Gregorian chant

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The Christmas Introitus Puer natus est in Gregorian square notation . Choral book from the Poor Clare Monastery in Bamberg (created around 1500).

The Gregorian chant ( Latin cantus choralis sive ecclesiasticus "choral or church chant") or Gregorian chant (cantus gregorianus) is a unison , originally unaccompanied liturgical chant of the Roman Catholic Church in Latin (hence also cantus Romanus ). As the word of God sung , it is an integral part of the liturgical act.

The core repertoire of Gregorian chant consists of the proprium and ordinarium of Holy Mass and the Liturgy of the Hours . The chants of the mass are in the gradual (also chorale book ), those of the liturgy in the antiphonal .

History, theory and practice of Gregorian chant, the concerned Gregorian .

Emergence

prehistory

The meaning of liturgical chant for the early Christian church is derived from the corresponding passages in the New Testament . There it is reported, among other things, that Jesus and his disciples began a hymn of praise at the Lord's Supper (see Mt 26.30  EU and Mk 14.26  EU ). The apostle Paul of Tarsus urged the early Christian communities in Ephesus and Colossai : “Let psalms , hymns and songs resound in your midst as the Spirit prompts them. Sing and cheer with all your heart in the praise of the Lord! ”( Eph 5:19  EU ) and“ Sing to God in your heart psalms, hymns and songs as the Spirit gives them, for you are in God's grace ”( Col 3:16  EU ). In the New Testament, hymns and liturgical pieces from the worship of the early Christian communities have come down to us. These texts include the three cantica from the Gospel of Luke , namely Magnificat , Benedictus and Nunc dimittis . When they enter Jerusalem , the people sing the Hosanna song ( Mk 11.9–10  EU ). From the letters of Paul of are Philippians and the hymns Eph 1.2-15  EU and Col. 1.15 to 20  EU to call. The prologue of the Gospel of John is designed as a song, in the Revelation of John there is a song of Christ in Revelation 5 : 9-10  EU .

In the early Christian centuries, under the influence of Jewish ritual music, simple melodies emerged; Their performance was mostly limited to soloists who were able to recite all the verses of a psalm in one go. These chants were mostly syllabic , but melisms were also occasionally used. At the end of the 4th century the congregation began to respond to the solo chants with simple, short chants ( responsory ). With the emergence of monastic orders, there were many singers during church services who knew the psalms by heart, so that they could regularly split into two choirs and sang alternately ( antiphon , see also Neh 12.31  EU ).

Pope Gregory the Great

Gregory the Great dictates the Gregorian chant to his notary Peter the deacon, which is given to him by the Holy Spirit (in the form of a dove). Neumes can be seen on the wax
tablet .
Depiction around 1000 AD

Gregorian chant is named after Pope Gregory I († 604), who is also called Gregory the Great. Around his time - first documented towards the end of the 7th century - the Schola cantorum was founded in Rome , which was of great importance for the maintenance and further development of the liturgical chants and the repertoire. After all , she regularly sang an introit for the entry of the clergy and communion for communion . In addition, chants for the Liturgy of the Hours , hymns and chants for the Ordinarium were composed; however, the names of the composers are not known.

The alleged relationship of a Pope named Gregor to the chants later referred to as Gregorian appears in writing for the first time in the second third of the 9th century in the prologue of the Monza Cantatorium . There it says:

" GREGORIUS PRAESUL [...] CONPOSUIT HUNC LIBELLUM MUSICAE ARTIS SCOLAE CANTORUM ."
"Praesul Gregor [...] wrote the following book of musical art for the Schola cantorum."

It is unclear, however, whether the author of the prologue, who was able to rely on older, lost models, meant Gregor I or Gregory II and whether Praesul Gregor is only described as the author of the textual compilation or also as the composer of the musical version of the chants. The latter presented around 875 Johannes Diaconus in his Vita Gregorii as given: Gregory I was the author of the pieces given by the Holy Spirit. This biography was widely circulated and often copied and commented on. The title of a corresponding manuscript from the 11th century is typically called De musica quomodo per beatum Gregorium fuit primitus inventa ("About music and how it was first invented by Blessed Gregory").

According to the unanimous opinion of historians and musicologists, Pope Gregory I cannot be regarded as the composer of these pieces. His authorship was asserted or assumed in order to be able to establish the shape, repertoire and melodies of the Roman liturgy - based on an undoubted spiritual authority - as divinely given. Gregory the Great himself, on the other hand, by no means insisted on any liturgies of his time being a role model. In a letter to his Anglo-Saxon missionary Augustine of Canterbury , he wrote: “But if you have found something in the Roman, Gallic or any other church that may particularly please Almighty God, it is fine with me; choose carefully and introduce into the English Church, which is only newly founded in the faith, the best that you have been able to bring together from many churches. "

Origin of the melodies

Introit melodies to the same text from Psalm 21 (22), on the left in Ancient Roman, on the right in Gregorian, written down in the first half of the 11th century

In musicology, four theories about the origin of melodies are discussed, whereby the distinction and definition of the ancient Roman and Gregorian repertoire are always at stake:

  1. Gregorian chant originated in Rome under Pope Vitalian († January 27, 672) from or alongside ancient Roman chant, with the papal schola cantorum initially called ordo cantorum being assigned a leading role.
  2. Gregorian chant emerged north of the Alps after 754 as part of the Carolingian liturgical reform under Pepin the Younger through a transformation of the ancient Roman chant brought from Rome to the Frankish Empire, possibly including features of the replaced Gallican chant. In this case, Bishop Chrodegang in Metz has played a central role.
  3. The core of the Gregorian repertoire originated in Rome under Vitalian and was expanded north of the Alps to a more extensive repertoire after 754.
  4. Gregorian chant originated in Rome and was established there as a repertoire by the middle of the 8th century. It was taken over to the Franconian Empire and passed on there largely unchanged. In Rome, on the other hand, this was less successful, as the versions of ancient Roman chant recorded in the 11th century show.

It seems certain that the form of the liturgy sung, which was called cantus (Latin singular for chant ), essentially originated in Rome, where it was gradually created between the 4th and early 8th centuries. The prehistory of the ancient Roman and Gregorian melodies, which were called cantūs (Latin plural for chants ), is largely unknown, and no original melodies from their prehistoric times have survived, as these were only passed on orally. With common roots in early Christian music, however, the ancient Roman repertoire and Gregorian chant show a number of parallels and similarities to the corresponding forms and practice of early Byzantine music.

The traditions of Gallican and Mozarabic chant were superseded by the Gregorian chant called cantus Romanus by Charlemagne . Ambrosian chant alone has survived to this day.

Writing of the melodies

Beginning of the Graduales Tu es Deus from Codex Sangallensis 359 , written after 922 AD. Accented notation with many litterae significativae
First page of the new gradual of Mont-Blandin (c. 800), which is headed to St. Gregory relates:
"In Dei nomen incipit Antifonarium ordinatum a Sancto Gregorio per circulum anni" In God's name the hymn book begins in the order of St. Gregory through the annual cycle.

The concern for the continued existence of the salvific way of singing the cantus led to the fact that the song texts, which had been handed down in collections without notation, were given symbols from the 9th century onwards. The signs were supposed to preserve what threatened to be lost in the oral tradition. These neumes , which were partly transferred from rhetoric and partly connected with the conducting movements of the cantor, enabled a knowledgeable singer to recall a melody with all the nuances and to recite it in its melodic form through pre-singing and post-singing. This early accent notation , which received its most important form in St. Gallen and Metz, was adiastematic, that is, it did not indicate consistent pitch relationships. Rather, their concern was to ensure the expression of the sung text. For this reason, the actual neumes, intended as tones, were supplemented by abbreviations of notes relating, for example, to dynamics and speed. Frequently used litterae significativae are c for celeriter (fast), e for equaliter (equal, even), f for Fremditus, frangor, frendor ( crashing, roaring = strong, loud, noisy), m for mediocriter (low, just a little, moderate), p for pressim or cum pressione (emphatically), st for statim (immediately, quickly connect), t for tenere (hold) and x for expectare (wait). A multitude of differently designed individual tonums and group neumes made it possible to put the way of singing and the expression entirely at the service of the cantando praedicare , the proclamation in singing .

The writing of the melodies in different scriptories of different origins during the 9th and 10th centuries appear very uniform despite the different spellings of the neumes and despite occasional deviations. This assumes that the oral tradition has passed on uniform versions. It is also discussed whether the writers had a written archetype that has since been lost .

Over the course of a few centuries, this accented notation experienced a fundamental change towards diastematic notations, which covered the previously desired expression less and less, but enabled the pitch to be reproduced as precisely as possible. Based on the Dasia notation, Guido von Arezzo invented the four-line system in intervals of thirds with two clefs (F and C clefs) around 1025 . This system also used the square notation .

Beginning of the Graduales Tu es Deus in square notation from 1908

On the way to the exact pitch, some melodies underwent changes if, contrary to the theory of mode, they contained tones that could not be represented in the notation with staves, such as the note e , or if they changed in mode. Sometimes entire sections of the melody were transposed due to supposedly incorrect positions of semitone steps. Parallel passages in different melodies have been adjusted to one another. The tendency to level the rhythm and dynamics and to sing almost all the notes of a melody equally long and loudly deprived the Gregorian melodies of their free rhythm and their dynamics and thus their convincing theological expressiveness. The end point of this development led to the equalistic performance practice in which all notes are sung equally long. It was favored by the technical limitations of the early printed music, which meant that many details in the music could not be represented.

Musical characteristics

Sound system

The melodies of Gregorian chant are essentially based on heptatonic- diatonic tone scales , which were defined in Pythagorean language in the Middle Ages . A decisive description of the sound system can be found in the music-theoretical Micrologus Guido von Arezzos , written around 1025 .

The hand as an aid in learning the modes. Above the names of Noenoeane formulas

modality

In retrospect and to put it simply, modality means the use of the eight church modes (modes). However, the hexachord system (from the Greek hexa "six") was considered to be the primary ordering principle , the seventh tone to complete the octave was of little importance. Using the same note names in every octave was something new.

The different modes are not only to be seen as tone genders or scales , depending on their temporal assignment , they were also specific melody forms and rhythmic aspects. Certain tones such as finalis , confinalis and repercussa have different and primary meanings depending on the mode. Some of the modes also have a Byzantine character or Byzantine influence.

Since the Middle Ages, the ethos of the modes has been discussed again and again , according to which the different modes are sometimes used more often for certain forms of expression or times in the church year due to their recognizable peculiarities .

Chronological order

The oldest surviving evidence of the use of the system of eight modes ( church modes ) in the key order of Gregorian chant is the tonar by Centula / Saint-Riquier , probably written shortly before 800, which was followed by others . The early medieval terms used here for the modes are also listed in the short Carolingian treatise Musica Albini (also passed down as De octo tonis ). This text was copied many times in the Middle Ages. a. in the music-theoretical text Musica Disciplina written by Aurelian Reomensis around 850 .

Representation of Deuterus (III. Mode) with French neumes and the tone letters a to p

In the investigations, which were carried out increasingly between the 10th and 12th centuries, the Boethius monochord theory was applied to the modality theory, the octo-echo theory , and this changed accordingly. Two different systems of tone letters were used:

a b c d e f G H i i k l m n O p
Γ A. B. C. D. E. F. G a c d e f G a
a

shape

Gregorian chant is a monophonic solo or choral singing with rhythmic and dynamic differentiation and with a formal division into phrases and periods according to the structure of the respective text. A fixed meter and an absolute pitch are not specified.

The basis of Gregorian chant is the psalmody or the liturgical recitative . The most important forms are antiphon and responsory . The texts of Gregorian chant are almost exclusively taken from the Bible , but partly also from the Apocrypha , and to a large extent consist of psalm verses .

Only the melismatic Alleluja melodies, with the Jubilus on the final vowel of the Alleluia, break away from the otherwise customary attachment to the text and form melodiae longissimae , melodies that oral learners perceive as excessively long.

Singing and learning the Gregorian melodies

Cantate Domino canticum novum ("Sing to the Lord a new song"). Illustration to Psalm 97 (98), 1 (around 1400).

The sung praise of God, Laus Dei , had the highest value in clerical and monastic life in the Middle Ages.

"In singing the psalms or in praise of God we prepare the way for God whom he wishes to come to us with those wonderful mysteries of his revelation."

- Vita Notkeri cognomento Balbuli

Clerics and monks dedicated many hours of the day and night to chanting the liturgy. Therefore, singing the Gregorian chant was taught in the classes of the various types of medieval schools and also dealt with in theoretical writings. In addition to the abundant singing in the service, there was also the learning of the melodies, which was described as agonizing - initially over centuries using the viva-voce method of singing out and back. For learning and memorizing the entire vocal repertoire, about ten years of practice were then scheduled.

Lectern with chorale book in Naumburg Cathedral , the liturgical chants for the feast of the Ascension of Christ (Viri galilei) are open

The invention of the neumes only brought relief to the leading cantor and the teaching musician . The introduction of staves to capture exact pitches hardly freed the singers from the need to memorize the melodies. In the late Middle Ages, it was not until reading sight from a capitalized chorale book that could be read from a distance that this was a clear relief. An example of such chorale books are the Codices Cambrai .

First stanza of the Johannes hymn Ut queant laxis . Excerpt from Guido's letter from Arezzo to Michael, monk in Pomposa (around 1030–1032).

Boys already sang in the Roman schola cantorum of the 8th century. Their high voices and the high tenor voices of men were considered to be the image of the singing of the angels. This meant that even children who often came from poor backgrounds were subject to choral singing because of strict school discipline. Even in later centuries boys (pueri) often took on the singing duties of clergymen, who in return took care of the boys' livelihood.

Audio sample St John's hymn with Latin sung text

Guido von Arezzo wrote detailed instructions in his Micrologus on how to learn the melodies and how to find the pitches. The Johannes hymn , which he used and recommended in Guido's letter to the monk Michael about an unknown chant for ear training , programmatically names the direction of the teaching:

"Saint John, release the guilt from the stained lips of your students so that they can sing the wonders of your deeds with loose vocal cords."

The modes could also be differentiated from singers who were unfamiliar with reading and who were taught the melodies orally, because the modes could be experienced by them through memorized intonation formulas or Noenoeane formulas ( melodiae , formulas , moduli , neumae regulares or similar) that were used in the Introduced the sound of the respective mode. The teacher could also use his hand to help .

In addition to the loose voice guidance, the aim was to sing with a round, open lip stand (ore rotunda) . The body had to be stretched, the head raised and a little bent backwards. The upper arms remained on the body. The forearms and hands supported the textual content and presentation with gestures, the affectus . That is why the school not only taught the melody, but also explained the meaning of the text. Despite the knowledge of these and similar details, one can only guess at the desired sound of the voice.

Regional variants - dialects

After the late 9th century and early 10th century, when many of the sources widely used in the West are largely in agreement, Gregorian chant was repeatedly adapted to the prevailing taste. From around the year 1000, changes in melodies can be identified in the manuscripts, which led to the development of more or less pronounced regional dialects . An example of this is the so-called Germanic choral dialect in older literature , which appears in numerous Lorraine (Metzer) and German manuscripts (Trier, Mainz, Hildesheim, Klosterneuburg). It is documented in the Graduale Trevirense (1863) published by Michael Hermesdorff as well as the Graduale of the Leipzig Thomaskirche described by Peter Wagner and is verifiably sung by the Kiedricher Chorbuben in Kiedrich in the Rheingau from 1333 to the present day .

Choral reforms of the monastic orders

In the later Middle Ages, some melodies were viewed as irregular and falsified and reworked. The Cistercians took up this and, between 1134 and 1348, systematically reworked the repertoire in an extensive chorale reform. The Dominicans also took over a large part of these revised pieces under the order master Hubert de Romans . In addition, the Carthusians and Premonstratensians also developed their own customs.

Medieval additions to Gregorian chant

Quem quaeritis trope and pictorial representation: the three women at the empty tomb of Jesus in dialogue with the angel. Drawn and written by Hartker (Cod. Sang. 391, around 990–1000).

Around the time of the Carolingians , Gregorian chant had already solidified; But even in the late Middle Ages , and even into the 17th century, new compositions were created that were incorporated into the repertoire.

Tropics

In Carolingian times , various types of additions and modifications, known as trope , were added to the officially sanctioned chants . This involves texting existing melisms as well as inserting or appending new melisms or text-based melody sections.

Sequences

Pentecost sequence Veni Sancte Spiritus

The history of the sequence began around 850 with the texting of the Alleluja conclusion melismas ( Jubilus ) . By the 12th century, the rhyme sequence , independent of alleluia , developed with rhymed and rhythmically aligned verses. It led to the large-scale verse sequences . Stanza sequences have the structure of more strophic , metrically ordered and rhymed hymns. There are different melodies in the stanzas that are not repeated. They became very popular in the late Middle Ages, about 5000 stanza sequences are known.

In addition to the regulation of figural music , the Council of Trento (1545–1563) also gave specifications for Gregorian chant. Thus only four of the sequences of the late Middle Ages were allowed in the Roman mass liturgy . In 1727 a fifth sequence was introduced.

Hymns

In connection with Gregorian chant, hymns are stanzas with a fixed meter, rhyme and recurring melody. The texts are freely composed - so, unlike the other pieces of Gregorian chant, they do not come from the Bible or the Psalter . The hymns have their liturgical place in the Office .

While the sequences are an invention of the 9th century, hymns have been in liturgical use since the 3rd / 4th centuries. Century. They have their origins in the poetry and music of antiquity , which makes them a special case in Christian liturgical music, which otherwise sought to turn away from pagan ancient traditions and customs. One of the most famous older hymn poets was the church father, Ambrosius of Milan . The hymn is a special feature of Ambrosian chant . St. Benedict of Nursia already knew a special hymn for each hearing .

Gregorian chant and medieval polyphony

A Gregorian Kyrie as the isorhythmic tenor in Guillaume de Machaut's Mass de Nostre Dame

Medieval polyphony and Gregorian chant stood in a reciprocal relationship. On the one hand, the development of polyphony was dependent on Gregorian melodies and their liturgical and theological significance, at least until the 15th century, on the other hand, the spread of polyphony ensured that interest in unanimous liturgical singing and knowledge about it decreased more and more.

Organum notated for teaching purposes about the sequence Rex celi from Musica enchiriadis

The earliest written reports of polyphony in religious services in monasteries and cathedrals concern improvised second voices to Gregorian melodies. The polyphony was first theoretically recorded and graphically represented in the form of the organum in the Musica enchiriadis before 900 AD.

Polyphony, based on sections of Gregorian melodies that served as cantus firmus , gained greater importance in the St. Martial School and the Notre Dame School . The first composers of sacred polyphony, famous by name, were Leonin (“optimus organista”) and Pérotin (“optimus discantor”). They worked in Notre-Dame Cathedral in Paris in the late 12th and early 13th centuries.

The music since the time of the Notre-Dame school was pejoratively referred to as Ars antiqua from around 1320 , while the own art of composing was called Ars nova . The composers of the Ars nova such as Guillaume de Machaut used the Gregorian chant, for example by breaking up a section of a Gregorian melody as a cantus firmus into isorhythmic parts and thus giving their composition a framework, but in doing so they completely removed themselves from the original, spiritual character of the Gregorian chant.

The novelty of polyphonic composition techniques met with resistance from the Church for a long time. So criticized Pope John XXII. the new style in a bull of 1325 and demanded the restoration of unison chant under threat of church punishment. According to the Pope, for theological reasons, Gregorian melodies should determine the course of the composition in the sometimes permitted polyphonic church music . Such restrictions could not stop the triumphant advance of polyphony in church music in the long term.

Josquin des Prez: Missa de Beata Virgine . The Gregorian Kyrie for the feast of Beata Maria Virgine is imitated and paraphrased in all four voices.

The cantus firmus technique based on Gregorian melodies or melody sections reached its peak in the 15th century. However, melodies other than cantus firmi were also increasingly used. This reduced the dependency of polyphony on Gregorian chant. On the other hand, a Gregorian melody was able to capture the motifs of all voices in imitating compositional techniques, as in the Kyrie of the Missa da Beata Virgine , a late work by Josquin des Prez from the first quarter of the 16th century. However, towards the end of the 16th century, the importance of Gregorian melodies as compositional material was lost. From then on, the occasional quotation and processing of Gregorian motifs and melodies was no longer liturgically determined and rather had the value of an archaic symbol.

The writing and the use of Gregorian chant in polyphony from the 9th to the 15th century had a negative effect on the way in which Gregorian chant was presented and its liturgical significance. It gradually evolved from the living Word of God to a cantus planus , performed equivalently , which promoted the development of polyphony through the lecture in the Gothic cathedrals that reinforce the overtones. Godehard Joppich writes:

“Reliance on Scripture led to the neglect of remembering. Surprisingly, the need to write down melodies that had been orally handed down over a long period of time led to the creation of different notations all over Europe almost simultaneously. It seems to be triggered by the concern that the multitude of melodies and all of their presentation nuances can no longer be remembered without errors. "

Modern times

Restitution of the Gregorian chant

The Council of Trento in the 16th century gave the impetus to completely revise the traditional chorale melodies, which finally led to the printing of the Editio Medicaea in 1614/15 , which was executed in square notation and mainly by the Italian composers Felice Anerio and Francesco Soriano - However, as often mentioned, Giovanni Pierluigi da Palestrina played an important role . However, due to the innumerable alienations and falsifications, this edition does not meet today's demands in any way. In 1870, Pius IX. the papal printing permission for the new edition of this Medicaea to the Friedrich Pustet publishing house in Regensburg .

Only by studying the more than 30,000 manuscripts that have survived since the 19th century can the pieces be reconstructed relatively reliably today. In the German-speaking area, the scientific choral research of Michael Hermesdorff , Raymund Schlecht , Anselm Schubiger and Peter Wagner gave direction.

The Abbey of St. Pierre in Solesmes

In France, Dom Paul Jausions and Dom Joseph Pothier from the Abbaye Saint-Pierre de Solesmes did pioneering work. In Solesmes, the Liber Gradualis by Dom Joseph Pothier was published in 1883, the Paléographie musicale with the Codex Sangallensis 359 in 1889 and the first Liber Usualis by Dom André Mocquereau in 1896 .

The first results of this restitution were published in 1905, authorized by the Motu Proprio Tra le sollecitudini by Pope Pius X , published in 1903 , in the form of the Editio Vaticana , which was edited by the commission for the preparation of the edition founded in 1904 under the direction of Dom Joseph Pothier . In 1908 the Gradual and in 1912 the Antiphonale of the Editio Vaticana appeared in the Vatican. In the meantime, the Pontifical Institute for Church Music (Pontificio Istituto di Musica Sacra) was founded in the Vatican in 1910 . In 1934 the Antiphonale Monasticum was published in Solesmes , which mainly contains the repertoire for the prayers of the hours in monasteries .

The “ People's Choral Office ” also achieved a particularly broad impact through the liturgical movement . As part of the development of the community mass , it was cultivated in the church youth movement and increasingly also in the parishes in the Sunday high mass. 1932 Benedictine the applied Erzabtei Beuron a 76-page " Kyriale for the people: the Appendix to the missals of Anselm Schott " with 12 of the 17 Messordinarien out, experienced a plurality of long runs. From the mid-1930s, it was also printed at the end of the Schott folk mess books. Since the late 1920s, the Benedictine Gregor Schwake from Gerleve Abbey tried to anchor Gregorian chant by founding choral schools in parishes. To this end he introduced “folk chorale weeks”. He was later arrested by the Gestapo and interned in the priestly block of the Dachau concentration camp .

Gregorian chant in the time of National Socialism

During the Nazi era , Gregorian chant was researched primarily from the point of view of “cultural hegemony” and against the background of a Nazi-based race theory . Pseudoscientific authors like Richard Eichenauer have attested Gregorian chant to have a "German character". In order to put the Jewish origins into perspective, he asserted that Gregorian chant had an “oriental origin”.

“What kind of environment does the remote, submerged, veiled, distant-looking type of song that we have to think of as the mother of synagogue singing fit into? With strongly felt Gregorian melodies, the same image came to my mind again and again: you think you're standing on the edge of the desert and hearing the nomad's call wandering from boundless expanses, the call of a soul that is naturally complaining even in the exultant upswing It doesn’t strip away undertone-seeking loneliness and lets its tones fade away again into the essence. The desert, however, is the species-specific environment of the oriental race. Couldn't the song of the synagogue and the first Christians have risen from the oriental races? "

- Richard Eichenauer

After the French campaign in 1941, Karl Gustav Fellerer wrote that Gregorian chant had to be German, but that it originated on the territory of France, which is why France should actually belong to Germany. Within the SS ancestral inheritance , the Gregorian chant was researched at the behest of Heinrich Himmler .

Establishment of Gregorian semiology

The study of the old manuscripts also forms the basis of the Gregorian semiology founded by Eugène Cardine in the middle of the 20th century and practically tested in the German-speaking area by Johannes Berchmans Göschl and Godehard Joppich . It goes back to the original sources, such as the completely preserved cantatorium from Codex Sangallensis 359 from the first half of the 10th century.

At first there were difficulties in interpreting Gregorian chant rhythmically, as the sources had not yet been thoroughly explored. In the beginning there were the so-called mensuralists , who assigned the neumes proportional tone durations in natural numerical ratios , and the so-called equals , who assumed that the individual tones were completely uniform over time. In the meantime it has been shown that the rhythmic and articulatory differentiation of neumes is much more diverse, which can ultimately only be discovered by studying the old manuscripts. Therefore, in the Graduel Neumé from 1966 and in the Graduale Triplex published in 1979, in addition to the neumes in square notation, existing manuscripts from the codices from Laon and Einsiedeln or St. Gallen are listed.

In 1975 the international association Associazione Internazionale Studi di Canti Gregoriano ( AISCGre ) was founded to research and disseminate Gregorian chant in Rome ; since 1979 it has been based in Cremona . An important task of the AISCGre is to connect and disseminate Gregorian research and practice in the form of Gregorian semiology. A major project is the melody restitution, which has been taking place since 1977. The German-speaking section has been a member of the Gregorian chant since 1985 ; the research results of the restitution work since 1996 are published here. In 2011 the Graduale Novum was published, which summarizes the previous work and contains all pieces from the Sundays and festive days. As with the Graduale Neumé and Graduale Triplex, the adiastematic neumes of the codes used are also listed here in addition to the square notation.

In order to be able to better represent the subtleties in the staff image, the neumes have increasingly been published in the so-called neography since the 1980s .

Gregorian chant in other languages

Gregorian chant also influenced the genesis and development of church music in other languages. Since the High Middle Ages, for example, there have been individual pieces in Germany that were translated from Latin into German and some of them are still in church hymn books (Catholic and Protestant). At the same time, new compositions of so-called Leisen and hymns were created, which melodically closely follow older pieces of Gregorian chant. Well-known examples of such counterfactures are the introit of the fourth Advent Rorate and the hymn O Savior, tear open the heavens , the Easter sequence Victimae paschali laudes and the hymn Christ is risen ( God's praise 318, Evangelical Hymnal 99) or the introit of Christmas Puer natus est and the hymn Praise God, all of you Christians alike by Nikolaus Herman from the 16th century (Gotteslob 247, Evangelisches Gesangbuch 27). During the Reformation, several reformers, including Thomas Müntzer in his German Church Office (1524) and Martin Luther in his German Evangelical Mass (1526), ​​tried to translate what was partly free, but partly also very close to the Latin originals.

Such attempts to sing Gregorian chant in other languages ​​are now generally regarded as unproblematic and justifiable only for the recitation of readings and prayers, for the hymns and possibly also for the psalmody . The transfer of the more elaborate pieces such as the antiphons , responsories or mass chants, on the other hand, is viewed critically by experts today, but is practiced in the prayer of the hours according to the Roman Book of Hours based on the editions of the Münsterschwarzacher antiphonals . In addition, German-speaking Gregorian chant is cultivated today in both the Catholic and Protestant churches, in some cases even by special associations such as the Michael Brotherhood or the Alpirsbach Church . German psalms , hymns and whole times of the day are also printed in the hymn books .

Current Church Practice

Choral schola singing the Gregorian chant at a mass

The Second Vatican Council recommended Gregorian chant very clearly, but in the course of the liturgical reform it was more and more replaced by vernacular congregational chants. Gregorian chant can only be heard in a few churches, and even there mostly in isolated cases in the liturgy. Regular mass celebrations with Gregorian chant are mainly to be found in monasteries. The Benedictines and Cistercians in particular still cultivate this music today. Nevertheless, spurred on by the more recent research results of Gregorian semiology , new chorale choirs have been founded over and over again in the last few decades , cultivating this singing.

The International Society for the Study of Gregorian Chant ( AISCGre ) is dedicated to the research and dissemination of Gregorian chant .

The Latin chants used in the liturgy of the Roman rite can be found in various chorale books : the Graduale Romanum (in the version published in 2011 as Graduale Novum as well as in the older Graduale Simplex and Graduale Triplex ) or the Liber Hymnarius .

Older collections such as the Liber Usualis still offer a source for Gregorian chant - even if they no longer show the current state of the liturgy and do not always contain authentic melodies. Many modern liturgical chants also go back to the Gregorian tradition ( Kyrie eleison , Hallelujah , sung amen , prefations, etc.).

Gregorian chant in the churches of the Reformation

One of the main concerns of the Reformation was the celebration of worship in the vernacular. As early as the early 1520s, the first editions of liturgical books were published in which the more or less original Gregorian melodies were underlaid with German texts (including the so-called German masses ). The best known are the liturgical writings of Thomas Müntzer , published in 1525 and reprinted several times by the end of the century , which contained a total of 15 liturgical prayers and five masses for the entire church year . Martin Luther was skeptical or even clearly negative about these attempts, for example in the preface to his “German Mass” from 1526. He himself therefore favored either the new composition of liturgical chants or the use of the vernacular hymn , which ultimately prevailed. Nonetheless, Luther advocated retaining the Latin Gregorian chant in Latin schools , grammar schools and universities, which was therefore quite common there until the 18th century.

In the wake of the so-called liturgical movement , Gregorian chant was also rediscovered in the Protestant churches, somewhat delayed compared to the Roman Catholic Church, from the 1920s onwards. For example, liturgical books with original, restituted, newly composed or modeled Gregorian chant were published and introduced in the Berneuchen movement and its affiliated Evangelical Michael Brotherhood or the Church Work Alpirsbach and in numerous evangelical communities . Gregorian chants can also be found in the official agendas and hymn books of many German regional churches , for example for the daily prayers.

Quotes from the 20th and 21st centuries on the importance of Gregorian chant

“A church composition is all the more ecclesiastical and liturgical, the closer it approaches Gregorian chant in its disposition, spirit and mood; conversely, it is all the less worthy of the house of God as it departs from this model. The traditional Gregorian chant should therefore be used again to a large extent in the functions of worship. Everyone may be convinced that the service does not lose any of its luster, even if it is only accompanied by this type of music. In particular, care should be taken to ensure that Gregorian chant is reintroduced to the people so that the faithful can participate more actively in the celebration of the praise of God and the sacred mysteries, as was previously the case. "

- Pope Pius X .: Motu proprio Tra le sollecitudini on Church Music - Instructions on Church Music, Chapter II: The Types of Church Music , Article 3 (November 22, 1903)

"Only those who shout for the Jews are allowed to sing in Gregorian."

- Dietrich Bonhoeffer : Statement in the Finkenwalde Preachers' Seminar (1935)

“Church music must to the highest degree possess the special qualities of the liturgy, namely the holiness and the goodness of form; from this a further characteristic grows automatically, the generality. These properties can be found to the greatest extent in Gregorian chant, and classical polyphony also possesses an excellent measure . A church composition is all the more sacred and liturgical the closer it approaches Gregorian melody in its course, inspiration and taste; and it is all the less worthy of the house of God as it departs from this highest example. "

“The Church regards Gregorian chant as singing proper to the Roman liturgy; accordingly he should take first place in their liturgical acts, if otherwise the same conditions are met. "

- Second Vatican Council : Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy Sacrosanctum Concilium , Chapter VI: Church Music , Article 116 (December 4, 1963)

“In addition, care should be taken to ensure that at least some Latin texts are preserved in the editions for the people, especially from the incomparable treasure trove of Gregorian chant, which the Church regards as singing proper to the Roman liturgy and which is therefore, assuming the same conditions, in the liturgical acts should take first place. Because this singing contributes to the highest degree to elevate the human spirit to the supernatural. "

- Fifth Instruction for the Proper Execution of the Constitution of the Second Vatican Council on Sacred Liturgy , Article 28 (May 7, 2001)

"Gregorian chant is still an element of unity in the Roman liturgy today."

- Pope John Paul II : Chirograph on the 100th anniversary of the publication of the Motu Proprio Tra le sollecitudini on church music, Article 7 (December 3, 2003)

"Finally, although I take into account the different orientations and the very praiseworthy different traditions, I would like that, in accordance with the request of the Synod Fathers, the Gregorian chant is appropriately presented, since this is the actual chant of the Roman liturgy."

- Pope Benedict XVI. : Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Sacramentum Caritatis , Part Two : Eucharist , a mystery to be celebrated - Ars celebrandi - The liturgical song, article 42 (February 22, 2007)

“In general, I ask that future priests be prepared from the time of the seminary to understand and celebrate Holy Mass in Latin and to use Latin texts and to use Gregorian chant. One should not ignore the possibility that the faithful are also instructed to know the most general prayers in Latin and to sing certain parts of the liturgy in the Gregorian style. "

- Pope Benedict XVI. : Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Sacramentum Caritatis , Part Two : Eucharist, a mystery to be celebrated - Actuosa participatio - The Latin Language, Article 62 (February 22, 2007)

Use of Gregorian chant outside of the liturgical context

Sequence of the funeral mass Dies irae
Use of the Dies irae in the 5th movement (Songe d'une nuit du Sabbat) from Hector Berlioz 's Symphonie fantastique (from 3:05)

Gregorian chant, sometimes referred to as the "cradle of occidental art music", has always encouraged composers to quote and use them in other musical forms. A prominent example of this is the Dies irae , which is one of the most frequently cited topics in music history.

In the CD age, two albums with Gregorian singing achieved such commercial success that, to the astonishment of the professional world, they made it into general music charts : In 1994, the Benedictine monks of the Spanish monastery of Santo Domingo de Silos reached number 3 on Billboard Hot with their CD Chant 100 and delivered the best-selling album of this type to date. In May 2008, the Schola of Heiligenkreuz Abbey brought the album Chant - Music for Paradise onto the market. The CD not only reached number 1 in the Austrian album charts, but also became an international success, especially in Germany and Great Britain. In 2010 percussionist Martin Grubinger released a CD entitled Drums 'n' Chant . He combines choral chants (sung by the Schola of the Münsterschwarzach Abbey ) with percussion and effect instruments.

Besides such surprise successes of shots in the tradition of serious liturgical use of Gregorian chant can be found on the pop music market since the 1990s also increasingly music projects of the Gregorian Pop as Enigma or Gregorian , where Gregorian chant with a pop music background music underlaid and thus purely secular chill-out music is reinterpreted.

See also

Portal: Gregorian Chant  - Overview of Wikipedia content on Gregorian chant

literature

  • Contributions to Gregorian chant. ConBrio Verlagsgesellschaft, Regensburg, has been published twice a year since 1985, ISSN  0935-9044 , periodical of the German-speaking section of the AISCGre .
  • Luigi Agustoni : Gregorian chant. In: Hans Musch (ed.): Music in worship. A manual for basic training in Catholic church music. Volume 1: Historical basics, liturgy, liturgical chant. 5th unchanged edition. ConBrio Verlags-Gesellschaft, Regensburg 1994, ISBN 3-930079-21-6 , pp. 199–356.
  • Luigi Agustoni, Johannes Berchmans Göschl : Introduction to the interpretation of the Gregorian chant (= Bosse-Musik-Paperback 31). 3 volumes (volume 2 in two sub-volumes). Bosses, Regensburg,
  • Eugene Cardine : Gregorian Semiology. La Froidfontaine, Solesmes 2003, ISBN 2-85274-049-4 .
  • Bernhard K. Gröbler: Introduction to Gregorian Chant. 2nd revised and expanded edition. IKS Garamond, Jena 2005, ISBN 3-938203-09-9 .
  • David Hiley : Western Plainchant. A handbook. Clarendon Press, Oxford 1997, ISBN 0-19-816572-2 .
  • Michel Huglo, Charles M. Atkinson, Christian Meyer, Karlheinz Schlager, Nancy Philips: The doctrine of unanimous liturgical chant (= Thomas Ertelt , Frieder Zaminer (ed.): History of music theory. Vol. 4). Scientific Book Society, Darmstadt 2000, ISBN 3-534-01204-6 .
  • Ewald Jammers : The medieval chorale. Type and origin . (= New Studies in Musicology II). Schott, Mainz 1954 full text )
  • Godehard Joppich : A contribution to the relationship between text and sound in Gregorian chant. In: Peter Becker (Ed.): Between Science and Art. Festgabe for Richard Jakoby (= Edition Schott 8349). Schott, Mainz et al. 1995, ISBN 3-7957-0288-7 , pp. 155-184.
  • Stefan Klöckner : Manual Gregorian Chant. Introduction to the history, theory and practice of Gregorian chant. ConBrio, Regensburg 2009, ISBN 3-940768-04-9 .
  • Emmanuela Kohlhaas: Music and language in Gregorian chant (= archive for musicology. Supplements 49). Steiner, Stuttgart 2001, ISBN 3-515-07876-2 (also: Bonn, Univ., Diss., 2000).
  • Thomas Kohlhase , Günther Michael Paucker: Bibliography of Gregorian Choral (= contributions to Gregorian chant 9/10). Bosse, Regensburg 1990, ISBN 3-7649-1810-1
  • Thomas Kohlhase, Günther Michael Paucker: Bibliography Gregorian Choral. Addenda (= contributions to Gregorian chant 15/16). Volume 1. Bosse, Regensburg 1993, ISBN 3-930079-23-2 .
  • Johannes Laas: Understanding sacred music - Gregorian chant as a universal language. In: Una Voce correspondence. 33rd vol., No. 6, November / December 2003, ISSN  0724-2778 , pp. 339-366.
  • Kenneth Levy: Gregorian chant and the Carolingians. Princeton University Press, Princeton NJ 1998, ISBN 0-691-01733-6 .
  • James W. McKinnon: The Advent project. The later-seventh-century creation of the Roman Mass proper. University of California Press, Berkeley CA et al. a. 2000, ISBN 0-520-22198-2 .
  • Hartmut Möller, Rudolph Stephan (ed.): The music of the Middle Ages (= Carl Dahlhaus , Hermann Danuser (ed.): New handbook of musicology. Vol. 2). Laaber-Verlag, Laaber 1991, ISBN 3-89007-032-9 .
  • Andreas Pfisterer: Cantilena Romana. Investigation of the tradition of Gregorian chant (= contributions to the history of church music 11). Schöningh, Paderborn et al. 2002, ISBN 3-506-70631-4 (also: Erlangen, Nürnberg, Univ., Diss., 2001). Online at Digi 20 of the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.
  • Franz Karl Praßl : Choral. In: Oesterreichisches Musiklexikon . Online edition, Vienna 2002 ff., ISBN 3-7001-3077-5 ; Print edition: Volume 1, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Vienna 2002, ISBN 3-7001-3043-0 .
  • Bruno Stäblein: Typeface of the unison music (= music of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Delivery 4 = music history in pictures . Vol. 3). German publishing house for music, Leipzig 1975.
  • Barbara Stühlmeyer : The songs of Hildegard von Bingen . A musicological, theological and cultural-historical investigation . Olms, Hildesheim 2003, ISBN 3-487-11845-9 .
  • Simeon Wester, Karl Wallner , Martin Krutzler: The mysticism of the Gregorian chant. Bernardus-Verlag, Aachen et al. 2007, ISBN 978-3-8107-9273-0 .
  • Christoph Weyer: Gregorian chant under the swastika. Vier Türme Verlag, Münsterschwarzach 2019, ISBN 978-3-89680-601-7 .

Web links

Commons : Gregorian Chant  - collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. ^ Franco Alberto Gallo (ed.): Tractatulus de cantu mensurali seu figurativo musice artis (MS. Melk, Stiftsbibliothek 950). American Institute of Musicology, Rome 1971, p. 12: "Regularis dicitur proprie cantus choralis sive ecclesiasticus, videlicet cantus gregorianus, eo quod sub certis modis et regulis traditur et modulatur."
  2. a b Carolus Magnus Imperator: Capitulare ecclesiasticum Anno 789. PL 97, Sp. 180. Quotation and German translation from it in Emmanuela Kohlhaas: Music and Language in Gregorian Singing (= Archive for Musicology . Supplement 49). Steiner, Stuttgart 2001, ISBN 3-515-07876-2 , p. 17.
  3. Cf. Roman Bannwart: “Gregorian chant is unanimous, diatonic, free rhythmic chant that was created for the liturgy of the Roman rite. As sung word it represents the musical formation of the Latin text of the liturgy and is an essential part of the liturgical action "in. Press release ( Memento of 21 October 2013 Internet Archive ) ( MS Word , 23 kB) for CD contrasts - Gregorian chant and Jazz in dialogue. Musiques suisses, 2004.
  4. Wenzeslaus Maslon: Textbook of Gregorian Church Hymns, Section Two: From Christian Music to Gregory the Great, Chapter One: Music is Elevated by Christianity, Georg Philipp Aderholz, Breslau (1839)
  5. ^ Daniel Saulnier: Historic and Aesthetic Poles , in: The Gregorian Modes , Solesmes, 2002, ISBN 2-85274-209-8 .
  6. Description of Cod. Sang. 390, see p. 13 there .
  7. ^ Andreas Pfisterer: Schola cantorum. II. Music . In: Walter Kasper (Ed.): Lexicon for Theology and Church . 3. Edition. tape 9 . Herder, Freiburg im Breisgau 2000, Sp. 198 .
  8. This prologue is based on older, but lost versions. See Bruno Stäblein: "Gregorius Praesul", the prologue to the Roman antiphonals. In: Music and History in the Middle Ages. Collected Essays. Göppingen 1984, pp. 121-141.
  9. Prologue to the Monza Cantatorium. fol. 2 (PDF; 677 kB) See also: David Hiley: Western Plainchant: A Handbook . Oxford 1995, p. 510 and Kenneth Levy: Gregorian chant and the Carolingians . Princeton 1998, pp. 141 f. In later versions of the prologue "COMPOSUIT" is used instead of "CONPOSUIT".
  10. ^ Translation by Felix Heinzer: Codification and standardization of liturgical traditions . In: Karl Heller et altera (ed.): Music in Mecklenburg . Hildesheim et altera 2000, p. 97, note 29
  11. The title Praesul cannot simply be translated as Pope . It is more of an honorary title that has been assigned to various dignitaries, even God, with awe. See Bruno Stäblein: "Gregorius Praesul", the prologue to the Roman antiphonals. In: Music and History in the Middle Ages. Collected Essays. Göppingen 1984, pp. 121-123.
  12. Bruno Stäblein: "Gregorius Praesul", the prologue to the Roman antiphonal. In: Music and History in the Middle Ages. Collected Essays. Göppingen 1984, pp. 117-141
  13. Componere was not used in the 9th century in the sense of "inventing music". This only happened in the 11th century treatises on notated, polyphonic music. See Ernst Apfel: History of Composition. From the beginning to around 1700. Wilhelmshaven 1981, pp. 13-18.
  14. ^ Walter Berschin biography and epoch style in the Latin Middle Ages. Vol. 3: Carolingian biography 750-920 AD Stuttgart 1991, p. 385.
  15. Monte Cassino, Hs. 318, p. 10, quoted in Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969.
  16. Quotation from: Selected letters from the Holy Doctor of the Church, Gregorius the Great . Translated and annotated by Theodor Kranzfelder. (Library of the Church Fathers, 1 series, Volume 27), Kempten 1874. Excerpt from the letter online
  17. Max Haas: Oral tradition and ancient Roman chant . Bern 1997, Chapter III.
  18. Bruno Stäblein: Typeface of unanimous music . Leipzig 1975, p. 21 f.
  19. Godehard Joppich: Some thoughts on Gregorian chant. In: 40 Years of the Berlin Choral Schola. Berlin 1990; ders .: The Gregorian chant. History and present. Supplement to the record cassette 2 723 984, DGG, Archiv Produktion 1982.
  20. ^ Peter Gülke: Monks / Citizens Minnesingers. Music in the Society of the European Middle Ages . 2nd expanded edition, Vienna 1980, pp. 25–51.
  21. ^ Andreas Pfisterer: Cantilena Romana. Investigations into the transmission of Gregorian chant. Paderborn et altera 2002, p. 193.
  22. Hartmut Möller u. Rudolph Stephan (ed.): The music of the Middle Ages . Laaber 1991, pp. 140 ff.
  23. Bruno Stäblein: Old Spanish chants a . Ambrosian chant . In the booklet of the record cassette The Tradition of Gregorian Chant. Shapes and styles. Archive production 2723 071.
  24. Hartmut Möller u. Rudolph Stephan (ed.): The music of the Middle Ages . Laaber 1991, p. 54 ff.
  25. ^ Eugene Cardine: Gregorian Semiology . Solesmes 2003, Chapter XX and a summary in the appendix.
  26. Eugène Cardine : Gregorianische Semiologie Solesmes, 2003, chapters I-XIX and the neum table p. 6.
  27. ^ Luigi Agustoni: Gregorian Chant. Elements and lecture theory with special consideration of the Neumenkunde . Freiburg im Breisgau 1963
  28. Johannes Berchmanns Göschl: On the necessity of a contextual interpretation of the neumes . In: Contributions to Gregorian chant 13/14. Cantando praedicare. Godehard Joppich on his 60th birthday . Pp. 53-64.
  29. Kenneth Levy: Charlemagne's Archetype of Gregorian Chant . In: Journal of the American Musicological society . Volume 40, 1987, pp. 1-30.
  30. Hartmut Möller, Rudolph Stephan (ed.): The music of the Middle Ages . Laaber 1991, p. 153 f.
  31. ^ Andreas Pfisterer: Cantilena Romana. Investigations into the transmission of Gregorian chant. Paderborn et altera 2002, pp. 11-76 online
  32. ^ Franz Karl Praßl : Chromatic changes of chorale melodies in theory and practice. In: Contributions to Gregorian chant 13/14. Cantando praedicare. Godehard Joppich on his 60th birthday. Pp. 157-168.
  33. On the Ethos of Church Tones .
  34. Hartmut Möller u. Rudolph Stephan (ed.): The music of the Middle Ages . Laaber 1991, p. 152 f.
  35. ^ Term of the 12th century.
  36. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 90.
  37. ^ Heinrich Rumphorst: Song text and text source in Gregorian chant . In: Contributions to Gregorian chant 13/14. Cantando praedicare. Godehard Joppich on his 60th birthday . Pp. 181-209.
  38. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 74 f.
  39. a b The earliest pictorial representation of a church service with a singing Schola cantorum can be found on an ivory tablet by the master of the image of Gregory (illustration and explanations) ( Memento from February 12, 2012 in the Internet Archive ). The singers of the Schola show the typical head and body posture as well as gestures that support the singing
  40. See also: Michael Stolz (ed.): Book culture in the Middle Ages . Berlin 2005, p. 19 f.
  41. Quote from the Vita Notkeri cognomento Balbuli from Cod. Sang. 556, translated by Therese Bruggisser-Lanker: Music and liturgy in the monastery of St. Gallen in the late Middle Ages and Renaissance. Göttingen 2004, p. 1 f. and note 1.
  42. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 28
    Cf. Regula Benedicti, Chapters 9-19 .
  43. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 25.
  44. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 27.
  45. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 16
  46. There is also a report of a nephew of Charlemagne, who was praised for his beautiful voice and his skilled singing. See Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 25.
  47. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 28 f.
  48. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 24 f.
  49. Compare with it the Benedictine rule Caput IX, 1: “Hiemis tempore suprascripto, in primis versu tertio dicendum: Domine, labia mea aperies, et os meum adnuntiabit laudem tuam. “(In winter the first verse is sung three times: Lord, open my lips so that my mouth proclaims your praise. See The Rule of Saint Benedict ( Memento of May 11, 2006 in the Internet Archive )).
  50. ^ Terence Bailey: The Intonation Formulas of Western Chant . Toronto 1974.
  51. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 122 f., See also illustration on the right.
  52. ^ Joseph Smits van Waesberghe: Music Education. Teaching and theory of music in the Middle Ages. Leipzig 1969, p. 25 f.
  53. Rainer Hilkenbach: Gregorian Chant in Kiedrich. ( Memento of March 8, 2010 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 42 kB)
  54. ^ A b David Hiley, Michel Huglo (Karl Gustav Fellerer, Walther Lipphardt):  Choral Reform. In: Ludwig Finscher (Hrsg.): The music in past and present . Second edition, factual part, volume 2 (Bolero - Encyclopedie). Bärenreiter / Metzler, Kassel et al. 1995, ISBN 3-7618-1103-9 , Sp. 848–863 ( online edition , subscription required for full access).
  55. ^ Bernhard Gröbler: Introduction to Gregorian Chant . 2nd edition, Jena 2006, pp. 95-103.
  56. ^ Bernhard Gröbler: Introduction to Gregorian Chant . 2nd edition, Jena 2006, p. 95 f.
  57. See also the deleted Christmas sequence Notkers I. von Sankt Gallen from Cod. Sang. 381.
  58. ^ Bernhard Gröbler: Introduction to Gregorian Chant . 2nd edition, Jena 2006, pp. 96-100.
  59. See the hymn Pange lingua des sang by Venantius Fortunatus here in the Cod. 359 - as in the Graduale Romanum - beginning with the eighth stanza: Crux fidelis, inter omnes .
  60. ^ Bernhard Gröbler: Introduction to Gregorian Chant . Second edition, Jena 2006, p. 101 ff.
  61. Hartmut Möller u. Rudolph Stephan (ed.): The music of the Middle Ages . Laaber 1991, pp. 89 ff., 126 f., 173 f.
  62. Musica Enchiriadis . From Hans Schmid, ed .: Musica et scolica enchiriadis una cum aliquibus tractatulis adiunctis . Bavarian Academy of Sciences, Publications of the Music History Commission, Volume 3 (Munich: Bavarian Academy of Sciences; CH Beck, 1981).
  63. Chapter II, XIII and XVII with German translation in Margaretha Landwehr von Pragenau: Writings on ARS MUSICA. Wilhelmshaven 1986, pp. 132-139.
  64. a b c M. Jennifer Bloxam:  Cantus firmus. In: Ludwig Finscher (Hrsg.): The music in past and present . Second edition, factual part, volume 2 (Bolero - Encyclopedie). Bärenreiter / Metzler, Kassel et al. 1995, ISBN 3-7618-1103-9 , Sp. 405-416 ( online edition , subscription required for full access)
  65. Hartmut Möller u. Rudolph Stephan (ed.): The music of the Middle Ages . Laaber 1991, p. 350 f.
  66. Franz Körndle: Motets prohibitions in the 13th and 14th centuries . (ppt) . In it u. a. John XXII .: Bull Docta sanctorum Patrum .
  67. Godehard Joppich: The Gregorian Choral. In: Harenberg Chormusikführer 1999, ISBN 3-611-00817-6 , pp. 947-954
  68. ^ Gregorian chant / Gregorian chant. On: Meine-gebete.info , accessed on July 11, 2019 .
  69. Karl-Heinz Schlager, SL (editor):  Wagner, Peter. In: Ludwig Finscher (Hrsg.): The music in past and present . Second edition, personal section, volume 17 (Vina - Zykan). Bärenreiter / Metzler, Kassel et al. 2007, ISBN 978-3-7618-1137-5 , Sp. 380 ( online edition , subscription required for full access)
  70. a b Christoph Weyer: Gregorian chant under the swastika: on research and teaching of Gregorian chant in the Nazi era . Vier Türme Verlag, Münsterschwarzach 2019, ISBN 978-3-89680-601-7 .
  71. ^ Eugène Cardine : Gregorian Semiology . Les Éditions de Solesmes, Solesmes, 2003.
  72. Bruno Stäblein: The rhythm of the Gregorian chant. Equality and mensuralism . In: Music and History in the Middle Ages. Collected Essays. Göppingen 1984, pp. 63-101.
  73. Franz Caiter: The rhythm of Gregorian chant. A study of André Mocquereau's life's work. Frankfurt a. Main 1995.
  74. GRADUALE NOVUM EDITIO MAGIS CRITICA IUXTA SC 117 - TOMUS I DE DOMINICIS ET FESTIS. ConBrio Verlagsgesellschaft, Regensburg 2011.
  75. On the way to the sound body beyond the sign ( Memento from September 27, 2007 in the Internet Archive )
  76. a b Markus Bautsch: On counterfactures of Gregorian repertoire , accessed on December 3, 2014
  77. http://www.vier-tuerme-verlag.de/Liturgie/Benediktinisches-Antiphonale/
  78. Eberhard Bethge, Renate Bethge, Christian Gremmels (eds.): Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Pictures from his life. Gütersloh 1989, p. 171.
  79. a b Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Sacramentum Caritatis . Announcements of the Apostolic See, No. 177. Published by the Secretariat of the German Bishops' Conference, Bonn 2007. ( PDF, 459 KB ).
  80. ^ Abstract of the dissertation in the Oxford Journal
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