Erich Klausener

from Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Erich Klausener (1928)

Erich Josef Gustav Klausener (born January 25, 1885 in Düsseldorf , † June 30, 1934 in Berlin ) was a leading representative of political Catholicism in the German Empire . In 1906 he became a government assessor in the Prussian Ministry of Commerce . After his participation in the First World War , he became district administrator in the Adenau district in 1917 and in the Recklinghausen district in 1919 . In 1924 he became a ministerial director in the Prussian Ministry for People's Welfare . In 1926 he moved to the Prussian Ministry of the Interior and took over the management of the police department. After the takeover of the Nazi party in 1933, he was taken to the Ministry of Transport added.

As head of the Berlin Catholic Action , he organized rallies by Catholics from 1928 and publicly criticized the policies of the respective governments, in particular he turned against the anti-church policies of the National Socialists in 1933 . In a speech at the 32nd Märkisches Katholikentag on June 24, 1934, he publicly criticized the church policy of the Nazi rulers and their exclusion from ideological opponents.

Klausener was murdered in his office in the course of the Röhm affair .

origin

Erich Klausener's birth certificate.
Erich Klausener at the Corpus Christi procession in Berlin in 1929

Erich Klausener came from a strictly Catholic family. Her religiosity not only shaped life within the family circle, but also her active involvement in church institutions. His father, Peter Klausener (1844-1904), came from the original in the Austrian Flirsch -based family Klausener , who had come as a craftsman in 1740 the Rhineland. Erich's mother, Elisabeth Biesenbach (1864–1944), came from an upper-class family in Düsseldorf. His father studied law and initially worked as a court assessor and justice of the peace in Malmedy . He got a position in the administration of the district president in Düsseldorf and took over the function of the district administrator in the districts of Düsseldorf and Moers . In 1880 Peter Klausener was elected as senior civil servant in the Rhenish provincial administration in Düsseldorf. He was particularly involved in welfare institutions in the Rhine Province , in workers' colonies and took care of the welfare of released prisoners and institutions for the blind. Erich Klausener's maternal grandfather, Gustav Biesenbach (1831-1893), was a lawyer and member of the center in the Prussian House of Representatives . Elisabeth Biesenbach's brother Gustav Biesenbach (1862–1934) became mayor of Unkel am Rhein and a member of the Reichstag and the Prussian state parliament for the Center Party. Peter Klausener and Elisabeth Biesenbach married in 1884. Erich Klausener's two years younger brother Bruno was born in 1887.

School and education

After Klausener 1903 in his native city of Dusseldorf on municipal grammar school and high school in Klosterstraße the high school had taken off, he studied - like his father - Jura. After studying at the universities in Bonn , Berlin and Kiel , he passed the legal traineeship exam in 1906 . From 1906 to 1907 he served in the cavalry as a one-year volunteer with the Westphalian Uhlan Regiment No. 5 in Düsseldorf, in which Franz von Papen also served. There he became a lieutenant in the reserve . From 1908 Klausener was a government trainee with the government in Düsseldorf; In 1910 he passed the assessor examination. With the work presented systematically and critically, the right of association of the workers for imperial law and Prussian state law Klausener 1911 in Würzburg for doctor of law and political science doctorate .

Professional career

Erich Klausener, with Karl Zörgiebel , Heinrich Eugen Waentig and Magnus Heimannsberg at the constitutional ceremony of the police in Berlin 1930

Klausener was henceforth employed in the administrative service. First he took up a position at the Neustadt District Office in Upper Silesia and in 1913 moved to the Prussian Ministry of Commerce in Berlin as a government assessor . In Berlin he met Hedwig Kny (1888–1971), a daughter of the professor of botany Leopold Kny , and married her in Düsseldorf on August 1, 1914. After the beginning of the First World War he became an orderly officer and was first in Belgium and France , then deployed with the 8th West Prussian Infantry Regiment No. 175 on the Eastern Front; In 1914 he was awarded the Iron Cross 2nd class and in 1917 1st class. His son Erich Klausener was born on January 18, 1917. Erich Klausener was appointed to the government council on March 1st and, after his discharge from military service, was appointed provisional administrator of the Adenau district in the Eifel on October 23rd . Among other things, Klausener in Adenau is known for planning the construction of the Nürburgring . Two years later, on August 28, 1919, he was appointed District Administrator of the Recklinghausen district , the then largest Prussian district with 344,000 inhabitants. The focus of his tenure there was the promotion and development of the transport infrastructure, the establishment of the district bank and the establishment of a second agricultural school. However, Klausener saw the social and health sector as the center of his work with the establishment of maternal advice, tuberculosis and baby welfare offices in the district and the establishment of children's recreation centers and the like. a. at the North Sea.

During his time as district administrator in Recklinghausen, Klausener was socially committed. Klausener's social commitment based on Christian convictions earned him the nickname “red” or “social district administrator” and the opposition of right-wing circles. Klausener was a clear opponent of left movements. In a hearing on the Prussian strike in 1932 , for example, he said that during his time as ministerial director, in contrast to Interior Minister Carl Severing , he had advocated a “considerably different approach to the Communist Party ”. Klausener supported the general strike against the reactionary putschists in Berlin during the Kapp Putsch in March 1920 , out of "unconditional" conviction of the Weimar Constitution , but also pleaded a few weeks later that the Reichswehr should forcibly disarm the Red Ruhr Army in the Ruhr uprising . Despite his apparently positive attitude towards the republican order, Klausener attended two traditional events of his former comrades from the military service, which led to political difficulties. This was criticized by Interior Minister Severing, his future employer, because he attended events "with a pronounced monarchist-military appearance". In April 1922 Klausener took part in such a meeting for the last time, when an address of homage for Wilhelm II was prepared there without Klausener leaving the meeting, which Severing described as a “great imprudence”.

In 1923, during the occupation of the Ruhr , Klausener was sentenced to two months in prison by a Belgian court martial and was temporarily expelled from the Ruhr area . The reason was a letter of protest to the Belgian local command, in which he criticized the mistreatment of German police officers by the Belgian occupation forces.

Karl Friedrich Zörgiebel, Albert Grzesinski and Erich Klausener at the constitutional ceremony of the Berlin Police in August 1929

After a two-year term of office as ministerial director and department head for youth and unemployed welfare in the Prussian Ministry of Welfare, Klausener was appointed to the Prussian Ministry of the Interior in 1926 at the suggestion of the center representative Joseph Hess . There he took over the management of the department responsible for the police. The previous head of this department, Wilhelm Abegg ( DDP ), was promoted to State Secretary in the Interior Ministry and remained in this position until the Prussian strike on July 20, 1932. In the Interior Ministry, Klausener served as Ministerial Director under various interior ministers of the SPD: Albert Grzesinski (1926-1930 ), Waentig (1930), Carl Severing (1930–1932) and under the non-party Franz Bracht (from 1932). Klausener represented the center, the second strongest coalition partner of the Weimar coalition , in the Ministry of the Interior. It is not known whether he was formally a member of the party. Together with the speakers Christian Kerstiens and Robert Kempner, Klausener, who stood “at the interface between politics and administration”, played a decisive role in the creation of the Prussian Police Administration Act . This law brought the Prussian police into harmony with the democratic principles of the Weimar Republic and had a long-term influence on the development of police law in the later federal states .

Together with Albert Grzesinski, Klausener was a staunch opponent of left and right-wing combat organizations, the National Socialist Sturmabteilung and the communist Red Front Fighters League , which he classified as life-threatening for the republic and which he fought resolutely with the means of the Prussian police. In the riots in Berlin from May 1 to 3, 1929, known as Blutmai , 33 civilians were killed and 198 other bystanders injured due to the disproportionate harshness of the police. On the occasion of the handover of the police headquarters and the police quarters in Recklinghausen in 1929, Klausener, on behalf of the Prussian Minister of the Interior, programmatically defined the role of the police as the “only guarantor of state power” in many regions: committed to the principles of “justice” and “freedom” that “it is strong enough to fight any attempt at revolution; no one should attempt to test the power and effectiveness of our police. ”However, after a visit to Italy in 1932 Klausener complained about the equipment used by the German police, as the Versailles treaty prevented them from rearming their weapons. In Italy, on the other hand, the sidecars of motorcycles, for example, were equipped with machine guns, which Klausener was previously unknown, but which “fascinated” him.

Chair of the Catholic Action in Berlin

The 28th Brandenburg Catholic Day in the German Stadium , June 1930, was organized by Klausener. In the background the altar with the 15 m high cross

Klausener maintained close contacts with leading representatives of the Catholic Church, such as Franz Xaver Münch , Abbot Ildefons Herwegen from Maria Laach and Erich Przywara . Klausener was elected to the board of the Catholic Academic Association. At the request of the Berlin Auxiliary Bishop Josef Deitmer , Klausener took over the leadership of the Catholic Action in the Prince-Bishop's Delegation for Brandenburg and Pomerania in 1928 in addition to his post as ministerial director , which in 1930 became the Diocese of Berlin after the Prussian Concordat . The action's role was to coordinate existing Catholic associations, such as the Central Committee of Catholic Associations in Berlin and the Surrounding Area and Berlin's Caritas , and to represent their interests more strongly. In 1928, the Catholic Action in Berlin saw its task in counteracting the expansion of what it believed to be atheistic and anti -church movements such as the workers 'movement and the freethinkers' associations . The NSDAP , on the other hand, was not perceived as dangerous to the state by political Catholicism around 1928.

In this context, it was particularly important Klausener, by annual Catholic rallies like the papal coronation ceremony , the diocesan Catholic or Catholic convention, on Repentance Day , presence and unity to demonstrate the Berlin Catholic community. For him these rallies were a “calling card of the Berlin Catholics”; under his leadership they took on ever greater proportions. These mass events always retained their religious character; they were criticized for not providing a worthy setting for the Eucharist .

As chairman of the action, he also fought particularly against the increasing publication of pornographic material in Berlin. On March 19, 1931, in a petition to the Prussian Minister of the Interior, Severing, on behalf of the Catholic Action, he requested “to ensure that the legal provisions that are intended to protect good morals are enforced in a stricter way than before. ”The petition received widespread attention. The Berliner Morgen-Zeitung dubbed Klausener a“ Ministerrüffler ”for it, and the chairman of the Prussian center group, Joseph Hess, criticized him heavily.

Since unemployment increased rapidly in Berlin during the global economic crisis , the Catholic Action supported several charitable organizations. In 1930 the Caritas Committee of the Catholic Action summarized the goals of the Catholic Action: "[We] must not only help our unemployed young people [...] materially, but above all keep them healthy in their soul". Shortly before Klausen's death in 1934, the Katholische Aktion comprised 112 Catholic organizations with around 150 regularly published publications.

Prussian strike

During the Prussian strike , the removal of the executive Prussian government by Chancellor Franz von Papen on July 20, 1932, Klausener advocated active resistance through the use of the Prussian police. Klausener had anticipated the events of the Prussian strike a few weeks earlier and discussed such a police operation with Interior Minister Carl Severing. However, the minister rejected the proposal for fear of a conflict between the police and the army, which Klausener later publicly criticized.

However, the Deputy Prime Minister Heinrich Hirtsiefer got the impression that Klausener had a hand in a "plot that was spun against the Prussian government". Severing also claimed that Klausener “proved himself to be insincere and disloyal during the first Bracht days in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior”. However, this opinion was contradicted by Walter Adolph, the secretary of the Catholic Action in Berlin from 1930 to 1934, and by Klausen's nephew Tilman Pünder . The historian Klaus Große Kracht also regards Klausener's involvement in the preparation of the Prussian strike as highly unlikely.

The True Jacob , Issue 17, July 16, 1932, title page. This cartoon led to a ban on the paper for several weeks, which Klausener advocated.

On July 20, Franz Bracht , who was acting as head of the Prussian Ministry of the Interior , asked Klausener whether he wanted to continue to head the Prussian police. He asked for time to think about it, as he feared that an affirmation could be seen as treason against the republic. He discussed with the center delegates Heinrich Vockel and Heinrich Krone . Both advised him to continue in office. Krone was of the opinion "that in the critical time it was important to hold all positions that were still in the hands of central people."

After the transfer of power, Klausener continued to serve the Bracht government as he had served the previous government. According to Große Kracht, there is much to suggest that Klausener was not necessarily unhappy with the new political direction. This attitude was in line with the policy of Catholic Action. In August 1932, the secretary of Aktion Walter Adolph wrote a very positive article in the Kirchenblatt about an order from Bracht to raise public morality: “We are pleased that the […] Lord Mayor Bracht laid the foundation for combating the worst in a decree to the police authorities Has created excesses. ”To illustrate this aspect, Ekkehard Klausa gives the following example. Klausener had called for a six-week ban on the social democratic satirical newspaper Der Wahre Jacob , because a monstrance had been caricatured there. The left-liberal State Secretary Abegg had refused, Bracht, however, issued the ban.

Takeover of the NSDAP

Erich Klausener, 1933

In January 1933, before the National Socialists came to power, the Reich government under Kurt von Schleicher and the commissariat under Franz Bracht, who was entrusted with government affairs in Prussia, decided to transfer Klausener from the head of the police department in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior to the post of head of the shipping department in the Reich Ministry of Transport as the successor to Ulrich Stapenhorst . The transfer of Klauseners was announced to the public in mid-January 1933. Klausener's transfer was carried out a few weeks after the NSDAP came to power on January 30, 1933 by Hermann Göring, who was appointed provisional management of the Ministry of the Interior in the new government : on February 13, 1933, he was formally released from his official duties in the Ministry of the Interior and on January 1, 1933 March 1933 he took up his new position in the Reich Ministry of Transport, where he was now subordinate to Transport Minister Paul von Eltz-Rübenach . When Göring received Klausener to inform him of his transfer, he announced that he would fight anyone who worked against the NSDAP:

“They fought us with pinpricks, and that tactic fueled our life force. I assure you: if we notice that someone is working against us, we will strike with our fists. "

Klausener was not completely hostile to the National Socialist regime . Like Papen, he was convinced that Adolf Hitler would allow himself to be tamed by day-to-day government practice, by the “quiet and consistent force of the bureaucracy”. Although Klausener publicly criticized Nazi ideology, and especially the ideologist Alfred Rosenberg , he advocated the way in which the country's new leadership addressed some existing problems. Klausener explicitly welcomed some of Hitler's political decisions, such as the establishment of the “ Kraft durch Freude ” organization and that of “ Stew Sunday ”. Klausener wanted to maintain a certain political influence through a more active participation of Catholics in the "national uprising" of the National Socialists. The historian Andreas Schwegel that 'he understood the, national revolution ' as a common project, which the Catholics should not escape. "In a speech that Klausener on March 26, 1933, the students of the Lietzensee High School and Our Lady Lyceum held, it was said:

“Be Catholic and be German! […] As citizens of our fatherland we feel the hot stream of national enthusiasm that goes through our people […] The duty and power of devotion to people and nation grows from our religious convictions. The whole Catholic person is also the whole German person. "

Schwegel interprets this statement patriotically, since Klausener not only expressed himself in conformity with the new government, but above all wanted to avoid a new " cultural war " between church and state. On October 15, 1933, after Germany left the League of Nations , Vicar Capitular Paul Steinmann and Klausener telegraphed to Hitler on behalf of Berlin's Catholic Action:

"In the fateful hours of the nation, the Catholics of the Diocese of Berlin, in unshakable love for the people and fatherland, stand united behind the Führer and Chancellor in his struggle for equality and the honor of the nation and the restoration of a just peace among the peoples."

The Katholische Aktion Berlin was not the only institution that had sent such a telegram. Well-known opponents of the regime had also welcomed the exit from the League of Nations. Such statements about the exit from the League of Nations were often used by the propaganda as pure support of the imperial government.

On the 28th Catholic Day in the Brandenburg region, the papal nuncio in Berlin, Monsignor Cesare Orsenigo , celebrated Holy Mass with over 50,000 people.

Klausener was aware that the relationship between the Church and the National Socialist government had always deteriorated, but he believed that this was mainly due to a lack of communication and diplomacy and that a compromise was within reach. This opinion was supported by Hitler's declaration on the Day of Potsdam on March 21, 1933, in which he promised "friendly relations with the Holy See". The Concordat that Hitler concluded with the Church on July 20, 1933, confirmed this widespread opinion. Klausener's view of National Socialism largely coincided with that of the “fascism-oriented” Apostolic Nuncio , Archbishop Cesare Orsenigo . He was of the opinion that the National Socialist regime would not be a short-lived phenomenon and that a diplomatic break between the Holy See and Germany could have serious negative consequences. According to the historian Klaus Große Kracht, the Berlin Vicar General Paul Steinmann was of the opinion that Klausener was too friendly to the Nazi regime and, because of this attitude, “could no longer hold his position as chairman of the Catholic Church Congress”. Große Kracht emphasizes the contradiction between Adolph's biography, in which it is emphasized that Klausener had to get into “irreconcilable opposition to the NS” at the end of his life, and his unpublished notes, according to which he “one lance after the other” shortly before his death for the Third Reich ”. However, the recognition of supposedly positive achievements by the National Socialist Reich government did not mean that Klausener was ready to "allow National Socialism to affect his religious convictions."

The greater the National Socialist influence on German society, the more thoroughly any Christian influence was excluded from public life. In this context it was particularly difficult to continue the Catholic Action. After the Center Party dissolved itself on July 5, 1933, the Catholic Action was the only public embodiment of political Catholicism . Despite the National Socialists' seizure of power, Klausener continued his work in the lay apostolate and provoked the National Socialist rulers with demonstrative declarations of loyalty to the church. At the 31st Katholikentag in the Diocese of Berlin on June 25, 1933 in the Grunewald Stadium, he turned against the latest political developments. He called for the National Socialist "revolution" to be accompanied by a Christian movement:

"If the revolution of the national uprising is not accompanied by a revolution of inner spiritual renewal, then all strength and work and all effort will be in vain."

By "spiritual renewal" Klausener meant the adoption of the values ​​of Catholic Christianity. He called for basic Christian values ​​to be added to the National Socialist movement. Rosenberg, the chief ideologist of the NSDAP, replied on June 27, 1933 in the Völkischer Beobachter :

"The center man Dr. Klausener therefore sees the 14-year struggle of Adolf Hitler and the great uprising of our people [...] as a movement driven by insufficient inner spirituality! "

Before the beginning of the 31st Catholic Day, Labor Minister Robert Ley had accused the Catholic labor associations of being hostile to the state, which prompted Klausener to comment publicly. The Nazi-affiliated Catholic Association for National Politics reacted indignantly to Klausener's criticism of the coordination of workers' associations.

On the occasion of the Brandenburg Catholic Day on June 24, 1934 in the Hoppegarten , Klausener gave a passionate speech in front of 60,000 spectators. The original text of this improvised speech has not been preserved. Testimonials and assessments evaluate their intention and their content differently: Klausener himself described the course of the rally and his speech in a card to his mother, in which he emphasized that the speech went well and that he had “only spoken for peace and love ". Max Gallo writes in his book The Black Friday of the SA that Klausener “after praising the government” was content with “demanding the right for Catholics to be able to lead their inner church life undisturbed”. In contrast, in the eyes of many observers, the speech was decisive for Klausener's later murder. Their focus was on the one hand the loyalty of Catholics to the church and fatherland and on the other hand philanthropy. In this speech Klausener pronounced a "pledge of allegiance to the Church, to Pope and Bishop", "and thus demonstratively demonstrated the existence of an organization that is independent of the state and contradicts official ideology". Klausener was temporarily arrested in June 1933 and taken to the SA prison in Papestrasse .

Klauseners Sohns reports that the participants of the 32nd Märkisches Kirchentag understood the speech in such a way that this love of people includes every population group, including the Jewish population . This contradicts Klausener's statement at the Katholikentag on June 25, 1933, according to which it seemed like a “redemption” to him, “that the Reich government [...] had stopped those [...] who suffered the plague of moral pollution [ …] Spread […] which the people […] has already devoured in their ethnic eugenic development ”. That is why Klausa considers the statement by Klausener's son to be speculation. The list of people at the German Resistance Memorial Center states that in this speech Klausener only spoke out against the Nazis' exclusion of people with other worldviews.

assassination

In the course of the Röhm affair , not only SA functionaries but also opponents of National Socialism were murdered. Erich Klausener was also one of the victims . On June 30, 1934, the Director in charge of the Secret State Police Office Reinhard Heydrich to SS -man Kurt Gildisch order to seek Klausener and shoot them on the spot. For this purpose he sent him to the Reich Ministry of Transport accompanied by a Gestapo or SD member - probably Hermann Behrends . Gildisch told Klausener in his office in the Ministry of Transport that he was arrested. Gildisch shot Klausener in the head with his pistol, who immediately succumbed to the gunshot wound. After Gildisch had notified him of the execution by telephone, Heydrich gave him the task of disguising the murder as a suicide. After Gildisch's return to the Secret State Police Office, Heydrich explained to him that Klausener was "a dangerous Catholic" who had worked against the government.

The main motive for Klausener's murder is his speech at the Katholikentag on June 24th in the Hoppegarten, in which he spoke out against the ideological intolerance of National Socialism. As an official in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior, he was also responsible for numerous police operations against the National Socialists before 1933. The historian Lothar Gruchmann emphasizes that Klausener “gained in-depth knowledge of numerous unlawful acts and the dubious methods of the NSDAP” and therefore “had to be uncomfortable for the rulers now.” In the exile press , Klausener was often mistakenly taken on by Franz von Papen and attributed to the reform and overthrow efforts there. However, the historian Hans Rothfels emphasized that Klausener was only seen as a potential starting point for a possible opposition, without it being clear whether he was actually involved in the actions or plans of the resistance at the time. It remains unclear whether Klausen's activity should be seen as active resistance against the Nazi regime. According to Ger van Roon , the Catholic resistance never got beyond the first phase norms formulated by Ernst Wolf , namely the defense of one's own rights. Max Gallo emphasizes that Klausener is no exception. Klausen's son assumes that the speech at the Hoppegarten racecourse should not be seen as resistance, but rather as an apolitical opinion of the speaker. The National Socialists, on the other hand, interpreted it as an objective declaration of resistance to their ideology and their movement. The SS situation report from May / June 1934 states that Klausener's mass rallies in Berlin had an effect against the training work of the NSDAP . Große Kracht also considers the mass rallies to be a possible reason for Klausener's murder. He emphasizes that the mobilization of 50–60,000 people is likely to have “unsettled” the Nazi leadership to such an extent that they felt compelled to strike at the “remnants of political Catholicism”. Alternatively, it shows the assumption that Klausener's murder was "an act of revenge by the Nazi leadership on the former head of the police department in the Prussian Ministry of the Interior", but it shows that the organization of mass rallies played a "more decisive" role should have. However, Große Kracht also mentions that Klausener's murder was not “planned long in advance”, but rather ordered at short notice on June 30, 1934 and therefore could have been a kind of “excess reaction”.

Reactions

There were outraged statements from the Catholic side in particular. A few days after the murder of Klausener in the Osservatore Romano on 2/3. July 1934 published the following:

“Some newspapers have reported that the head of the Catholic Action in Berlin escaped arrest by suicide. Similar reports do not require a denial, all the more since their absurdity is obvious. "

- Osservatore Romano from 2/3 July 1934

On July 3, 1934, a funeral service was held in the house chapel of the Episcopal Ordinariate . A few days later, on July 7th, 1934, a requiem took place in which the urn with Klausen's ashes was buried. Both the funeral service and the requiem took place in close family circles out of fear of the reaction of the National Socialists. A few days after the Requiem, the Episcopal Ordinariate announced the news of Klausen's death in all the churches of the Diocese of Berlin. During this proclamation, the clergy were made aware of the need to “observe the necessary restraint and not let the general welfare of the Church out of sight”. The publicist Waldemar Gurian, who emigrated to Switzerland, sharply criticized the silence of the church regarding the Klausen case :

"The silence of the bishops is perhaps even more terrible than anything that happened on June 30th."

- Waldemar Gurian, 1934

However, this criticism must be viewed in connection with the entire church policy of the Holy See and the bishops. The ecclesiastical policy consisted, among other things, of "avoiding situations which could be interpreted as a breach of the concordat's duty of loyalty". The church saw in this a means to save itself as an institution. But this also jeopardized their credibility. In 1946 Konrad Adenauer expressed the opinion that a clearer public position by the church could have changed the course of history.

Despite the episcopal warning, Klausener's pastor Albert Coppenrath publicly contradicted the official thesis of suicide and referred in a sermon to the "shot" Catholic leader Klausener. Coppenrath was arrested after the collection for a Klausen monument in the cemetery of the St. Matthias parish . The following court hearing on August 3, 1936 for " pulpit abuse " ended in an acquittal. Coppenrath's predecessor Clemens August Graf von Galen , Bishop of Münster since 1933 , sparked a public conflict with Reich Church Minister Kerrl in 1936 . During a sermon in the Xanten Cathedral , the bishop recalled the "fresh graves in which lie the ashes of those whom the Catholic people consider martyrs of the faith." Galen expressly countered the minister's criticism of this sermon against the fate of Klausen.

Two years earlier, the murders of June 30, 1934, which killed three committed Catholics: Klausener, the DJK youth leader Adalbert Probst and the journalist Fritz Gerlich , had caused considerable unrest among the Catholic minority, and the referendum of August that year negatively influenced from the regime's point of view. “Catholics! […] Confess yourselves against Hitler ”demanded anonymous sticky notes in the Ruhr area, which explicitly recalled the“ martyrs ”Klausener and Probst.

On the advice of the authorities of the Ministry of the Interior, Klausen's family filed a claim for damages on March 28, 1935 against the German Reich and the State of Prussia based on the Compensation Act of December 13, 1934. The lawyers entrusted with the matter Werner Pünder and Erich Wedell were then taken into protective custody. They were accused of having tried to discredit the Reich government in a “public action against the Führer”. Only the joint efforts of Ministers Gürtner , Schwerin von Krosigk , von Neurath , von Blomberg and Frick as well as the Swedish embassy made it possible for both lawyers to be released on May 16, 1935. The compensation process has been discontinued.

Since conservative circles and especially the Reichswehr were deeply hostile to the SA, they agreed to the actions that took place from the end of June to the beginning of July 1934 around the murder of Ernst Röhm and were mainly directed against the SA. As a consequence, Hitler's popularity among the members of the Reichswehr increased considerably after these events. According to Peter Steinbach , the conservative sections of the population courted by the Nazi leadership were in part frightened by the fact that Hitler had not only murdered SA people, but also "generally respected politicians" such as Klausener or the generals Kurt von Schleicher and Ferdinand von Bredow .

Honors

Memorial stone for Erich and Hedwig Klausener behind the entrance to the cemetery of the St. Matthias parish in Berlin-Tempelhof 52 ° 27 ′ 15.5 ″  N , 13 ° 21 ′ 40.6 ″  E

Erich Klausener was initially buried in the cemetery of the St. Matthias parish in Berlin-Tempelhof. On May 4, 1963 his urn was on the eve of the feast of the dedication to the newly built "Memorial Church of German Catholics in honor of the martyrs for freedom of conscience in the years 1933-1945" Maria Regina Martyrum in Berlin-Charlottenburg transferred and there in a Sarcophagus is buried at the memorial in the crypt. An inscription here refers to Erich Klausener.

Honorary memory of Erich Klausener and Leo Statz

In 1963 , a memorial stone was erected on Leo-Statz-Platz in Düsseldorf-Unterbilk , at the former location of the house at Kronprinzenstrasse 43, the birthplace of Erich Klausener and the home of his cousin Leo Statz . The stumbling blocks were laid in August 2014 .

In 1999 the Catholic Church accepted Erich Klausener as a witness of faith in the German martyrology of the 20th century . Several theologians have brought up Klausen's beatification . Ekkehard Klausa came to the conclusion that Klausener had died because of his commitment to Christianity, but that he should not be considered a martyr. According to Klausa, he campaigned resolutely for the interests of the church, but did not actively fight the regime.

In Recklinghausen, immediately after the end of the war, the senior director of the Petrinum grammar school , Josef Sprenger, founded the Klausener Bund, a “Society for the Care of Christian Worldview”. The Klausener-Bund organized seminar-like lecture evenings for all levels of education. Renowned contemporary philosophers and theologians have been recruited as lecturers (including Theodor Litt , Heinrich Spaemann , Johannes Pinsk ). The federal government existed until the end of the 1960s.

In honor of Erich Klausener a special postage stamp was issued in the Soviet occupation zone . Later, on May 8, 1984 , the Deutsche Bundespost Berlin issued a postage stamp (Michel number 719).

In 1957 the NRW police named a police school with a service dog handler school in Bork after Klausener. The school was moved to Schloß Holte-Stukenbrock in 1970 .

Berlin commemorates Klausener with a memorial plaque at Keithstrasse 8 in the Tempelhof-Schöneberg district and on Behrenstrasse in the Mitte district . Various cities in Germany have named streets, squares or schools after Klausener (for example Erich-Klausener-Straße in the Stockum district of his native Düsseldorf). In the Recklinghausen district in particular, the culture of remembrance of the former district administrator is intense: there two schools (in Herten and Dorsten ), a bridge and several streets are named after him. Furthermore, a memorial stone was unveiled in Ahsen on the 75th anniversary of his murder . In Adenau , where Klausener acted as district administrator, the local high school was named in 1964.

In 1992 the Catholic Center in Recklinghausen was given the name "Erich-Klausener-Haus". With this, the city committee of the Catholics wants to honor a committed Christian, committed democrat and social district administrator. A memorial plaque in the house, the publication of a documentation and commemorative events, most recently in 2009 on the 75th anniversary of his murder and in 2010 on the 125th birthday of Klausener, keep the memory alive.

The Federal Ministry of Transport and Digital Infrastructure (BMVI) has named the atrium recovered in the course of the restoration (2003 to 2004) after Erich Klausener at its location in Berlin's Invalidenstrasse .

The 75th anniversary of Dr. Klauseners celebrated at the Märkisches Katholikentag in Hoppegarten, the Archdiocese and Diocesan Council of Berlin and the Freundeskreis Dr. Erich Klausener Hoppegarten with a ceremony in the town hall and a mass on the racetrack with Georg Cardinal Sterzinsky and Nuncio Dr. Jean-Claude Périsset . The place in front of the racetrack was named after Dr. Klausener named, a bust unveiled and a memorial plaque placed on the racetrack grounds.

State of research

Although Erich Klausener is mentioned in a large number of publications on the history of the Weimar Republic and the Nazi era, the reliable knowledge of his life and work is still quite incomplete.

On the one hand, this is due to the fact that the majority of the publications in which it is mentioned only briefly mention or deal with it in the margin. In addition, most of the works that deal with the person of Klausener in more detail - as Klaus Große Kracht has established - are not historical-critical publications. Rather, these are mainly memories of companions (Walter Adolph) or relatives (Tilman Pünder) Klausener as well as works that are based on a clear political, religious or ideological motivation. In the context of the general political and social discourse in the Federal Republic of Germany, Große Kracht sees the work of authors such as Baur, Schwegel and Möllers as attempts to interpret Erich Klausener as a historical model for the Christian Democratic Union of Germany . The same can be said of many observations about Klausen, written from a decidedly Catholic point of view, which as a rule mainly present familiar information and only a few new findings and above all reflect Klausen as an example of exemplary faithfulness.

The only detailed biography so far that Walter Adolph wrote in 1955 is not an academic work, but is based primarily on his own memories from the time they worked together in the Berlin diocese in the 1920s and 1930s. A historical-critical biography is still pending.

In view of the loopholes described above, Große Kracht calls for other sources to be opened up in order to obtain a more objective presentation. As a starting point for this he mentions z. Take, for example, the notes that Adolph wrote before his book was published.

literature

  • Walter Adolph : Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 .
  • Harald Marpe: Erich Klausener. State civil servant and Catholic ( Kiez stories, issue 12 ), with a foreword by Pastor Dr. Josef Wieneke. Kiezbündnis Klausenerplatz eV , Berlin 2019, DNB 1189153378
  • Stefan Baur: Life and work of the district administrator of the former Adenau district, the later Ministerial Director Dr. Erich Klausener . In: Home yearbook of the Ahrweiler district . District of Ahrweiler, 1962, p. 54–57 ( Kreis-ahrweiler.de [accessed on March 26, 2010]).
  • Klaus Gotto:  Klausener, Erich. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 11, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1977, ISBN 3-428-00192-3 , p. 715 f. ( Digitized version ).
  • Circle of Friends “Commemorate Dr. Erich Klausener, Hoppegarten “(Ed.): Festschrift for the memorial event for Dr. Erich Klausener in Hoppegarten on June 24, 2009 . Hoppegarten 2009.
  • Klaus Große Kracht : Erich Klausener (1885–1934), Prussianism and Catholic Action between the Weimar Republic and the Third Reich . In: Richard Faber , Uwe Puschner (Ed.): Prussian Catholics and Catholic Prussians in the 20th century . Königshausen & Neumann, 2011, ISBN 978-3-8260-4587-5 , p. 271-296 .
  • Lothar Gruchmann : Werner Pünders report on the murder of Klausen on June 30, 1934 and its consequences . In: Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte . tape 4 , 1971, p. 404-431 ( ifz-muenchen.de [PDF]).
  • Ekkehard Klausa : He praised his murderers . In: The time . No. 26 , 2014, p. 17 ( zeit.de ).
  • Erich Klausener: On the resistance of the Catholics in the Third Reich . Ed .: Nicolaus Starost. German Resistance Memorial Center, 1983 ( gdw-berlin.de [PDF; accessed on November 17, 2011]).
  • Heinz Kühn: martyrs of the diocese of Berlin. Klausener, Lichtenberg, Lampert, Lorenz, Simoleit, Mandrella, Hirsch, Wachsmann, Metzger, Schäfer, Willimsky, Lenzel, Froehlich . More , Berlin 1952, DNB  450027201 .
  • Georg Möllers: Murdered 75 years ago: Dr. Erich Klausener. Democrat, committed Christian, political official . In: Matthias Kordes (Ed.): Vestischer Kalender 2010, 81st year Recklinghausen 2009, p. 177-188 .
  • Georg Möllers and Richard Voigt on behalf of the City Committee of Catholics (Eds.): Dr. Erich Klausener (1888–1934). Confident Christian - committed democrat . 4th newly revised and supplemented edition. Self-published by the Catholic City Office, Recklinghausen 2010.
  • Helmut Moll (publisher on behalf of the German Bishops' Conference), witnesses for Christ. The German Martyrology of the 20th Century , Paderborn a. a. 1999, 7th revised and updated edition 2019, ISBN 978-3-506-78012-6 , pp. 161–165.
  • Rudolf Morsey : The Rise of National Socialism 1930–1933 . In: Rainer Bendel (Ed.): The Catholic Guilt? Catholicism in the Third Reich between arrangement and resistance . LIT, Berlin / Hamburg / Münster 2002, ISBN 3-8258-6334-4 .
  • Stefan Naas: The Origin of the Prussian Police Administration Act of 1931 . A contribution to the history of police law in the Weimar Republic. Mohr Siebeck, 2003, ISBN 3-16-148120-8 .
  • Martin PerschErich Klausener. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Volume 3, Bautz, Herzberg 1992, ISBN 3-88309-035-2 , Sp. 1570-1573.
  • Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener . In: Bernhard Großfeld (Ed.): Westphalian Jurisprudence . Waxmann, 2000, ISBN 3-89325-820-5 .
  • Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener, civil servant and churchman . In: Vestiche magazine. Journal of the associations for local and local history in Vest Recklinghausen . tape 97/98 (1998/1999) , pp. 255-301 .
  • Reinhard Richter: National thinking in Catholicism of the Weimar Republic . In: Theology . tape 29 . Lit, Berlin / Hamburg / Münster 2000, ISBN 3-8258-4991-0 .
  • Hans Rothfels : German opposition to Hitler . An appreciation. New extended edition (1986). Fischer, 1958, ISBN 3-596-24354-8 .
  • Bernhard Sauer : On Heydrich's behalf . Gildisch and the murder of Erich Klausener during the "Röhm Putsch". Metropol-Verlag, 2017, ISBN 978-3-86331-373-9 .
  • Klaus Scholder : Political resistance or self-assertion as a problem of the church leadership . In: KO v. Aretin and Gerhard Besier (ed.): The churches between republic and tyranny: collected essays . Siedler Verlag, 1988, ISBN 3-88680-239-6 , p. 204 .
  • Andreas Schwegel: Christian, patriot and Prussian reformer . The Berlin Catholic leader Erich Klausener was murdered 70 years ago. In: The Political Opinion . No. 419. Konrad Adenauer Foundation , October 2004, p. 84 ( kas.de [PDF]).
  • Andreas Schwegel: Erich Klausener (1885–1934), Nazi resistance fighter . In: Landschaftsverband Rheinland (Ed.): Portal Rheinische Geschichte . September 30, 2010 ( rheinische-geschichte.lvr.de ).
  • Peter Steinbach : Resistance to National Socialism . In: Peter Steinbach, Johannes Tuchel (eds.): Resistance against National Socialism . Federal Agency for Civic Education , Bonn 1994, ISBN 3-89331-195-5 .
  • Friedrich Zipfel : Church struggle in Germany 1933–1945 . Persecution of religion and self-assertion by the churches in the National Socialist period. Walter de Gruyter, 1965, ISBN 3-11-000459-3 .

Web links

Commons : Erich Klausener  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. a b c d Martin PerschErich Klausener. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Volume 3, Bautz, Herzberg 1992, ISBN 3-88309-035-2 , Sp. 1570-1573.
  2. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener . In: Bernhard Großfeld (Ed.): Westphalian Jurisprudence . Waxmann, 2000, ISBN 3-89325-820-5 , pp. 290 .
  3. ^ Walter Adolph : Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 57 .
  4. a b c d e f g h i Dr. Erich Josef Gustav Klausener. (PDF; 88 kB) Working group vestischer Geschichts- und Heimatvereine e. V. , July 3, 2001, accessed March 26, 2010 .
  5. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener, civil servant and church man . In: Werner Burghardt (Hrsg.): Vestiche magazine. Journal of the associations for local and local history in Vest Recklinghausen . tape 97/98 (1998/1999) , pp. 255-258 .
  6. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 58 .
  7. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 59 .
  8. a b c Naas, p. 183.
  9. ^ Naas, p. 182.
  10. Baur; Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 59 .
  11. ^ A b Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 67 .
  12. Klausener, p. 24.
  13. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 61 .
  14. ^ Jürgen Pander: Circus Maximus of Motorsport . Spiegel Online , June 14, 2007.
  15. ^ Georg Möllers: Dr. Erich Klausener (1885–1934) - convinced democrat, committed Christian, political official . In: Möllers and Voigt, 2010 . S. 19-23 . Erich Klausener: Children's homes in Vest Recklinghausen . In: Vestlicher Calendar . 1923, p. 80-81 . , In: Möllers and Voigt, 2010, p. 39f, p. 41ff; Reprint by: District Administrator Dr. Erich Klausener, welfare (general district politics). In: v. Erich Klausener and Erwin Stein (eds.): The district of Recklinghausen. Berlin 1925, pp. 116-119.
  16. a b Große Kracht, p. 285.
  17. ^ Schwegel, p. 86.
  18. ^ Andreas Schwegel: Erich Klausener (1885–1934), Nazi resistance fighter . | Landschaftsverband Rheinland , Portal Rhenish History, September 30, 2010.
  19. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener, civil servant and church man . In: Vestiche magazine. Journal of the associations for local and local history in Vest Recklinghausen . tape 97/98 (1998/1999) , pp. 259 .
  20. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener . In: Bernhard Großfeld (Ed.): Westphalian Jurisprudence . Waxmann, 2000, ISBN 3-89325-820-5 , pp. 300 .
  21. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener, civil servant and church man . In: Vestiche magazine. Journal of the associations for local and local history in Vest Recklinghausen . tape 97/98 (1998/1999) , pp. 276 .
  22. Klaus Große Kracht, p. 281.
  23. Naas, pp. 1-3.
  24. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener . In: Bernhard Großfeld (Ed.): Westphalian Jurisprudence . Waxmann, 2000, ISBN 3-89325-820-5 , pp. 310-311 .
  25. Bernd Buchner: To national and republican identity . JHW Dietz successor (party publisher of the SPD), Bonn 2001, p. 252-262 .
  26. Georg Möllers, Richard Voigt on behalf of the City Committee of Catholics (ed.): Dr. Erich Klausener (1885–1934). Confident Christian - Committed Democrat . 4th newly revised and supplemented edition. Recklinghausen, S. 51 f . ( eservice2.gkd-re.de [PDF] documents the press article in the Recklinghäuser Volks-Zeitung under the title The police are the servants of the republic ).
  27. Erich Klausener: The police . 1932, p. 518 .
  28. ^ Peter Leßmann: The Prussian police in the Weimar Republic: patrol duty and street fighting . Droste, Düsseldorf 1989, p. 373-374 .
  29. a b Klaus Gotto:  Klausener, Erich. In: New German Biography (NDB). Volume 11, Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 1977, ISBN 3-428-00192-3 , p. 715 f. ( Digitized version ).
  30. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 20-25 .
  31. ^ Morsey, p. 54.
  32. Große Kracht, p. 277.
  33. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 26-34 .
  34. ^ A b Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 22 .
  35. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 36 .
  36. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 35-41 .
  37. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 42-46 .
  38. a b c d e f Klausa, 2014.
  39. Große Kracht, p. 284.
  40. Carl Severing: My way of life . Im up and down the republic. Greven Verlag, 1950, p. 403 .
  41. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 153 .
  42. ^ A b Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 69-72 .
  43. The Archdiocese of Berlin honors its first faith witness. (PDF; 1.1 MB) (No longer available online.) Archdiocese of Berlin, 2009, archived from the original on October 20, 2013 ; Retrieved April 20, 2010 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.dioezesanrat-berlin.de
  44. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener . In: Bernhard Großfeld (Ed.): Westphalian Jurisprudence . Waxmann, 2000, ISBN 3-89325-820-5 , pp. 311 .
  45. Große Kracht, pp. 284–285.
  46. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 71-72 .
  47. Walter Adolph: A necessary decree . In: Catholic Church Gazette for the Diocese of Berlin . No. 34 , August 25, 1932, p. 7th f . In: Große Kracht, pp. 285–286.
  48. It is the issue No. 17 (1932) of "Der Wahre Jacob". The cartoon and opinion of the magazine can be found here.
  49. ^ "Klausener goes. New head of the police department - State Secretary Herbert von Bismarck?", In: Vossische Zeitung of January 13, 1933 (digitized on the website of the Berlin State Library) ; "Klausen's New Task", in: Vossische Zeitung of January 14, 1933 (digitized on the website of the Berlin State Library) .
  50. Quoted from: Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 75 .
  51. Klausener's photograph at the Hitler salute in the summer of 1933, Peter Steinbach , Johannes Tuchel , Ute Stiepani: In the suction of time - Catholic Church in the “Third Reich”. German Resistance Memorial Center , accessed on March 30, 2012 .
  52. Georg May : Ludwig Kaas : The priest, the politician and the scholar from the school of Ulrich Stutz . tape 3 . John Benjamin's Publishing Company, Amsterdam 1982, ISBN 90-6032-199-5 , pp. 356 .
  53. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 76 .
  54. a b Richter, p. 358.
  55. ^ A b Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 75 .
  56. a b Schwegel 2004, p. 89.
  57. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 82 .
  58. ^ Andreas Schwegel: Christ, Patriot and Prussian Reformer . The Berlin Catholic leader Erich Klausener was murdered 70 years ago. In: The Political Opinion . No. 419. Konrad Adenauer Foundation , October 2004, p. 89 ( kas.de [PDF]).
  59. Guenter Lewy : With a firm step into the new realm . In: Der Spiegel . No. 12 , 1965 ( online ).
  60. a b Gerhard Schulz : Permanent synchronization of public life and the emergence of the National Socialist leader state in Germany . In: Gerhard Schulz (ed.): The great crisis of the thirties: Vom Niedergang d. World economy to World War II . Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Göttingen 1985, ISBN 3-525-36189-0 , pp. 85 .
  61. Loyalty rally for the imperial government . In: Berliner Morgenpost . October 18, 1933, p. 2 ( dpmu.de [accessed on January 23, 2014]).
  62. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 77 .
  63. ^ Hajo Goertz: The Church and the Third Reich. Deutschlandradiokultur, October 11, 2008, accessed on December 27, 2010 .
  64. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 78 .
  65. Große Kracht, pp. 288–289.
  66. ^ A b Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 80 .
  67. Große Kracht, p. 289.
  68. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 74 .
  69. ^ Friedrich Zipfel : Church struggle in Germany 1933-1945 . Persecution of religion and self-assertion by the churches in the National Socialist period. Walter de Gruyter, 1965, ISBN 3-11-000459-3 , p. 61 .
  70. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 84 .
  71. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 87 .
  72. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 84-86 .
  73. Klausener's photograph during the speech, Peter Steinbach , Johannes Tuchel , Ute Stiepani: Self-assertion and resistance of Catholic Christians. German Resistance Memorial Center , accessed on March 30, 2012 .
  74. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 95 .
  75. ^ A b Max Gallo : The black Friday of the SA . 1st edition. Molden, 1977, ISBN 3-217-05072-X , pp. 176 .
  76. a b Ernst Piper : Nazis against Nazis . one day , July 4th, 2009.
  77. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 94 .
  78. ^ Joachim Mehlhausen : National Socialism and Churches . In: Gerhard Müller (Hrsg.): Theologische Realenzyklopädie . Volume 29. Walter de Gruyter, 1998, ISBN 3-11-002218-4 , p. 59 .
  79. See prisoner files in the archive of the memorial site SA prison Papestrasse under "Dr. Erich Klauseren", viewed on May 31, 2017.
  80. a b Klausener, p. 9.
  81. Große Kracht, p. 288.
  82. Peter Steinbach , Johannes Tuchel , Ute Stiepani: Erich Klausener. German Resistance Memorial Center , accessed on March 30, 2012 .
  83. ^ Rainer Ort: Der Fall Erich Klausener, in: Der SD-Mann Johannes Schmidt, p. 91ff.
  84. ^ A b Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 104-111 .
  85. Gruchmann, p. 405.
  86. Rothfels, p. 67.
  87. ^ Ger van Roon : The Catholic Resistance . In: Federal Center for Political Education (Ed.): Resistance and Exile 1933–1945 . Bonn 1985, p. 125 .
  88. ^ Friedrich Zipfel : Church struggle in Germany 1933-1945 . Persecution of religion and self-assertion by the churches in the National Socialist period. Walter de Gruyter, 1965, ISBN 3-11-000459-3 , p. 284 .
  89. Große Kracht, pp. 290–296.
  90. a b Große Kracht, p. 293.
  91. a b Große Kracht, p. 291.
  92. Große Kracht, p. 295.
  93. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 122 .
  94. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 124-125 .
  95. Bistumsarchiv Osnabrück 04-62-33, Scholder in Klaus S. 206th
  96. St. Kirchmann (di W. Gurian), St. Ambrosius and the German Bishops, Lucerne 1934, p. 20, in Klaus Scholder, p. 206.
  97. Rudolf von Thadden : The history of the churches and denominations . In: Otto Büsch, Wolfgang Neugebauer , Historical Commission to Berlin (Ed.): Handbook of Prussian History . tape 3 . Walter de Gruyter, 2001, ISBN 3-11-014092-6 , p. 695 .
  98. Klaus Scholder, p. 205.
  99. Adenauer, Briefe 1945–1947, Berlin 1983, p. 172f, in Klaus Scholder, p. 212.
  100. ^ Tilman Pünder : Erich Klausener . In: Bernhard Großfeld (Ed.): Westphalian Jurisprudence . Waxmann, 2000, ISBN 3-89325-820-5 , pp. 324 .
  101. ^ Walter Adolph: Erich Klausener . More -Verlag, Berlin 1955, DNB  450027201 , p. 141-144 .
  102. ^ Rudolf Padberg: Church and National Socialism in Westphalia . Paderborn 1984, p. 132 .
  103. ^ Günther Högl (ed.): Resistance and persecution in Dortmund 1933–1945. Catalog for the permanent exhibition of the city archive in the Steinwache memorial . Dortmund 1992, p. 278 .
  104. Möllers and Voigt, 2010, p. 34 f.
  105. a b Gruchmann, p. 415.
  106. a b Steinbach, p. 20.
  107. Max Gallo, p. 288.
  108. ^ Memorial Church of the German Catholics Maria Regina Martyrum in honor of the martyrs for freedom of belief and conscience in the years 1933–1945. More Verlag, Berlin 1963, p. 74.
  109. ^ Minor, 2015.
  110. ^ Günther Schmitt: The murderer came at lunchtime. In: General-Anzeiger , February 5, 2010.
  111. ^ Postage stamps on the German resistance. (No longer available online.) Archived from the original on May 11, 2012 ; Retrieved December 27, 2010 . Info: The archive link was inserted automatically and has not yet been checked. Please check the original and archive link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. @1@ 2Template: Webachiv / IABot / www.georg-elser-arbeitskreis.de
  112. Heide Lukosch, Ulrich Senff, Susanne Aye: State Office for Education, Training and Personnel Matters of the North Rhine-Westphalia Police: From Yesterday to Today. Selm 2008, pp. 5–6, PDF ( Memento from January 22, 2015 in the Internet Archive ).
  113. Georg Möllers: Murdered 75 years ago: Dr. Erich Klausener. Democrat, committed Christian, political official . In: Matthias Kordes (Ed.): Vestischer Kalender 2010, 81st year Recklinghausen 2009, p. 177-188 .
  114. ^ Hermann Otto Penz: Das Staatl. New language Erich-Klausener-Gymnasium in Adenau has a truly eventful history . In: District administration Ahrweiler (Ed.): Home year book of the Ahrweiler district . 1969 ( Kreis-ahrweiler.de ).
  115. Commemoration for Dr. Erich Klausener (1885–1934). Marcus Weber, Diocese of Münster, Recklinghausen District Dean, accessed on March 30, 2012 .
  116. Erich Joseph Klausener. In: Memorial plaques in Berlin .
  117. Festschrift for the memorial event for Dr. Erich Klausener in Hoppegarten on June 24, 2009 . Berlin 2009.
  118. Sebastian Aehlig: Dr. Erich Klausener - exemplary faith witness . In: Katholische Kirchengemeinde St. Hubertus (Hrsg.): Parish letter of the Catholic parish St. Hubertus . No. 37 . Petershagen August 2009, p. 13-14 ( st-hubertus-petershagen.de [PDF]).
  119. Große Kracht, pp. 271f.
This version was added to the list of articles worth reading on April 15, 2012 in this version .