputy Johanna Uekermann from Bavaria (Tradis) and Hauke Wagner , former Juso state chairman from Hamburg (Pragmatic Left), applied. Julia Maas from Berlin applied for the vacant management position. In the presidential elections, Johanna Uekermann prevailed with a majority of 69.69 percent. Furthermore, at the federal congress, the Jusos decided on an initiative proposal from several regional associations, which positions the Jusos against joining a grand coalition with the CDU and CSU .

During these years , the Jusos positioned themselves against TTIP , data retention and the European austerity policy .

At the Juso Federal Congress 2015 in Bremen, Johanna Uekermann was re-elected for a further two years with 72.3 percent of the votes.

For the 2017 Bundestag election campaign , the Jusos again organized their own youth campaign and included demands such as the minimum training allowance in the SPD election program.

On November 24, 2017, the federal congress in Saarbrücken elected Kevin Kühnert from Berlin from the NWLZ as the new chairman with 75.8 percent of the votes. Shortly before the federal congress, the Jamaica exploratory talks , which began after the federal election, failed after Martin Schulz announced that the SPD, which had suffered a historic defeat, would join the opposition. After the end of Jamaica, the SPD leadership, contrary to previous assurances, was open to a new grand coalition. The Federal Congress therefore decided with verve to reject a new alliance with the Union under the slogan "#NoGroko".

In the campaign that followed, the position of the Jusos and in particular Kühnert received a lot of public attention and led to a noticeable increase in membership. When members voted on the coalition agreement , around two-thirds of the SPD members who voted were in favor of a renewed grand coalition. Nevertheless, the campaign and the internal party debate led to an increase in the importance and power of the association in the SPD, which was shown, for example, in the list for the 2019 European elections . There the party executive beat against the vote of some state associations u. a. a front list position for the deputy Juso chairwoman Delara Burkhardt . This was followed by the delegates' conference.

An interview given by the Federal Chairman Kühnert of ZEIT in May 2019 sparked a social debate about the idea of Kühnert and Jusos of socialism. In the interview, Kühnert explained, among other things, that he was promoting the socialization of corporations, i.e. H. I advocate converting them into forms of communal property in order to enable democratic control over the nature of work and production.

In July 2019, the Jusos celebrated the 50th anniversary of the left turn in 1969 with a ceremony and congress in Munich.

At the Juso Federal Congress 2019 in Schwerin, Kühnert was re-elected for a further two years with 88.6 percent of the votes, unopposed, and thus achieved the highest result that a person has ever achieved in the election of the Juso federal chairmanship. After the election, he announced that he would not run again in 2021. The congress also decided u. a. the “Schwerin Program” as a new policy paper of the Jusos.

After Andrea Nahles resigned as party leader of the SPD in June 2019, the SPD decided to introduce a dual leadership and to determine the new party leaders by means of a member survey. The Juso federal executive board unanimously voted in favor of the duo Norbert Walter-Borjans and Saskia Esken , who ultimately won the election. A major influence was ascribed to the Jusos.

At the federal party conference in Berlin in December 2019, Kühnert was elected as the first acting federal chairman of the Jusos to also be elected deputy party chairman of the SPD.

In May 2020, the Jusos, together with the Green Youth and the Left Youth Solid, stood behind the end of the terrain movement, which the Berlin Constitutional Protection Office classified as left-wing extremist , and demanded the abolition of the Federal Office and the state authorities for the protection of the constitution . The demand for the abolition of the constitution protection authorities had long been part of the youth socialist program.

literature

Philipp Breder, Marieke Reiffs, Kerstin Rothe, Mareike Strauss (eds.): Studies, StuPa, strike! The Juso university groups and their history . Schüren Verlag , Marburg 2018, ISBN 978-3-7410-0261-8 .
Martin Oberpriller: Young Socialists. Party youth between adjustment and opposition . Verlag JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2004, ISBN 3-8012-0349-2 .
Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: “Whose world is the world?” History of the Jusos . With a foreword by Kevin Kühnert . 2nd Edition. Verlag JHW Dietz Nachf., Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 .
Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz, Ridvan Ciftci (eds.): Between reformism and radicalism. Young socialist program in documents and resolutions . Verlag JHW Dietz Nachf., Bonn 2014, ISBN 978-3-8012-0436-5 .

Web links

Commons : Jusos in the SPD - collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

↑ Juso federal board (as of 2020). Jusos in the SPD, accessed on June 14, 2020 (German).

^ ^A ^b Dorothee Torebko, Mathias Puddig: "Mrs. Karliczek is overwhelmed". In: MOZ . Retrieved December 4, 2018 .

↑ jusos.de

↑ rp-online.de: "Analysis: Parties are outdated and frozen" , from July 26, 2013, accessed: July 26, 2013.

↑ The Jusos scrap themselves with the “Tagesspiegel”. ( Memento of August 18, 2017 on the Internet Archive ) In: Huffington Post . September 29, 2015, accessed February 2, 2016.

^ Post about the decision to join the traditionalists. In: Facebook . Jusos Sachsen-Anhalt, September 29, 2019, accessed on September 29, 2019 .

↑ René Petzold from Schenklengsfeld elected Juso district chairman . In: Osthessen | News . April 20, 2018 ( osthessen-news.de [accessed April 24, 2018]).

↑ Jusos District Braunschweig Because the human being is human! - District Board. Retrieved June 28, 2020 .

↑ Pavlos Wacker is the new country manager. June 22, 2019, accessed June 24, 2018 .

↑ n-tv NEWS: Bavarian lawyers elect Anna Tanzer as new chairwoman. Retrieved April 18, 2019 .
↑ The Berlin Jusos have a new head. Retrieved August 17, 2020 .
↑ Extraordinary State Delegate Conference 2019. Jusos Brandenburg, accessed on October 20, 2019 .
↑ State Board. Retrieved March 30, 2018 .
^ Jusos Hamburg. Retrieved September 18, 2018 .
↑ Pitt von Bebenburg: New chairman for Jusos Hessen. Frankfurter Rundschau, September 16, 2019, accessed on September 16, 2019 .
↑ Jusos Mecklenburg - Vorpommern on Twitter. Retrieved June 29, 2019 .
↑ Jusos Niedersachsen: Jusos Niedersachsen elect new board. (No longer available online.) June 19, 2017, archived from the original on October 4, 2017 ; accessed on October 4, 2017 .
↑ State Board of Jusos Lower Saxony. (No longer available online.) Archived from the original on October 4, 2017 ; accessed on October 4, 2017 .
↑ New Juso country manager: Rosenthal elected with almost 80 percent. October 6, 2018, accessed October 6, 2018 .
Jump up ↑ Young, networked, left - portrait of Juso regional chief Umut Kurt
↑ Kira Braun new Juso chairwoman. Saarländischer Rundfunk , October 27, 2018, accessed on October 28, 2018 .
^ Sophie Koch new state chairwoman of the Jusos Sachsen. Jusos Sachsen, October 12, 2019, accessed on November 24, 2019 .
^ Volksstimme Magdeburg: Law student from Halle will lead lawyers in future. Retrieved June 6, 2019 .
↑ Jusos. SPD, Landesgruppe Schleswig-Holstein, accessed on August 26, 2019 .
↑ HCS-Content GmbH: Jena student is the new regional head of the Jusos . In: inSüdthüringen.de . June 24, 2017 ( insuedthueringen.de [accessed July 8, 2017]).
↑ Juso boss criticizes coalition agreement: "As big as the coalition may be, its concepts are too small" , stern.de , December 7, 2013
^ YES website: Members. In: youngsocialists.eu. Retrieved January 18, 2016.
^ IUSY website: About Us. ( Memento from March 20, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) In: iusy.org. Retrieved February 2, 2016.
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 26 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 27 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 31 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 30th ff .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 35 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 36 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 38 f .
↑ jusos-muenchen.de ( Memento from January 19, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 39 (quoted there from Reinhard Lüpke: Between Marx and Wandervogel . Marburg 1984, p. 13).
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 39 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 46 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 47 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 47 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 48 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 48 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 51 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 51 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 54-57 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 59 (quoted there from Reinhard Lüpke: Between Marx and Wandervogel . Marburg 1984, p. 33 f.).
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 59 ff .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 62 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 48 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 63 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 66-70 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 76 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 79 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 83-86 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 80, 86 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 89 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 92-94 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 94 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 95 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 96 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 101 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 102 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 105 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 107 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 107 (quoted there from: Franz Lepinski : Before a Young Socialist Law, in: Jungsozialistische Blätter (1931) 11, p. 232 ff.).
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 111 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 113 ff .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 116 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 118-123 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 125 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 126 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 126 (there cited from the Central Secretariat of the Young Socialists (ed.): Reports 1950. Bonn undated, p. 1).
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 127 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 127 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 127 f .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 129 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 130 ff .
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^ Joachim Raschke : Internal party opposition. The left in the Berlin SPD. Hoffmann and Campe, Hamburg 1974, ISBN 3-455-09116-4 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 167 ff .
^ District board of the Young Socialists in the SPD Ostwestfalen-Lippe: Herford theses. On the work of Marxists in the SPD. Spw-Verlag, Berlin 1980, ISBN 3-922489-00-1 .
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↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 170 f . (Quotations there according to the decision book of the Juso Federal Congress 1972 , p. 8).
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^ Hermann L. Gremliza : Benneter and the consequences . Interview with Klaus Uwe Benneter . In: Hermann L. Gremliza (Ed.): 30 years concrete . concrete literature , Hamburg 1987, ISBN 3-922144-63-2 , p. 216-218 .
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^ Potsdam Declaration, 1991
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↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 250 .
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 251 (quotation there according to the decision book of the Juso Federal Congress 2005 , p. 94).
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 253 (Thus the sentence “Whoever wants human society must overcome male society” should be deleted.).
↑ Thilo Scholle, Jan Schwarz: "Whose world is the world?" History of the Jusos . 2nd Edition. JHW Dietz Nachf. , Bonn 2019, ISBN 978-3-8012-0564-5 , p. 253 .
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^ Declaration by Jan Böning. ( Memento from February 21, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) In: jusos.de. Retrieved January 19, 2017 (PDF).
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