Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic

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Administration building from the opening time of the mental hospital

The Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (KBoN), popularly known in Berlin as Bonnie's Ranch , was a psychiatric clinic in Berlin between 1880 and 2006 , most recently under the name Vivantes Humboldt-Klinikum , Oranienburger Strasse location . Older names are Reinickendorf Hospital - Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik , Karl-Bonhoeffer-Heilstätten , Wittenauer Heilstätten and Insane Asylum Dalldorf . Its history is closely linked to the history of German psychiatry .

The partly listed building complex situated on the Oranienburgerstrasse in the district Wittenau of the district Reinickendorf . The extensive, 45  hectare site with its partly forest-like park appears rural despite its urban location. To the south or south-east is the Berlin Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik train station .

Construction work has been taking place on the site since 2019. Buildings are being constructed for the initial reception of asylum seekers. Completion is planned for summer 2020.

history

1863 to 1880

Main entrance Oranienburger Straße with gatehouse

The beginnings of Berlin psychiatry can be dated to the end of the 17th century, when the Große Friedrichs Hospital was founded on the eastern outskirts of the city . April 16, 1863 marks the beginning of the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic. On that day, the Berlin city council decided, with the approval of the magistrate, to build an insane asylum for 600 people. Instrumental in were Carl Ideler , who later became the first medical director of the institution, and the then city councilor Rudolf Virchow . A committee of experts was set up which, in April 1865, submitted an expert opinion to the newly established mixed deputation for consultation. The magistrate reduced the capacity to 350 to 400 acutely ill madmen and recommended Wilhelm Griesinger as an insane medical expert and the royal master builder Hennecke as the architect. The city council rejected the personnel proposals on January 11, 1866, instead the mixed deputation was supposed to work out a clinic concept and the building program with the involvement of other experts.

The usual administrative procedure followed, followed by a polemical scientific dispute among the psychiatrists . In February 1866 the mixed deputation recommended a closed institution and the Dalldorf location . In March 1869, the city of Berlin purchased the 282 acre agricultural estate from Gustav Adolph Ferdinand Seidel for 35,000 thalers , at that time located in the Prussian province of Brandenburg , in the Niederbarnim district. In the town hall promenade you can still find boundary stones with the chiseled letters "M z B" for Magistrat zu Berlin. After the construction program had been determined from December 1869 to February 1870, a limited architectural competition was opened in May 1870. The winning design by Martin Gropius and Heino Schmieden was accepted by the city council in July 1872 with a few changes. In the summer of 1873 the construction plans and cost estimates were available. The project was supposed to be around 2½ times as expensive as the Am Friedrichshain hospital planned by the same architects' firm . Negotiations by the town planning officer Hermann Blankenstein and changes in the building program made it possible to reduce the costs, but were still so high that the town authorities rejected the proposal in April 1874. Gropius & Schmieden finally asked to be released from the contract.

Blankenstein was now planning the building, the places for acutely ill lunatics were increased to 500 and an additional 500 places were approved for the sick and incurable. The institution should now be built on an urban area in Rummelsburg in order to be able to use the farm buildings of the local orphanage . However, the building site was required for the Rummelsburg marshalling yard . Other plots under consideration also turned out to be unsuitable and so in 1877 the decision was made in favor of Dalldorf. Construction work began in May 1877.

1880 to 1914

Kitchen house, F. Albert Schwartz , 1885

The building inspection on January 31, 1880 was followed by a tour by the city authorities on February 4, 1880. A day later, Empress Augusta von Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach visited the new building. Between February 6 and 14, 1880, the sick moved from the municipal facilities to Dalldorf, probably with the help of horse-drawn carts . Soon afterwards, the transfers from the private institutions began. In mid-May, 925 patients were counted, in August more than 1,000. From the beginning, lack of space was a dominant issue.

The insane asylum of the city of Berlin zu Dalldorf initially consisted of ten hospital pavilions, a kitchen, a machine house, a laundry, an administration building and several gardens and workshops. The fields adjacent to the north and the farmyard (today Alt-Wittenau 66 ) were also part of it. While the construction work was still going on, the idea of ​​adding a reform home for up to 100 mentally underdeveloped children came up. In addition, the budget was not exhausted due to the lower building prices. In September 1880 construction work started on the north side and in November 1881 the municipal idiot institute opened with 11 boys and girls each. In 1888 an additional girls' house was added, so up to 200 children could be looked after.

Organizationally, the insane asylum was divided into two departments: one for the insane (today the mentally ill) and one for the sick (today people with intellectual disabilities) and the epileptic. Both were headed by a doctor in charge who was also director of the insane asylum itself. In addition to the doctors and administrative staff, the workforce included around 140 guards. The nursing profession in psychiatry did not emerge until the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries. Century. Many of the employees lived with their families on the premises in the first few decades.

The educational institution was run relatively independently and had its own staff. Hermann Piper became the first educational inspector. A board of trustees consisting of three city councilors and five city councilors from the deputation for public health acted as the supervisory authority for the insane asylum. The poor directorate was responsible for determining the living conditions of the sick as well as collecting the spa and food costs, the sanitary conditions fell into the area of ​​the deputation for public health care.

The Dalldorf insane and idiots institution is an example of a type of institution that emerged in the second half of the 19th century, with the symmetrical arrangement of the buildings separating the sexes and the pavilion system classifying the mentally ill. The rural seclusion was both a means of therapy and of making the sick invisible to the urban public. Nonetheless, the custody conditions in Dalldorf were a clear step forward compared to the previous institutions: the patients who were fit for work were employed in the workshops and gardens of the institution against payment, occasional excursions and parties were organized for the patients, visits by relatives were also permitted and in certain cases even sick leave.

View of the insane asylum, F. Albert Schwartz , 1885

If one believes the institution's own statements and contemporary press articles, no individual physical coercion was exercised. Wilhelm Sander , director from 1887 to 1914, summed it up in the sentence “Coercion is neglect”. It is doubtful whether the liberal approach and reality always coincided. In 1980, straitjackets allegedly removed exactly 100 years earlier were found in old closets . So-called compulsory gloves were also used in the first few decades.

In forensic psychiatry , too , a liberal regime was initially maintained. In addition to patients admitted by the police, the institution also took in sick people while they were in custody, who today are mostly treated in prison hospitals. The public debate and press coverage of escapes were fraught with prejudice. The resulting pressure forced the establishment of a permanent house in 1883 . Hospital pavilion 5 was secured with iron bars in front of the windows and a high wall, and the guards tripled. However, the employment opportunities have also been expanded and the number of people in the bedrooms reduced to three to four.

The number of delinquent patients grew steadily in the first few years, even if no distinction was made between sick people who were interned for a criminal act - at that time "criminal madmen" - and sick people with criminal offenses in the past - then "mad criminals". In 1889 a medical observation department for mentally ill criminals opened in Moabit prison . Instead of the hoped-for relief for Dalldorf, there was another burden. Since patients from all over Prussia were sent to the Berlin prisons, the institution also had to look after non-Berliners. A solution to the problem was only found in 1904 when the prisoners were transferred to the institutions in their place of origin.

In addition to the increase in the number of residents, the institution also had an impact on the traffic development of Dalldorf. With the opening of the first section of the northern line on July 10, 1877, the Dalldorf station was also inaugurated. A branch line of the horse-drawn tram was laid out for visitors and employees around 1880 . From Alexanderplatz it took an hour to the final stop in today's Ollenhauerstr. 73 . On October 1, 1893, the first section of the Kremmener Bahn was put into operation, the route of which passes directly south of the prison premises. From the train station Dalldorf (Kremmener train) one led siding to the vicinity of the administrative building. There was in the institution's own narrow gauge - Lorenbahn be transhipped, whose grooved rails led between the hospital buildings through to the farmyard.

The Dalldorfer Anstalt was working to the limit of its capacity due to the increasing number of inhabitants and the mass impoverishment in Berlin. As early as 1885, Wilhelm Sander initiated the so-called family care system to ease the burden. People no longer in constant need of care were given to foster families for a fee and under medical supervision, or to their own relatives if they were equally qualified . In this way, patients should be gradually brought back into social life. This therapeutic expectation was fulfilled. The second goal was of an economic nature. The poor administration significantly saved costs and the foster families received an additional income. Even though the Wahrendorff Institute in Ilten first tried this method in Germany in 1880, the work in Dalldorf was definitely groundbreaking.

Nurse, 1903

At the end of the 1880s, the capacity of the insane asylum could be increased to 1,300 patients by adding previously unused rooms in the attic and relocating official apartments. As an agricultural insane colony, two colony houses (today Eichborndamm 238–240 ) were built near the old manor house in 1887, with an average of 60 quiet and able-bodied, exclusively male patients. The municipal mental hospital for children and adolescents Wiesengrund was operated here from 1925 to 1954 .

The city reacted to the increase in the mentally ill with the expansion of the insane: In 1893, the second city ​​insane asylum Herzberge opened in Lichtenberg and in November the institution for epileptic Wuhlgarten near Biesdorf . The third municipal insane asylum in Buch was added in 1906. The urban area was now divided into reception areas, with Dalldorf being responsible for the west of Berlin. The location of the insane asylums in the northern or northeastern hinterland near the traditional working-class districts is significant. Most of the patients came from the lower class, as can be seen from the administrative reports of the Berlin City Administration and the statistical yearbooks for 1880 to 1918. The wealthy were still cared for in private institutions.

On October 28, 1899, a prisoner revolt broke out in the Festes Haus . One of the orderlies was knocked down but was able to flee and get help. The doctors managed to get the revolters to withdraw through negotiations and the assurance that they would waive their punishment. Now the spreading fire could also be fought. The patients had lit the straw bags on which they had to sleep. As a result, house 5 was given an extension with two dormitories, including numerous single and isolation cells. The nursing staff was also increased.

1914 to 1933

In 1914 Friedrich Wilhelm Kortum took over the post of director of the Dalldorf institution. Already at the beginning of the First World War , hunger caused a noticeable decrease in the weight of the inmates and in the war winters of 1916/17 and 1917/18 a sudden increase in mortality . While the death rate was relatively constant before the war at 350 per year, it rose to 504 in 1916 and to 657 in 1917. Among the German psychiatrists, witnessing tens of thousands of people dying of malnutrition in the asylums led to the idea that the lives of the sick and weak weigh less than those of the able-bodied . The consequences of consistently thinking ahead with this idea should become apparent from 1933.

From 1920, two reasons led to far more people to be cared for than ever before. On the one hand the formation of Greater Berlin , the Dalldorfer Anstalt was now in the city. On the other hand, the simultaneous reduction in the role of private institutions, previously used as a kind of auxiliary facility. In order to do justice to the tasks, Berlin secured 5,000 beds in the Brandenburg provincial institutions ( Eberswalde , Neuruppin , Sorau , Teupitz , Görden and Landsberg / Warthe ) for the chronically or long-term physically ill. The attitude to ban them from the city remained so. On the other hand, extensive construction was carried out in Dalldorf from the beginning of the 1920s: conversion to electrical power supply and lighting, removal of the sewage fields and connection to the sewer system , expansion and modernization of the kitchen and laundry, and in almost half of the houses the expansion of the attic floors into nursing homes.

The democratic reform efforts in psychiatry at the beginning of the Weimar Republic subsided soon again. The appointment of Emil Bratz as medical director in 1922 fit this picture perfectly. The upswing in neurology from the mid-1920s was then more economically shaped and also took hold of the Dalldorf insane asylum. From 1924 onwards, the reform home was limited to children who could do an apprenticeship outside after school and craft lessons. In order to document the changes, the facilities were called Wittenauer Heilstätten or Wittenauer Heilstätten educational institution from 1925 onwards . By converting the top floor of Building 1 a so emerged in January 1928 abstinence - Sanatorium for drinkers , morphine and cocaine addicts . The 60 places were completely undersized for the mass of applications for admission.

In addition to the extensive and opinion-bearing scientific research z. B. for malaria treatment of progressive paralysis , three reformatory approaches stand out: the continuous expansion of family care, the Wittenau system as well as the hereditary recording and mapping of the Wittenau medical records, which began in 1929, but was canceled because of the costs.

After the onset of the First World War, family care was steadily expanded and thus became the most extensive in major German cities , probably even in Europe . The decisive boost came from the so-called nursing homes. Mostly run by women with previous experience in insane nursing, they often offered more professional care than the foster families and took in up to 18 sick people. Like the families, the homes also regularly visited a nursing doctor. The first social welfare worker came in 1927 . She accompanied the doctor, helped with the two monthly care days, kept in touch with the city districts and, if necessary, looked after the families of the sick outside the institution.

The network of psychiatric institutions that developed around the Dalldorfer Anstalt after the First World War and was organizationally linked to it was referred to as the Wittenau system or staggered system.

1st season or
basic season		 Dalldorf insane asylum or Wittenauer Heilstätten
2nd season largely independent institutions:
Colony Wiesengrund, reform home and abstinence sanatorium
3rd season Family care
4th season Open and follow-up care through:
• special consultation hours and house calls,
• follow-up care for the dismissed paralytics,
• aid associations for the dismissed mentally ill,
• district welfare offices for the nervous and mentally ill ,
• municipal advisory office for the nervous and mentally ill
5th season Activity of the psychiatrist

The medical-therapeutic character of the institution had prevailed. Even so, there was still legitimate criticism of the patient's accommodation, e.g. B. recorded in the report on the visit to the municipal insane asylum in Wittenau on March 11, 1930 .

1933 to 1945

Memorial plaque for the victims of psychiatry crimes at the main entrance

By the prominent position of the Wittenau Sanatoriums as the oldest, most prestigious and most famous psychiatric clinic of the imperial capital , she played a key role in the plans of the Nazis . The changes in everyday life were quickly felt. From 1933, the Hitler Youth used the church hall in the administration building for their swearing-in ceremonies, and the NSBO operating group unveiled a war memorial near the main entrance on October 15 . The change in the clinic management had profane reasons. Emil Bratz reached retirement age at the age of 65 and left on October 1, 1933. Gustav Adolf Waetzoldt became the new medical director. The situation was different when it came to the removal of Jews and political opponents . According to contemporary witnesses, the clinic dismissed 30 to 40 employees under the law on the restoration of the civil service of April 7, 1933. The counterpart to the "cleansing" was the "special action", in which old members of the NSDAP were hired without taking their qualifications into account.

Forced sterilizations

Judgments by hereditary health courts on the forced sterilization of Wittenau patients
Apr to Dec / 1934 337 resolutions
1935 587 resolutions
1936 467 resolutions
1937 301 resolutions
Jan to Sep / 1938 136 resolutions

Immediately after the law for the prevention of genetically ill offspring came into force on January 1, 1934, the psychiatrists in Wittenau strongly advocated its implementation. Between April 1934 and September 1938, for this period full information is available, they submitted 1,828 applications for sterility to the hereditary health courts . By the end of the war there should be over 2,000. The court did not always order sterilization. In the above Period was denied 56 times. The doubts about the "hereditary disease" were only rarely the basis, but rather were due to the doctors' overzealousness. In the end , there was no “reproductive risk ” from the chronically ill in closed wards with separate sexes or from women after the menopause .

As a rule, the Wittenauer Heilstätten also reported patients to whom the legal regulations only possibly applied, which highlights the doctors' attitude towards forced sterilization. An example was the director of the institution Waetzoldt. Of the 2635 patients at the Wittenau sanatorium including the affiliated facilities at the end of 1935, 1498 were, in his opinion, “hereditary diseases”. The hereditary health courts did not decide him severely enough. After first-instance sterilization indictments, by September 1938 he obtained an order of sterility from the Hereditary Health Supreme Court in at least ten cases.

The sanatoriums and the hereditary health courts were closely intertwined. Doctors in Wittenau performed several functions: treating patients, training colleagues and judges in National Socialist racial hygiene , drawing up sterilization reports and performing judges at genetic health courts. To be mentioned are z. B. Friedrich Panse , Werner Pfleger, Wilhelm Bender (1900–1960), Kurt Hasse and Rudolf Thiele.

The frequency of the forced sterilizations took place in the following hospitals: Rudolf Virchow Hospital , Erwin-Leach Hospital , Augusta Victoria Hospital , hospital Am Urban , Moabit Hospital and others. With an ordinance that came into force on September 1, 1939 - on this day the Second World War began - stipulating sterilization only in urgent cases, as well as the euthanasia decree , which was predated on the same day , went over to " destroying life unworthy of life ".

Action T4 in Berlin

According to Hans Hefelmann , the leading doctors of the four Berlin sanatoriums and nursing homes were involved in the preparation of the T4 campaign. So she attended a meeting of about 15 to 20 people in the office room in the first half of August 1939 Philipp Bouhler in the Registry of the guide part. Practical details and the criteria for the planned murders were discussed. In September 1939 the organizers of the euthanasia paid a visit to the Buch and Wittenau institutions. In the same month another meeting took place in the Fuehrer's office. Any difficulties that arise should be discussed from the perspective of specialists; again the four directors of the Berlin institutes.

Psychiatric patients in the Berlin institutions
Year 1939 9,204 sick
Late 1941 3,525 sick
1945 1,807 sick

On January 20, 1940, the Reich Defense Commissioner for Military District III announced in a decree the relocation of a larger number of inmates of the sanatoriums and nursing homes. First, the ward doctors had to fill out questionnaires. The lists should include all sick people who stayed in the institution for more than five years and did not work so much that their meals were covered. After a while, the evacuation by the Gekrat began. The families were not notified. Those who wanted to visit their relatives on Sundays only found empty beds. Eventually they were told that the patients had been transferred to the provincial institutions. Gradually, however, it leaked out that the journeys led directly or indirectly to the gas chambers of the Brandenburg killing center and later Bernburg .

After some unreasonable reasons and mix-ups, the patients were transported to Brandenburg via intermediate institutions. Berlin mainly used the collection point in the Neuruppin State Institute , which was set up at the end of June 1940 and occupied from August. First of all, the names and later also the serial number of the people intended for the transfer were noted on a strip of leukoplast and stuck on the victims' backs. The suggestion of how this practice could be improved went from Hans Berendes, deputy director in Neuruppin, to the Berlin Main Health Office on August 29, 1940, and from there in the form of an instruction to the Berlin institutions.

The patient's full name was sewn onto the back of the blouse or shirt. On the day of the removal, the nurses helped the sick to take off their blouses or pull up their shirts, after which they had to hunch their backs. Between the shoulder blades, the first and last name and, if necessary, the birthday, were written on the bare skin with a damp red copier. In addition, a tinny identification mark was attached in the buttonhole with string, in which the consecutive number was stamped.

The episode shows that many tasks of the state administration, regardless of the first except institutionally operating euthanasia Authority were done. For Berlin, the Neuruppin State Institute, the Brandenburg Provincial Association , the Main Health Office Berlin and the four so-called institutions of origin organized z. B. determining the time of transport, preparing the sick for transport, exchanging correspondence with relatives and resolving problems that arose from the secret murder of thousands of people.

The directors of the originating and intermediate agencies, as well as their deputies, were empowered to cross out in red ink any name on the transport lists that happened after the people were dead or identified as indispensable labor. The patients also had to be discharged at the request of the relatives, unless the persons had been briefed by the police , were in safe custody or classified as dangerous to the public. This intervention option was largely unknown and was therefore rarely used.

During 1940 the public sanatoriums and nursing homes in Berlin reported about 6,000 patients to the central office T4 via the medical department of the Reich Ministry of the Interior . Most of them were murdered. On October 31, 1940, the Buch sanatorium was converted into the Hufeland Hospital. Herzberge was converted in June 1941, a military hospital and Wuhlgarten bit later to the hospital. Only Wittenau remained as the receiving psychiatric clinic in Berlin.

On the basis of a resolution of the German Municipal Assembly of April 3, 1940, the municipal cemetery inspectors received precise instructions on how to proceed with mass mailings of the same urn from the same sender. In 1940/41 the large Berlin cemeteries actually received thousands of remains. Due to falling occupancy, the Neuruppin collection point ran out on December 2, 1940 and a smaller station was set up in Görden . The skirmish between the prison directors and the T4 central office, as well as the publicity of the action, led to its termination on August 24, 1941. The killing continued in a decentralized form.

Decentralized murders

Death numbers in the Wittenau sanatoriums
year dead
1923 464
1933 389
1938 241
1939 358
1940 481
1941 582
1942 853
1943 781
1944 919
January - May 8, 1945 633

There are two indications that euthanasia was also carried out in the Wittenau sanatoriums : on the one hand, the large number of deaths - 4,607 patients died between 1939 and the end of the war - on the other hand, the high death rate within certain groups, e.g. B. the Jews and foreigners. The inadequate diet - in 1941 the patient's body weight was about 10% lower than in 1938 - can be partly attributed to the war, but does not explain everything. Presumably the food rations were distributed according to productivity. Many courses of illness suggest that those unable to work received only starvation rations.

While the death rate fell overall by 1938, just under a quarter of the Jewish patients died in Wittenau between 1933 and 1939, after an average of slightly more than eight months of accommodation and at the age of 74. From 1939, almost a third of them died after only one to two months. Life expectancy fell to 70 in 1940 and to around 65 in the following years. The medical histories after 1939 are striking because of their similar entries. After a detailed admission test, the documentation became increasingly sparse. Shortly before the day of death, usually the short remark “general decline in strength”. The death entry often showed the same handwriting. The most common causes of death were pneumonia and cardiac insufficiency . Both signs of a violent death.

Transfers to the provincial institutions were not unusual; from 1920 onwards there were 30 to 50 chronically ill patients per year. The Obrawalde institution , a Brandenburg facility on Pomeranian , now Polish, territory, played hardly any role for Wittenau. From 1939 this was to change. By the end of 1944, according to the Obrawald admission books, 2,013 Wittenau patients had been transported eastwards, only a few survived.

The patients spent a few weeks to a few months in Wittenau before the transport. During this time they were deprived of care, neglected and starved. Their condition was often pitiful. Even the Pomeranian President complained to the Berlin Main Health Office “that some of the sick people who had been admitted to Obrawalde from the Wittenau asylums arrived in a messy, neglected condition” and asked “to see to it that in the future the sick to be transferred will be in one decent condition, but at least free from vermin “.

Only around a third of the deportees had been to Wittenau before. Most of them were not long-term sick, but were in the clinic for the first time and only for a short time. The Berlin Main Health Office ordered the relocation, but the selection was made by the institution. The head nurses selected and submitted the lists to the ward doctor for approval. The criteria were: unable to work, unwilling to work, uncomfortable, aggressive, maintenance-intensive or unclean. The nurses had gone from being assistants in a procedure ordered from above to making decisions about life or death.

The relatives were mostly not informed about the transfer. The transports were initially carried out by lorry to the Hamburg and Lehrter freight depots or to the Hermsdorf and Grunewald stations . There it went on by train. Nurses were always there to accompany them and at least once a doctor. On December 8, 1943, on the instructions of the deputy director Kurt Hasse, senior physician Willi Behrendt traveled with them. It is estimated that more than 10,000 psychiatric patients in Berlin were murdered between 1939 and 1945.

Forensic psychiatry with the "Destruction through work" campaign

Forensic patients at the Wittenauer Heilstätten
year Patient
1934 28
1935 37
1937 77
1938 83
1939 129
1940 131
1941 150
1943 143

The law against dangerous habitual criminals and on measures of security and reform of November 24, 1933 led to an increase in forensic patients in Wittenau . The German Community Congress conducted regular surveys among the sanatoriums and nursing homes about this patient group. For this reason, exact figures on diagnoses, offenses and applied legal clauses are available for the first four years. In Berlin, alcohol and drug addicts made up the largest group with 33%, followed by psychopaths and schizophrenics . The most common offenses were moral offenses , around 10% were imprisoned for a political crime .

In the 1934 survey, the Berlin institutes' conclusion was: “No particular difficulties” with the forensic patients. Later, the desire for exclusion grew stronger and the Wittenau sanatoriums repeatedly requested that they be housed in the workhouse or in the Lichtenberg preservation house . The arguments of the institution director Waetzoldt were cost reduction and the "deterrent educational effect". The survey in October 1938 summarized the Main Health Office in Berlin with the desire for alternative and cheaper accommodation and the demand for a law on the treatment of non-community residents. At this point in time , the Public Prosecutor rejected the Office's proposal of July 17, 1939 to transfer all those detained under Section 42b of the RStGB to the Obrawalde facility .

From October 1942, habitual criminals, asocial and Jewish prisoners were recorded in the prisons for the “ Destruction through work ” campaign. Reich Minister of Justice Otto Georg Thierack issued a decree on October 22, 1942: Asocial prisoners were to be handed over to the police authorities and then "destroyed by work" in concentration camps . This affected Jews , Gypsies , Poles , Russians , Ukrainians , people in preventive detention and prison inmates with more than 8 years imprisonment.

The mentally ill offenders in the institutions were initially not affected by this, a separate regulation was planned. The sample assessment of the inmates in the municipal work and preservation house in Berlin-Lichtenberg in January 1942 marked the start. From October 3, 1942, all sick people accommodated in sanatoriums and nursing homes according to § 42 b and c RStGB were recorded. The T4 doctors traveled across the country for this. Herbert Linden , Reich Commissioner for the sanatoriums and nursing homes, ordered the mentally ill offenders to be transferred to the police on August 8, 1943, which ultimately meant concentration camps.

In the ministerial decree and in the forwarding of the Main Health Office Berlin of September 4, 1943, the exceptions were also listed:

  • (1) those not accommodated according to § 42 b (and § 42 c) RStGB;
  • (2) foreigners, with the exception of Poles, Jews and Gypsies;
  • (3) those who are not suitable for work because of their physical condition;
  • (4) those employed in the sanatoriums and nursing homes for important work which it is either impossible or inexpedient to replace by other workers.

In spite of the explicit references to the exceptions, especially number 4, the Wittenau sanatoriums named all 143 mentally ill offenders on October 29, 1943. The attached list revealed that there were only six murderers and manslaughters among them. Of the 108 men, however, 34 were housed for political reasons, 18 for desertion or disruption of the military , 15 for violating the treachery law and a pest . In the accompanying letter and again in January 1944, the institute complained that the action had not yet started.

The transfer to the police apparently did not materialize to the extent planned. Since numerous relevant medical files are missing and the documents in the Sachsenhausen concentration camp also show gaps, the fate of the 143 people can only be partially reconstructed. There is evidence of transfers to the Obrawalde killing center, transfers to the police or to a concentration camp, discharges before the end of the war with an unexplained further curriculum vitae, exemptions at the end of the war and remaining in the institution after the war. Contemporary witnesses reported that the police or the Schutzstaffel ambushed some of the dismissed and took them away. In the case of patients with missing files, a transfer to a concentration camp is not unlikely.

Even after the list was compiled in October 1943, the public prosecutor's office detained people in Wittenau until April 1945. Of these, 33% were released with an unknown destination, 25% transferred to Obrawalde and about 10% to other institutions. A quarter of forensic patients died in the sanatoriums before the end of the war. A very high value even under war conditions, as most of them were young and healthy. The doctors and nurses of the Wittenauer Heilstätten were particularly committed to sending these people to their deaths and also lent a hand themselves.

Jewish patients

Although already mentioned in a few places, it is worth considering the Jewish patients separately. They were disenfranchised and ostracized in two respects: for racist and psychological reasons. The Jewish prison inmates were subject to the special anti-Semitic regulations introduced in 1933 as well as the National Socialist health policy outlined above. In addition, there were special regulations for the health facilities for dealing with Jewish patients as well as the everyday defamation by the doctors and nurses.

Initially, the National Socialists allowed pastoral care by rabbis . From 1937, services could only be held in simply furnished rooms. Only patients who did not require the support of the nursing staff were allowed to participate. In December 1938, the Mayor of Berlin, Julius Lippert , forbade Jews from all ritual and cultic acts and from visiting rabbis in the city's health facilities. As a final concession, the sending of matze for the Passover festival was allowed until 1939 .

In June 1938 the Reich Ministry of the Interior sent out a confidential decree requiring separate accommodation for Jewish and non-Jewish patients. The Berlin institutions dealt with it differently, while Buch did not implement the demand, Herzberge set up a "Jewish department". The ordinance on public welfare for Jews of November 19, 1938 was used by the public administration to pass the costs of care on to the Jewish communities and the Reich Association of Jews in Germany . Only if they were not able to do so should public welfare pay for it after strict examination.

In the first months of the T4 campaign , the Jewish patients were selected according to the selection criteria that were also used elsewhere. In April 1940, preparations began for the systematic murder of Jewish institutional patients, purely for racist motives. In July 1940, almost all Berlin-Brandenburg Jews were concentrated in House 12 of the Buch sanatorium. After a short time she was transferred to the Brandenburg killing center . 470 people were gassed as part of this special campaign. From October 1941, the fate of the Jewish prison inmates largely corresponded to that of the rest of the Jewish population; after the deportation, they were murdered. The transport in December 1942 completed the extermination of the Jewish patients in Wittenau.

Second World War

War memorial erected by the Nazis in 1933

In 1940 the director of the institution, Gustav Adolf Waetzoldt, fell ill with an eye disease. In 1944 he resigned from his post, almost blind . Fritz Balluff had already taken over the external representation of the clinic and signed the correspondence.

In the Second World War were on the premises Soviet forced laborers housed. On November 27, 1943, an incendiary bomb completely destroyed women's infirmary 8 and partially women's shelter 9, and gas and heating failed for weeks. The prison management reacted to the pressure to be accepted with an increased transfer to the provincial institutions; After the bombing raid alone, 250 women were relocated to Obrawalde on December 8, 1943, where almost all of them were murdered.

On the night of 21./22. April 1945 the First Belarusian Army reached the Reinickendorf district . On April 24, 1945 there was also fighting on the grounds of the Wittenauer Heilstätten. At the position of today's craftsman's house (house 13) there were earth bunkers and wooden shelters. A unit of the Wehrmacht with 17 to 18 year old boys was holed up there. After about one to two hours everyone was dead. To the left behind the main entrance, 30 to 40 fallen Red Army soldiers were buried under specially planted birches. In May 1945, a wooden memorial plaque was erected in their honor and a small inauguration ceremony was held, in which the mayor of Wittenau , Anton Jadasch, also took part. The corpses were exhumed in the same year and transferred to Treptow and Schönholz .

During their advance, the Red Army liberated many concentration camps and prisons . The gates were also opened in the Wittenau sanatoriums. It is unclear whether the Soviet soldiers mistakenly believed the inmates to be political prisoners or were aware of the crimes committed under Nazi racial hygiene . As an indication of the former, the patient's clothing and files found are listed with the imprint “Pol.”, Which however means “briefing by the police”. It is said that a patient subsequently held the post of director for several weeks.

1945 to 1990

Karl Bonhoeffer

After the war, patients were cut off from the developing black market . Hunger and infectious diseases led to an enormous increase in mortality . Between the end of the war and December 1945 alone, 1,608 sick people died. In 1946 and 1947 the situation was similarly dire. The many dead were piled on carts and buried in mass graves in the prison cemetery. While large criminal proceedings for psychiatric crimes were conducted early on in other cities or at least intensive investigations were initiated, Berlin hushed up and neglected this issue.

After the war, Fritz Balluff was appointed medical director. At his express request, Karl Bonhoeffer , who had been advising the clinic on diagnoses since mid-January 1946, was appointed doctor in charge of the Wittenauer Heilstätten in April 1946 at the age of 78. After Bonhoeffer's death on December 4, 1948, Balluff remained Medical Director, and in 1952 his title was upgraded to Medical Director. It was not until the 1950s that medical care should improve again. In 1949 a nursing school was affiliated, the degrees of which were recognized by the state from 1959.

Due to the division of Berlin , the Wittenauer Heilstätten were for years the only psychiatric hospital in West Berlin besides the university psychiatry. The construction of the Wall in 1961 made inpatient care for the mentally ill even more difficult. To relieve the chronically ill, large family foster homes were set up in villas in various parts of the city. The first of these branch offices was the DRK -Heim Tannengrund (Königstraße 40) in Zehlendorf in 1950 , followed by Birkenhain (Pillkaller Allee 2) in Westend in 1959 , Conradshöhe (Eichelhaherstraße 19) in the K-spelled district in 1960 , Erlengrund (Tannenbergallee 13-15) in 1961 in Westend and in 1964 Rosengarten in Wilmersdorf .

The year 1957 brought a number of changes: Rudolf Klaue became Medical Director, the name was changed to Karl-Bonhoeffer-Heilstätten and the introduction of neuroleptics made it possible to demolish the walls around the patient gardens, and later also to remove most of the window bars from the houses . In 1958 the institution cemetery was closed. Under Klaue, therapeutic activities were greatly expanded, e. B. Founding of the departments for neurology in 1962 and for rehabilitation in 1967 as well as the branch in Neheimer Straße 10 in Tegel for alcoholics .

In the 1950s the structural condition deteriorated noticeably, especially that of the technical systems. By erecting it in one go, the aging became evident everywhere at the same time. In addition, there was the change to a special hospital with a clinical character, which the facility could not match. A memorandum from 1961 documents the unbearable conditions. A comprehensive structural development phase began tentatively in 1959 with the renovation of House 5 (permanent house). A clear concept was in place from 1962 with the renovation of House 3. Former sick rooms have been converted into functional rooms, the buildings have a complete basement and flat-lying extensions were added at the rear. The other houses gradually followed this basic model. This section is closely linked to the architect Gerd Hänska .

Ward block opened in 1982

In order to compensate for the temporary loss of beds, a new bed block was built in 1966-69 on an orchard west of House 1. In 1963 the first occupational therapist was hired and in 1966 a school for occupational and occupational therapy was established. The change to a psychiatric-neurological hospital was symbolized in 1967 when it was renamed the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik . In 1968 the Bonhoeffer Church was consecrated. The attached, metal verses are reminiscent of Dietrich Bonhoeffer . In 1969 the construction of the diagnostic center began.

In 1970, the year Rudolf Klaue died, a change took place in psychiatry: the fixation on the organic circumstances of psychiatric illnesses and the overestimation of the effects of psychotropic drugs gave way to a return to socio-psychiatric methods. So the choice for the new director fell on the social psychiatrist Horst Flegel. He took up his post in May 1971, and the reformer was dismissed only six months later. The Reinickendorf District Office, headed by Mayor Herbert Grigers , revised its decision in view of the pressure from employees.

The successor Wolfram Keup nevertheless tried to continue the modernization process, especially in the direction of decentralized support. Under him the diagnostic center (medical-technical center, central patient admission, archive, nursing assistant school) was completed. The snug-fitting kitchen house followed in 1976. Because the number of beds decreased due to the conversion of hospital rooms into functional rooms, work on another ward block began in 1979. Keup initiated the construction of a new permanent house before he resigned his post in autumn 1979. The reason for resignation was the z. Partly bitter resistance within psychiatry.

The Berlin architects Joachim Ganz and Wolfgang Rolfes emerged as the winners of the nine-participant competition for the Feste Haus by ignoring some of the tender criteria and suggesting better alternatives. Wilfried Rasch served as advisor . After about seven years of planning, the construction of the Wilhelm Sander House for Forensic Psychiatry began where the reform home previously stood . Opened in 1987, its medical and architectural approach of hope, serenity and help should prove itself. As early as 1981 a craftsman's house was added on the south-western boundary of the property, and in 1982 the second ward block (house 24) was added. In 1984 the processing of the history of the Wittenau sanatoriums began during the time of National Socialism .

1990 until today

General plan of the Oranienburger Strasse site

In 1994 a bronze plaque was placed at the main entrance to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist crimes at the Wittenau sanatoriums. On January 1, 1997, the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic was merged with the Humboldt Hospital to form the Reinickendorf Hospital . January 1, 2001 all went state-owned hospitals, except the Hospital Maßregelvollzugs , the hospital group Vivantes on. On 13 March 2002, the management decided to rename all hospitals in a uniform manner, here the choice fell Humboldt Hospital , site Oranienburgerstraße .

The move of the addiction center to the Nordgraben location of the Humboldt Clinic in 2006 marks the end of the Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik. A psychiatric outpatient clinic, Vivantes administration and several subsidiaries remain at the Oranienburger Strasse location . Some houses are rented to the city of Berlin for the prison hospital, while others are home to associations, institutes and private companies.

In 2008 around 90,000 files from the years 1880 to 1960 were handed over to the Berlin State Archives . On May 3, 2013, the State Office for Health and Social Affairs Berlin set up emergency accommodation for asylum seekers in the vacant house 25 . On October 30, 2018, the Berlin Senate decided to build the new arrival center for refugees on the site. Trees have to be cleared for the modular accommodation. The work should be completed by the end of 2019 (as of October 2018).

architecture

Former morgue

The Dalldorfer Anstalt is considered a high point in Hermann Blankenstein's work , created in an early stage of the pavilion system in Berlin hospital construction and in the style of late classicism . The central axis is reserved for the administration and farm buildings. Left and right, the ten symmetrically arranged patient buildings form four half-open courtyards , originally used as patient gardens. The buildings continue the clinker construction method reintroduced by Karl Friedrich Schinkel , but already have a hint of the modern architecture. With up to 27 axes, the houses appear rather low. They are covered with yellow brick and stand on a red brick base . Red brick associations , belt and main cornices with sparingly used shaped and ornamental cottons structure the yellow surfaces. The risalits in the middle and at the corners proportionate the long sides. The protruding gable roofs with their wooden consoles give a dignified impression.

The hierarchical position of the administration building (house 14) is evident in its advanced position and the increased use of terracottas. Four medallions are attached to the first floor of the central risalit. The relief - portraits on golden yellow glazed base make the psychiatrist Philippe Pinel , Johann Gottfried Langer man , Karl Wilhelm Ideler and Wilhelm Griesinger is the back is of the two-storey, a classic. Basilica -scale hospital chapel marked.

The farmhouse (today the boiler house and old kitchen) consists of several intermingled structures and also includes a water tower and two tall chimneys. The semicircular ice cellar stands a little further . At the upper end of the central axis, the civil servants' residence (building 20) is on the right and the morgue (building 9) on the left. The latter with a temple-like decorative gable and a three-part arcade - loggia .

near-natural part of the landscape park

The complex is embedded in a landscape park that is closer to nature in the south and southwest. With his resources, Blankenstein is continuing Schinkel's traditions on this point too. The moraines , which were greatly changed during the construction of the Kremmener Bahn, mark the southern edge of the site. In the first decades there was a viewing pavilion on the tree-lined hills . The Koldischteich is located near the railway embankment. The Ice Age Söll was previously called Kranichpfuhl, was integrated into the institution's drainage system and had a drain to Lake Tegel . The historical part of Karl Bonhoeffer mental hospital and the Bonhoeffer Church stand as overall plant under monument protection .

The ward block (house 25) designed by Gerd Hänska uses essential elements, e.g. B. the clinker construction, from Blankenstein again, but breaks it into its time. Three V-shaped structures, which emerge from a center in a star shape, interpret the pavilion style with a functional center. The terraces and gardens open outwards into the surroundings and are not finally directed inwards. Displacements and multiplications loosen symmetry and axiality. The adaptable floor plans and corridors occupied by hospital rooms on one side also reappear. In contrast, the external effect is completely different. Since only part of the house can be seen from any direction, it appears less massive and the tilted position of the rooms creates a saw-blade-like gradation of the facade. The building flows smoothly into the surroundings and is not built to contrast with it. The ward block to the north (house 24) is a larger variation of the former.

The supply core is located behind the administration building; the architect Hänska deliberately seeks a contrast to the brick buildings. The three-storey steel construction with a basement and a rectangular floor plan - the diagnostic device - is covered with a white PVC facade, an allusion to the white doctors' smocks. By indenting the two upper floors on the north side by 4.50 m each, a kind of terrace is created. The attached U-shaped structure - the kitchen house - is externally matched to the diagnostic equipment and with it encloses a rectangular inner courtyard.

The highly praised Wilhelm Sander House by Ganz and Rolfes does not look like a penal institution, more like a monastery. The comb-like main wing in the south with its garden courtyards, the workshop wing in the north and the two connecting corridors in the east and west form an approximately square complex. This encloses a rectangular courtyard with old trees and a beautiful gym. The facades and special window glass serve as external security, so you can look out and in just like in "normal" houses. The slight curve in the floor plan is reinforced by semicircular bay windows , risalits with gables and recessed windows. The play of colors follows a sophisticated concept: the bricks in soft yellow and red, the round pillars and angular support beams in white, the railings in blue and the metal roof and window bars contrast with the brown of the floor and the green of the plants.

Exhibition Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945

Poster of the exhibition Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945 at house 10

For a long time, the clinic's involvement in National Socialist crimes had not been publicly discussed. The files said they were burned in the war. After it was rediscovered in the clinic's basement, a working group began working on this chapter in 1984. The exhibition Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945 has been a visible result since 1988 . The history of the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic. and the book of the same name. The exhibition began a tour of the clinic, Berlin and even Belgium.

1988 Opening in the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic, first floor of House 4
1989 Move to State Archives Berlin
1991 after revision Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic, church hall in building 14
1995-1996 On loan to the Museum Guislain in Ghent, Belgium
until 2005 shown in Humboldt-Klinikum, location Oranienburger Straße, transverse building of house 14
Summer 2005 briefly shown in Evangelical Hospital Queen Elisabeth Herzberge
January 23, 2009 after redesign and renaming at the request of the Bonhoeffer family in Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. The history of the Wittenauer Heilstätten, Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik since 1957. Humboldt-Klinikum, location Oranienburger Straße, house 10
March 3, 2013 Expansion as part of the Berlin theme year Destroyed Diversity to include the exhibition Double Stigmatized. Fates of Jewish psychiatric patients in Berlin sanatoriums and nursing homes under the Nazi regime. same place

In July 2008, the association was founded as a sponsor , the society against the stigmatization of mentally ill people. V.

literature

  • Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik (Ed.): 100 years of the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik 1880–1980. Festschrift. Berlin 1980.
  • Working group to research the history of the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik (Ed.): Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. On the history of the Wittenauer Heilstätten - since 1957 Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-08-7 .
  • Thomas Beddies, Andrea Dörries (ed.): The patients of the Wittenauer Heilstätten in Berlin 1919-1960 (= treatises on the history of medicine and the natural sciences . Volume 91). Matthiesen Verlag, Husum 1999, ISBN 3-7868-4091-1 .

Web links

Commons : Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ Michael Zaremba: Reinickendorf in the course of history. be.bra verlag, Berlin 1999, ISBN 3-930863-63-4 , p. 99.
  2. ↑ a b c Vivantes Humboldt Clinic History of the House. In: Vivantes - Network for Health GmbH . Retrieved January 26, 2016 .
  3. ↑ a b c d 2nd update of the Reinickendorfer Psychiatry Plan (2012). (PDF; 2.2 MB) II Development of the psychiatric support system and its framework conditions in the period 1997–2011 in Reinickendorf. (No longer available online.) In: berlin.de The official capital city portal. District Office Reinickendorf of Berlin, Department of Economy, Health and Citizen Services, April 1, 2012, pp. 3–6 , archived from the original on November 13, 2013 ; accessed on November 7, 2013 (editor: Marko Zoschke).
  4. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Sabine Damm, Norbert Emmerich: The Dalldorf-Wittenau insane asylum until 1933. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 15 ff.
  5. ↑ a b c d e f g h Manfred Stürzbecher: Beginnings of regulated custody of mentally ill people. In: 100 Years of the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic 1880–1980 Festschrift. Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (Ed.) Berlin 1980, p. 19 ff.
  6. ↑ Under Blankenstein, the later building director and building councilor of the Free and Hanseatic City of Lübeck, Eugen Deditius , worked here .
  7. ↑ a b c d Klaus Joosten-Wilke: Traces. In: 100 Years of the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic 1880–1980 Festschrift. Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (Ed.) Berlin 1980, p. 51 ff.
  8. ↑ a b c d e f g h i Ingeburg Weger: 100 years of the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic - from a medical point of view. In: Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (Hrsg.): 100 years of Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik 1880–1980. Festschrift. Berlin 1980, p. 27 ff.
  9. ↑ a b c d e f g h Wolf-Deneke Weltzien, Fritz Weinthaler: The structural development from the insane asylum to the mental hospital. In: Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (Hrsg.): 100 years of Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik 1880–1980. Festschrift. Berlin 1980, p. 41 ff.
  10. ↑ a b c d e f Klaus Schlickeiser: Discover Reinickendorf. Walks in Wittenau. Support group for education, culture and international relations Reinickendorf e. V., Berlin 2010, ISBN 978-3-927611-33-7 , p. 110 f.
  11. ↑ a b c d Mandy Schielke: The files of the Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik in Berlin have published their holdings. In: Deutschlandradio Kultur . November 13, 2008, accessed May 21, 2013 .
  12. ↑ Karl Bonhoeffer: Sterilization of the mentally inferior. In: Clinical weekly. 3rd year 1924, p. 798. Quoted from the working group researching the history of the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik (ed.): Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 21.
  13. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k l Norbert Emmerich: Die Forensische Psychiatrie 1933–1945. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 105 ff.
  14. ↑ a b c d District Office Reinickendorf of Berlin, Department of Adult Education, Adult Education Center (ed.): Citizens explore their district of Dalldorf Wittenau. Berlin 1987, p. 28 ff. And p. 116 ff.
  15. ↑ Working group for research into the history of the Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (ed.): Biography Friedrich Wilhelm Kortum (1856–1926). In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 32.
  16. ↑ Kerstin Bötticher (ed.): Welfare and welfare in Berlin 1800–1948. A relevant source inventory. Part 2. (= series of publications on the history of medicine . Volume 21). be.bra Wissenschaft verlag, Berlin 2012, ISBN 978-3-937233-96-3 , p. 149 (A Rep. 003-04-04 Municipal Insane Asylum Dalldorf / Wittenauer Heilstätten).
  17. ↑ a b c d e f g Norbert Emmerich: Die Wittenauer Heilstätten 1933–1945. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 77 ff.
  18. ↑ a b c d e Marianne Hühn: Race ideology becomes law. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 93 ff.
  19. ↑ a b c d e f g Stefanie Finally: paths to memory. Memorial sites and locations for the victims of National Socialism in Berlin and Brandenburg. State Center for Political Education Berlin, Berlin 2006, p. 357 f.
  20. ↑ in particular by Ernst Klee : German Medicine in the Third Reich. Careers before and after 1945 . S. Fischer, Frankfurt am Main 2001, ISBN 3-10-039310-4 , pp. 83-88.
  21. ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k Götz Aly: The "Action T4" and the city of Berlin. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 137 ff.
  22. ↑ a b c Christina Härtel, Marianne Hühn, Norbert Emmerich: Sick murders in the Wittenau sanatoriums. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , pp. 185 ff.
  23. ↑ a b c d Christina Härtel: Transports in den Tod. Relocation from the Wittenau sanatoriums to Obrawalde near Meseritz. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 191 ff.
  24. ↑ Landesarchiv Berlin Rep 12 Acc 1641/262: Letter of complaint from the Upper President in Stettin of February 5, 1944 to the Main Health Office in Berlin . Quoted from the working group researching the history of the Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (ed.): Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 198.
  25. ↑ a b c d panel in the exhibition Double Stigmatized. Fate of Jewish psychiatric patients in Berlin sanatoriums and nursing homes under the Nazi regime. Exhibition of the Institute for the History of Medicine of the Charité and the Verein totgeschwiegen e. V. Berlin 2013.
  26. ^ A b Marianne Hühn: The fate of the Jewish patients under National Socialism. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 125 ff.
  27. ↑ Working group to research the history of the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik (Ed.): Biography Gustav Adolf Waetzold (1890–1945). In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 79 f.
  28. ^ A b Working group to research the history of the Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (ed.): Biography Fritz Balluff (1893–1975). In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 89.
  29. ↑ Heimatmuseum Reinickendorf: Locations of the forced labor camp in the Reinickendorf district. Brochure in the permanent exhibition, No. 125: Oranienburger Strasse (Heilstätten) Soviet forced laborers.
  30. ↑ a b District Office Reinickendorf, Department of Public Education / Art Department, Heimatmuseum Reinickendorf (Ed.): Reinickendorf 1945/46. The first post-war period. Contributions to the history of Reinickendorf. Berlin 1995, ISBN 3-931658-01-5 , p. 27 ff.
  31. ↑ Ursula Grell: Karl Bonhoeffer and the racial hygiene. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , pp. 207 ff.
  32. ↑ Working group to research the history of the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik (ed.): Karl Bonhoeffer's curriculum vitae in data. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933-1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 215 ff.
  33. ↑ LH: Heilstätte is now called a mental hospital. In: Der Tagesspiegel , May 4, 1967.
  34. ↑ Peter Vollmers: A brief outline of the development of the state-recognized school for occupational and work therapy at the Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic. In: Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik (Ed.): 100 years of the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik 1880–1980 commemorative publication. Berlin 1980, p. 69.
  35. ^ Psychiatry: Without parole . In: Der Spiegel . No. 48 , 1971 ( online ).
  36. ↑ According to other sources, not until 1981.
  37. ↑ EB: Birthdays of Prof. Dr. med. Wolfram Keup. (PDF; 37 kB) In: Deutsches Ärzteblatt Volume 102 Issue April 15, 2005, accessed on August 15, 2013 .
  38. ^ A b Manfred Sack : House for mentally ill offenders. Encouraging experiences with the new permanent house of the Karl-Bonhoeffer-Nervenklinik . In: Die Zeit , No. 2/1989, p. 31
  39. ↑ a b c Bernd-Michael Becker, Sabine Damm, Norbert Emmerich, Ursula Grell, Christina Härtel, Marianne Hühn, Martina Krüger: About our work. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 8 ff.
  40. ↑ a b c d e f table in the exhibition Totgeschwiegen 1933-1945. The history of the Wittenauer Heilstätten, Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik since 1957. Exhibition of the association totgeschwiegen e. V. Berlin 2009.
  41. ↑ Birgitt Eltzel: Heimatverein criticizes name change as illegal and wants to save traditional names. Instead of “Griesinger” only Vivantes Clinic . In: Berliner Zeitung , August 26, 2002,
  42. ^ Hospital of the penal system in Berlin. In: berlin.de. Retrieved May 21, 2013 .
  43. ↑ Alexander Dix, Uwe Schaper: Use of psychiatry and other patient files in the Berlin State Archive. (No longer available online.) In: Berlin Commissioner for Data Protection and Freedom of Information . July 29, 2008, archived from the original on August 25, 2013 ; Retrieved August 26, 2013 .
  44. ↑ Nantke Garrelts: Dispute about emergency accommodation for asylum seekers. In: Der Tagesspiegel. May 6, 2013, accessed August 26, 2013 .
  45. ↑ New arrival center for refugees is being built . In: Governing Mayor . Senate Chancellery : Press releases from the Senate Chancellery . Berlin November 30, 2018 (accessed November 1, 2018).
  46. ↑ a b c d e Reinickendorf district office of Berlin (ed.): The monuments in Berlin-Reinickendorf. The monument areas, architectural monuments, garden monuments and ground monuments of the district. Jaron Verlag GmbH, Berlin 1st edition 1998, ISBN 3-932202-25-2 , p. 195 f. and p. 200.
  47. ^ Karl Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic Berlin-Reinickendorf. In: Joachim Ganz architects. Retrieved October 2, 2013 .
  48. ^ Sibylle Wirsing: The abolition of the suffering person. An exhibition by the Berlin Bonhoeffer Psychiatric Clinic. In: Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung , September 24, 1988. Quoted from the working group researching the history of the Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik (Ed.): Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 220.
  49. ↑ Vivantes Netzwerk für Gesundheit GmbH: Flyer for the opening of the exhibition hushed up 1933–1945. The history of the Wittenauer Heilstätten, Karl Bonhoeffer Nervenklinik since 1957. Berlin 2009.
  50. ^ The working group for research into the history of the clinic: Foreword to the 2nd edition. In: Totgeschwiegen 1933–1945. 3. Edition. Edition Hentrich, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-926175-64-8 , p. 6 f.
  51. ^ Institute for the History of Medicine of the Charité and dead-silent e. V .: Flyer for the exhibition opening double stigmatized. Fate of Jewish psychiatric patients in Berlin sanatoriums and nursing homes under the Nazi regime. Berlin 2013.

Coordinates: 52 ° 34 ′ 54.3 "  N , 13 ° 19 ′ 44.8"  E