Louis Pasteur

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Louis Pasteur, studio shot by Paul Nadar

Louis Pasteur (* 27. December 1822 in Dole , Jura , † 28. September 1895 in Villeneuve-l'Étang in Paris ) was a French chemist , physicist, biochemist and co-founder of medical microbiology , the decisive contributions to the prevention of infectious diseases through Has done vaccination .

Pasteur began his career with a discovery in the field of chemistry : from two asymmetrical, mirror-image crystal forms of a salt of grape acid and their optical activity when they were brought into solution separately, he inferred their underlying molecular asymmetry. This made him the founder of stereochemistry . In Pasteur's view, optical activity was a property that characterizes the molecules of living things . Since the fermentation produced optically active substances, he suspected that they were caused by microorganismswas caused. He was able to prove this in a series of experiments and thus rule out the competing hypothesis, which had been advocated by Justus Liebig , for example , that these were purely chemical reactions without the participation of living beings. At the same time, the question, which has been discussed since ancient times, whether life can arise spontaneously under everyday conditions, has been decided. As part of his studies on fermentation, Pasteur discovered that there are microorganisms that can do without oxygen, and he found the first example of metabolic regulation when he observed that yeast cells consume sugar more quickly in the absence of oxygen . Pasteur described different forms of fermentation and realized that this requires different types of microorganisms. A practical consequence of this work was a process for preserving liquid food, known as pasteurization .

On behalf of the French government, Pasteur researched various diseases of the silkworms and recognized them as infectious diseases. From 1876 he devoted himself completely to human and veterinary medicine. He developed a vaccine made from attenuated pathogens to protect against avian cholera and thereby expanded vaccination - for which only the smallpox vaccination had previously existed in human medicine - into a general principle. Other vaccines against anthrax , swine rot and rabies showed that from now on, at least in theory, any infectious disease could be prevented. With his work on fermentation and inoculation, Pasteur demonstrated the economic and medical potential of experimental biology. The production of the anthrax vaccine marked the beginning of the vaccine industry. A wave of donations after the first spectacular rabies vaccination of a boy allowed the establishment of the Institut Pasteur , to this day France's leading scientific institution in biomedical research.

Life

Louis Pasteur's birthplace in Dole
Louis Pasteur at the École Normale Supérieure in 1845 (drawing by Charles Lebayle after a daguerreotype )

Louis Pasteur came from a family of tanners (his father was the tanner Jean-Joseph Pasteur) and, after moving several times, grew up in Arbois , where he attended high school. The third of five children at school, if at all, initially stood out for their artistic talent. In 1837/38, however, he won so many school awards that he was advised to prepare for the École normal supérieure , the pedagogical faculty, in Paris. The first attempt failed because I was too homesick. In 1842 he graduated from the Baccalauréat (grade in chemistry: "mediocre") and was admitted to the École Normale , but turned it down because he was dissatisfied with his rank (15th of 22 candidates). He completed another year of preparation and this time reached 4th place.

During the Revolution of 1848 in Paris, Pasteur was briefly a member of the National Guard .

Pasteur studied for the following five years at the École Normale and also worked as a research assistant ( preparator ). In 1846 he passed the teaching examination for physical sciences in Paris. In 1847 he was awarded a doctorate in natural sciences ( docteur-ès-sciences ) on the basis of two doctoral theses in physics ( study of the phenomena of the rotation of polarized light in liquids; application of the rotation of liquids to solve various problems in chemistry ) and chemistry ( studies of saturation capacity of the arsenious acid, study of the arsenite salts of potassium, sodium and ammonium ) PhD . After a short stay at the end of 1848 as a high school professor of physics at the Lycée of Dijon , he went in January 1849 as an assistant professor of chemistry ( professeur suppléant ) at the University of Strasbourg . Here he fell in love with Marie Laurent, the daughter of the rector of the Strasbourg Academy . He married her on May 29, 1849. His wife gave birth to five children, three of whom died in their early teens. By 1853, his scientific reputation had grown so that the Pharmaceutical Society ( Société de Pharmacie ) awarded him a price of 1,500 francs and he was accepted into the Legion of Honor .

Louis Pasteur 1857

In 1854 he was appointed professor of chemistry and dean of the newly established Faculty of Sciences in Lille . Pasteur represented a strongly application-oriented research in the interests of local industry; He also campaigned for an innovation introduced by an Imperial Decree that same year that science students should be trained in the laboratory.

In 1857, at the age of 34, Pasteur was appointed director of scientific studies and administrator (comparable to a chancellor at a German university) at the École Normale in Paris. Pasteur increased the number of agrégé-préparateurs - laboratory assistants who had graduated from the École Normale - but on the other hand reduced their contract duration from seven or eight years to two. With this measure he encouraged more students to do a doctorate . He also founded a new journal, the Annales scientifiques de l'École Normale Supérieure , as a forum for the research results of his house. He edited this magazine personally until 1871. Under Pasteur's aegis, the reputation of the École Normale improved enormously. While around 50 to 70 people applied each year for the 15 places, it was 200 to 230 in the end. Much attention was caused when applicants who were also accepted at the École polytechnique opted for the École Normale for the first time . Pasteur was also responsible for the discipline among the students, which was overwhelming for him. After student unrest broke out in 1867, he was no longer tenable at the École Normale and moved to the Sorbonne as a chemistry professor .

Although there was no research assignment associated with his two positions at the École Normale , Pasteur immediately set up two attic rooms as a laboratory, where he continued his studies on fermentation, which he had started in Lille. He gained direct access to Emperor Napoleon III. which allowed him to shift his activity increasingly to research. In 1862 Pasteur was elected to the Academy of Sciences . From 1865 he was very busy with the research on the diseases of the silkworms , for which the government had asked him. Because of this, he spent every summer in a field laboratory in southern France until 1870.

Pasteur's laboratory at the École Normale Supérieure in Paris' rue d'Ulm

Thanks to the emperor's support, he was allowed to build a new laboratory, which was delayed by the Franco-German War . Pasteur spent the war in his native Jura , where he studied beer brewing , an industry in which he regarded France as inferior to Germany. On his return to Paris he asked to be relieved of all teaching duties. He enforced an annuity of 12,000 francs, which the Emperor had promised him, under the changed political conditions of the Third Republic . He spent the next five years completing his research on fermentation, beer, silkworm diseases, and the spontaneous origin of life.

Bust of Louis Pasteur at the entrance to the Park of Saint-Cloud

In 1876, at the age of 54, the chemist switched to a new field of research: the infectious diseases of pets and humans. As an outsider in the field of veterinary and human medicine, he began research into anthrax . After he succeeded in creating a vaccine to protect against anthrax, an additional laboratory was built in rue Vauquelin for its production - it marked the beginning of the vaccine industry. Pasteur also used the old stables of Castle Saint-Cloud for his rabies research made available in the park of Villeneuve l'Etang. The third-party funds raised by the French state grew until Pasteur temporarily received ten percent of the total French research expenditure.

Pasteur's house in Arbois . Pasteur usually spent the summer here from mid-July to mid-September.

Pasteur behaved in an authoritarian manner towards his students and employees, and he was considered completely humorless. He ran his laboratory like a family man, making sure that his employees were also related. Although Pasteur briefly took part in the February Revolution of 1848 in his youth , his later political stance ranged from conservative to reactionary. He welcomed Louis Napoleon's coup d'état of 1851 and sought close contact with the emperor. Even after his abdication, he did not hide how indebted he was to him. In 1875 Pasteur ran for the Conservatives for a seat in the Senate for his hometown Arbois, but failed far behind because he was considered a Bonapartist . Apart from this foray into politics, Pasteur lived exclusively for science and pursued no hobbies; During his time in Paris he rarely left the Latin Quarter , where the scientific institutions that were essential to him were located.

The last photo of Pasteur from 1895

Pasteur was an ardent patriot. During the Franco-Prussian War of 1870/71 he wrote to a correspondent that he would in future express all of his works with “Hatred of Prussia. Revenge. Vengeance. ”Draw. For this reason, he returned an honorary doctorate from the University of Bonn in 1870. His most violent controversies, which at least from the press on both sides were accompanied with strongly nationalistic undertones, he fought out with German scientists - among them Justus Liebig and Robert Koch . Shortly before his death, he refused to accept the Prussian order Pour le Mérite .

His scientific achievement has been recognized by numerous prizes from around the world, including the Grand Cross of the Legion of Honor. In 1882 the French state increased his annuity to 25,000 francs (inheritable to his wife and children), which was twice the salary of a university professor. In the same year Pasteur was elected as "Immortal" in the Académie française . With the triumphant success of the rabies vaccination, a large number of donations were received. A subscription for the construction of the Pasteur Institute for two million francs was even exceeded. It was inaugurated in November 1888, when Pasteur was 65 years old. However, his health had suffered so badly after several strokes that he could no longer make any important contributions to research. Pasteur was virtually paralyzed when he died. His body - and later that of his wife - was buried in a crypt under the Pasteur Institute .

plant

Optical activity and crystalline asymmetry

The isomers of tartaric acid relate to one another in their crystal structure like image and mirror image. What emerges clearly in this drawing, however, can hardly be seen under the microscope, and Pasteur's collaborators also attributed his success to his enormous myopia .

In the years from 1847 to 1857 Pasteur undertook a number of important experiments on the relationship between optical activity , crystal structure and chemical composition of organic compounds, especially tartaric acid and grape acid .

As early as 1841, Frédéric de la Provostaye had described the crystal forms of clockwise tartaric acid salts ( tartrates ). The starting point for Pasteur's research project was Eilhard Mitscherlich's discovery that the sodium-ammonium salts of tartaric acid and grape acid appeared to be identical in all of their properties, only that a solution of tartaric acid turned the plane of polarized light to the right, whereas a solution of tartaric acid turned the plane of polarized light to the right, whereas a tartaric acid solution Solution remained optically inactive. Pasteur was able to refute Mitscherlich's claim that the sodium-ammonium salts of tartaric acid and grape acid were identical in their crystal structure. Under the microscope he succeeded in identifying two different crystal structures in the case of grape acid, which behaved like an image and a mirror image. In laborious manual work, he separated the two crystal forms from each other. Resolved separately, they rotated the plane of polarized light by the same amount in opposite directions. The dextrorotatory form (L - (+) - tartaric acid) was identical to the known tartaric acid, the levorotatory form (D - (-) - tartaric acid) had been unknown until then. If he combined the same volumes and concentrations of the two solutions with one another, the opposing optical activities were canceled and the solution was optically inactive ( racemate ). He presented this discovery to the Academy of Sciences on May 22, 1848, at the age of 25. In 1860, in a lecture to the Chemical Society of Paris ( Société Chimique ) , Pasteur expressed the hypothesis that the asymmetric crystal form of optically active compounds must be due to the asymmetric grouping of the atoms in the molecule. On this occasion he speculated whether, for example, a right-handed connection could have the shape of a right-handed spiral or an irregular tetrahedron . He became the founder of stereochemistry , even if the concept of the tetrahedral carbon atom can be ascribed to Kekulé .

The description just given follows the lecture from 1860. The science historian Gerald L. Geison has reconstructed another process by studying Pasteur's laboratory diaries. Pasteur was therefore strongly influenced by his colleague Auguste Laurent at the Ecole Normale , who believed that the shape of a crystal is determined by its internal (molecular) structure. However, examples of "dimorphism" were known, ie substances with the same chemical molecular formula but different crystal forms, such as calcite and aragonite . Pasteur examined a total of eight different salts of tartaric acids ( tartrates ), where he wanted to check whether they could crystallize with one another. Under Laurent's influence, he paid particular attention to the content of crystal water and minimal changes in the crystal structure. He had already noticed that the crystals of the sodium ammonium salts of grape acid have two different forms, and he had already sorted them out before he started working on Mitscherlich's work on optical activity. Pasteur's conviction that only optically active substances show an asymmetrical crystal structure was not the starting point but the result of his research; the question of optical activity did not guide our knowledge. Geison sees this as an example of how memory can be deceptive and how self-reports from scientists are not necessarily reliable. Pasteur later downplayed the influence of Auguste Laurent, possibly because Laurent's sympathy for the radicals was soon no longer politically opportune.

Pasteur found two other methods for the separation of racemates : An optically active base and the racemate of an optically active acid form a diastereomeric salt pair that can be separated by crystallization. And microorganisms may prefer to metabolize one of the two optically active forms of a racemate. Pasteur found a fine example in 1860 in the brush mold Penicillium glaucum , which selectively metabolizes the right-handed form of a solution of the ammonium salt of grape acid to which a little phosphate has been added. Both methods could be used in numerous cases. However, Pasteur had to revise his conviction that optically active compounds necessarily have an asymmetric crystal structure after he could not detect them in an optically active isomer of amyl alcohol .

Fermentation, putrefaction and the spontaneous emergence of life

After Pasteur moved to Lille in 1854, he was expected to do a lot of application-oriented research. Alcohol production from beet sugar in particular played a major role for the local industry, which is why the chemist was confronted with fermentation issues for the first time.

Theoretical background

Grapes ferment during winemaking.

Pasteur believed that the optical activity and molecular asymmetry of organic compounds was somehow related to life , an intuition that has since proven essentially correct ( chirality ). In nature, he delimited a living area of ​​chemical compounds (optically active with asymmetrical crystal forms) from a dead area (optically inactive with symmetrical crystals). So, philosophically speaking, Pasteur was a vitalist . He believed in a "cosmic asymmetrical force" which he hoped to prove experimentally throughout his life. Since the products of fermentation were often optically active, he suspected that the fermentation itself was caused by microorganisms .

Chemists such as Jöns Jakob Berzelius or Justus Liebig stood for the opposite position of a purely abiotic fermentation . Especially Liebig was a constant nuisance for Pasteur. "All the experiments that I have shared with this academy for 23 years served directly or indirectly to show the inaccuracy of Liebig's views," he said at one of the most important lectures of his life on February 10, 1880 at the Academy of Sciences on the occasion of the presentation his first vaccine and spent a long time in what he saw as Liebig's fatal role. His theory of fermentation has absolutely no basis.

Lactic fermentation

Pasteur believed that he had found a “ yeast ” as the cause of lactic acid fermentation , even though he clearly stated that this “yeast” was smaller than in alcoholic fermentation and was often rod-shaped. In fact, the microorganisms are lactic acid bacteria , here in the picture from the genus Lactobacillus .

Pasteur began his studies of fermentation with lactic acid fermentation (the process by which sugar is broken down microbially into lactic acid , creating sour beer or sour milk ). He may have come across this special form of fermentation through his interest in amyl alcohol , because it is produced in large quantities. In 1857 he gave a now famous lecture on lactic acid fermentation to the Society for Science, Agriculture and the Arts in Lille . In this talk, he summarized the beliefs that guided his research on fermentation:

  1. Fermentation is the result of the activity of living microorganisms.
  2. Each form of fermentation can be traced back to a specific microorganism.
  3. The fermenting medium provides nutrients to the microorganism.
  4. The fermenting medium can promote or hinder the development of a microorganism.
  5. Different microorganisms compete for the nutrients in a medium.
  6. Normal air is the source of the microorganisms that trigger fermentation.
  7. By "sowing" microorganisms can be isolated and cleaned.

Alcoholic fermentation and Pasteur effect

Pasteur's studies of beer , wine, and vinegar fall into two different periods, from 1857 to 1865 and from 1871 to 1876. That alcoholic fermentation is caused by yeasts was not discovered by Pasteur, as is sometimes misread. This idea had already been published in 1837 independently by Charles Cagniard-Latour , Theodor Schwann and Friedrich Kützing . Pasteur was able to show that alcoholic fermentation not only produces ethanol and carbon dioxide , but also numerous by-products such as glycerine , succinic acid , cellulose and fats. In its full complexity, the process could not be written down in the form of a simple reaction equation, which in his view made it unlikely that it should take place without the participation of living beings.

Nevertheless, the majority of scientists still started from an abiotic theory of fermentation. Liebig had declared an “unstable organic substance” to be a necessary prerequisite for this. Pasteur refuted this theory by initiating alcoholic fermentation in an artificial medium devoid of organic nitrogen. To a solution of cane sugar he added ammonium tartrate and the minerals from incinerated yeast and started fermentation with a little brewer's yeast. If he left out one of the ingredients, fermentation would stop.

In 1858 Moritz Traube and in 1860 Marcelin Berthelot proposed a theory that mediated between the extreme positions of Pasteur and Liebig: According to this, fermentation was not the direct product of living beings, but rather of "ferments" ( enzymes ) excreted by living beings, but not itself Life. Liebig did not react for a long time until he gave two lectures on the subject in 1868 and 1869, which, moreover, were not translated into French until 1871 because of the Franco-Prussian War . In his last lecture, Liebig admitted that alcoholic fermentation, in the sense just outlined, was due to the activity of yeast. Pasteur did not want to completely rule out the existence of “soluble ferments”, but also did not want to accept it when the question came up again through a publication by Berthelot from the estate of Claude Bernard . Nevertheless, he accused von Liebig's French supporters, such as Edmond Frémy , of a lack of patriotism because they had dared to give preference to “German science”.

In the course of his beer studies, Pasteur discovered metabolic regulation for the first time in 1861. When there is a lack of oxygen , yeasts consume more sugar. In today's terms, they cover their energy needs through the anaerobic breakdown of carbohydrates ( glycolysis ); if there is a sufficient supply of oxygen, they switch to the oxidative breakdown of carbohydrates ( oxidative phosphorylation ). The effect is now named after him as the Pasteur effect . He summarized his findings in 1876 in the book Etudes sur la bière .

Acetic and butyric acid fermentation

From 1861 Pasteur published a series of articles on " acetic acid fermentation " (from today's perspective it is not a fermentation), which he summarized in 1864 in a long treatise. When Pasteur started, acetic acid fermentation was viewed by the majority of scientists as an abiotic process, analogous to the catalytic oxidation of alcohol to acetaldehyde and acetic acid by finely divided platinum . Pasteur, on the other hand, was certain that the acetic acid fermentation had to be due to a biological process, and with this aim he examined the fine skin on the surface of vinegar, the mother of vinegar . Friedrich Kützing had already established a connection between the activity of microorganisms in the vinegar mother and the formation of vinegar in 1837. As in his experiment on alcoholic fermentation, Pasteur succeeded in extracting vinegar from a medium composed of diluted alcohol, ammonium, mineral salts and the organism from the mother of vinegar ( Mycoderma aceti in the nomenclature of the time ). Only on a surface in the presence of abundant oxygen did this organism produce vinegar. Pasteur's studies had the practical consequence for vinegar manufacturers that they could control production. Until then, they had sometimes had to wait weeks before the vinegar mother appeared spontaneously.

In 1861, Pasteur also described a new type of fermentation, butyric acid fermentation . The microorganisms that he identified as the cause were mobile, which is why he assigned them to the animal kingdom . He noticed that these "infusoria" lost their mobility under the microscope at the edge of the cover glass , which he attributed to atmospheric air penetrating here. If Pasteur passed air through a container in which butyric acid fermentation was taking place, he could stop fermentation immediately. The microorganisms then died. In contrast, carbonic acid did not hinder butyric acid fermentation. Pasteur had found an example of an anaerobic organism. He later generalized this observation by generally defining fermentation as “life without air”. For a long time he overlooked the contradiction that, in his opinion, “acetic acid fermentation” requires the presence of oxygen. He also had to admit in 1872 that alcoholic fermentation cannot take place entirely without oxygen, because otherwise yeast cannot germinate.

Putrefaction is fermentation

At that time putrefaction was defined as the decomposition of substances of vegetable or animal origin with the development of foul-smelling gases. In 1863 Pasteur extended his knowledge of fermentation to putrefaction. Though insufficient evidence, he claimed that putrefaction was also due to the activity of living organisms. Putrefaction is nothing more than the fermentation of substances with a relatively high proportion of sulfur , and the release of this sulfur in gaseous compounds creates the bad smell.

The spontaneous emergence of life

Pasteur's studies of fermentation were crucial to a question that had been debated since ancient times: can life arise spontaneously in everyday conditions ? In Pasteur's time, the debate had already been reduced to the question of whether microscopic living things could arise from dead organic matter. From 1860 onwards, Pasteur published five papers in quick succession, which he summarized in 1861 in a lecture to the Chemical Society in Paris.

In one experiment, Pasteur used bottles with a gooseneck-like neck. The contents of the bottle remained in contact with air, but remained sterile after being boiled. If Pasteur broke off the gooseneck, the contents soon began to ferment.
Used by Pasteur in the 1860s, this bottle was sealed and has been sterile ever since.

Experiments that are not fully described here include:

  • Pasteur boiled sugar water containing yeast and placed it in an airtight container. The contents remained sterile for weeks. When he put cotton that had been sucked through with normal air into the container, the contents began to ferment within 24 to 36 hours. Pasteur concluded that the dust in the air contained microorganisms.
  • Following the example of Eugène Chevreul , he had bottles made with a gooseneck-like neck, filled them with sugar water, urine or milk and boiled the contents. (Independently of Pasteur, Hermann Hoffmann also described this process in 1860.) Although the bottles had an open connection to the air, the contents remained sterile. A patch of mold quickly formed in control bottles, the contents of which had not been boiled . If Pasteur broke off the goosenecks, mold would also form in the sterile bottles or the contents would begin to ferment. Apparently microorganisms had floated into the bottles from above, which the long gooseneck had prevented before.
  • Pasteur boiled sugar water containing yeast, exposed it to air for a short time and then sealed the containers airtight. At the foot of the Jura Mountains , life forms formed in eight out of 20 cases, at an altitude of 850 meters in five out of 20 cases, and on the Mer de Glace glacier at 2000 meters, the content changed in only one of 20 cases. Pasteur invented a method of measuring the concentration of germs in the air.

For the lecture of 1861, the Academy of Sciences awarded Pasteur a prize of 2500 francs, which had been awarded to those who would make important contributions to the question of the spontaneous origin of life. Félix Archimède Pouchet (1800–1872) had demonstrated in 1845 that female animals produce egg cells regardless of contact with males. He represented a moderate variant of spontaneous generation (although not adult organisms arise spontaneously, their eggs do ). Pouchet repeated Pasteur's experiment in the French Alps, with the difference that he used a hay infusion instead of sugar water containing yeast . In all eight cases, the contents of the bottle changed, making it seem as if only oxygen was needed to give life to life. When Pasteur reacted contemptuously, Pouchet and his colleagues demanded a commission of inquiry from the academy, which met in 1864, but was made up of so many Pasteur sympathizers that a fair trial was not guaranteed. The committee meetings dragged on with no results, while French scholars had the impression that the question had been resolved in Pasteur's terms. In 1876, however, Ferdinand Cohn and John Tyndall discovered the fact that certain microorganisms go through a phase with endospores - which can even survive boiling water - which would partly explain Pouchet's findings. However, Pouchet and his colleagues had also described microorganisms that definitely could not have originated like mycelia , various bacteria and amoeba. This suggests that their experiments must have been contaminated in another way as well.

Supporters of spontaneous generation could always object that heating destroys a “life force” or another essential prerequisite for the spontaneous emergence of life. In 1863 Pasteur succeeded in preserving two body fluids without heating them: urine and blood. He obtained them directly from the veins or the urinary bladder of animals. As long as he exposed them to sterilized air, they did not change. Pasteur thus made a significant contribution to the technology of aseptic work.

In 1877 Pasteur was challenged again, this time by British scientist Henry Charlton Bastian , who wanted to see the spontaneous emergence of life in sterile urine. This time it was Pasteur who initiated a commission of inquiry from the Academy of Sciences. Although Bastian even traveled to Paris, the commission never met as planned and Bastian went home empty-handed. However, his protest led Pasteur's collaborators Jules Joubert and Charles Chamberland to take another look at the question and come across the astonishing heat resistance of some microorganisms. A practical result of this research was the autoclave .

In an unpublished note from 1878, Pasteur speculated that the spontaneous emergence of life must be possible because it must have stood at the beginning of life.

pasteurization

In the Études sur le vin , Louis Pasteur published a method of preserving liquid food in 1866, which is now known as pasteurization .

Nicolas Appert had published a method for preserving wine by heating in his book Le livre de tous les ménages (German: The book of all households) as early as 1831 , which Pasteur later stated was unknown to him. This explanation is plausible because Appert added the section in a later edition.

The liquid food preservation process known today as pasteurization arose from Pasteur's research on fermentation. Food is heated to a temperature below 100 ° C. It is not a question of sterilization , since only most of the vegetative forms of microorganisms are killed, but not their spores . However, pasteurization covers almost all pathogenic germs. In 1867 Pasteur was awarded the Grand Prize at the Paris World's Fair for his method of preserving wine by heating . In 1868 the French Navy examined the process and adopted it for the fleet and for the wine supply of the colonies. Even vinegar could be preserved by heating it to 55 ° C, as Pasteur showed. In Austria and Germany, the pasteurization of bottled beer at 55 ° C became popular. On the other hand, the pasteurization of milk and milk products did not go back to Pasteur. In 1861 he discovered that even boiling at 100 ° C did not reliably sterilize milk, which he attributed to its alkaline nature. It was only Franz von Soxhlet who then realized the pasteurization of milk.

Diseases of the silkworms: pébrine and flattener

Memorial to the memory of Pasteur's work on the diseases of the silkworms in Alès
21-day-old silkworm caterpillars on mulberry leaves

In a time without artificial textile fibers, the silk industry was of great importance for Spain, France and Italy, so that the diseases of the silkworms were investigated by researchers at an early stage. As early as 1835, Agostino Bassi had determined that the pathogen was a fungus for the muscardine , and thus provided the first example of an infectious disease. In 1865 the French silk industry was in a difficult position because in the previous two decades production had shrunk to a sixth due to a disease called pébrine .

That year the French government commissioned Pasteur to investigate this spot disease . By his own admission, he had never dealt with silkworms before. The research dragged on because of a number of personal misfortunes (Pasteur's father died at the end of 1865; his two-year-old daughter died in 1866; student riots broke out at the Ecole Normale in 1867 , leading to his dismissal there; in 1868 he suffered a severe stroke). In the disease caused by microsporidia (in today's nomenclature: Nosema bombycis ), the bodies of the caterpillars are covered with brown, pepper-like dots - from which the French name pébrine is derived. They correspond to tiny spheres that are visible under the microscope inside the caterpillars. After long and unsuccessful attempts, Pasteur came up with the idea of feeding healthy silkworms with mulberry leaves that had been coated with the excretions of sick caterpillars. In fact, the fed caterpillars died, but without showing the dreaded points, so that Pasteur initially thought the attempt had failed. It was only when he had his assistant Désiré Gernez repeat it elsewhere that Pasteur was convinced that the points were not just a symptom, but a cause of the disease. They contained living pathogens that did not come from inside the caterpillars - as Pasteur had originally assumed - but infected the caterpillars from outside.

Antoine Béchamp accused Pasteur of plagiarism.

The Italian historian of science Antonio Cadeddu has pointed out that practically all of Pasteur's findings were anticipated by Antoine Béchamp - a colleague of Pasteur's Strasbourg days. Contrary to what one might assume based on Pasteur's history with his investigations into fermentation and putrefaction, Pasteur did not initially believe in an infectious disease. In contrast, Antoine Béchamp had already described pébrine as an infectious disease in a note to the Academy of Sciences in 1866 . At that time Pasteur was still comparing the dots with cancer cells or lung tubercles (the character of tuberculosis as an infectious disease was still unknown at the time). Even in 1867 Pasteur had rejected the hypothesis of an infectious disease for the pébrine . That year, Béchamp claimed his priority in a letter to the Academy of Sciences. Pasteur did not mention Béchamp in his large monograph “Studies on the Diseases of Silkworms” from 1870, although he otherwise referred to the work of his predecessors. Béchamp later accused Pasteur of plagiarism : "I am the forerunner of Pasteur, just as the stolen one is the forerunner of a newly rich, happy and brazen thief who mocks and insults him."

After the character of the pébrine was recognized as an infectious disease, Pasteur found out that part of his contradicting test results could be explained by the fact that many caterpillars had suffered from a second disease - lobbies (French: flaterie or morts-flats ). Most specialists had flacherie until then for a stage of pébrine held. Pasteur found a vibrio that could be transmitted in feeding experiments and that he believed to be the causative agent of the disease. Even in the case of flacherie Béchamp but was forestalled and Pasteur had identified as a pathogen, a microbe that he in turn microcymas aglaiae called. Today it is known that certain forms of flatness are viral , while other forms are caused by intense heat. Pasteur (and Béchamp) probably saw Bacillus bombycis at that time , a bacterial secondary infection as a result of the viral disease.

The preventive measures that Pasteur recommended were independent of the assumed disease mechanism: at the time when Pasteur still assumed a constitutional, hereditary disease, he recommended only parent animals for the brood, as he did later when he believed in an infectious disease were demonstrably free from the pathogen. If Pasteur's information is followed, the pébrine was successfully eradicated, while similar attempts at flattening failed. But Pasteur's hopes were not fulfilled with regard to the pébrine either, because the pathogens have hosts other than the silkworms. Regardless of his research, the decline of the French silk industry could not be stopped because the French silk faced competition from cheaper oriental silk.

The germ theory of disease

In the older literature on Pasteur, it is almost consistently claimed that the silkworms' spot disease was the first example of a disease in which microorganisms could be identified as the cause. This is wrong. Agostino Bassi had already provided the first example of an infectious disease in 1835 with the muscardine of the silkworms. It is caused by the fungus Beauveria bassiana - a multicellular organism . Pasteur himself praised Casimir Davaine , who had shown in 1863 that the anthrax pathogen causes the disease anthrax , and thus for the first time blamed a bacterium for a disease. (Davaine, for his part, was inspired by reading Pasteur's work on butyric acid fermentation.) The diseases of silkworms that Pasteur studied were just other examples of a concept that had not yet caught on, but was becoming increasingly credible.

Soil-
forming excretions of French earthworms from Darwin's The formation of the soil through the action of the worms . According to Pasteur, earthworms also bring the spores of anthrax bacteria back to the surface from buried animal carcasses in this way.

However, Pasteur believed that there were still doubts, and therefore also examined the anthrax pathogen, whose development cycle, however, had already largely been clarified by Robert Koch at this point . Pasteur's most important contribution here was the reference to the role of earthworms , which bring anthrax spores back to the surface of the earth from buried animal carcasses. This led to the advice to farmers never to bury animals that had died of anthrax in soil that they had intended for pasture. Thanks to the work of Koch, but also Pasteur, anthrax became the first disease of large farm animals to be generally recognized as an infectious disease.

In 1878 Pasteur gave a lecture on the "germ theory". Here, using the example of the pathogen causing sepsis ( vibrion septique , today Clostridium septicum ; Pasteur initially assumed that there was only this one pathogen of sepsis), he observed that the same pathogen had variations in virulence . This knowledge was an important prerequisite for the development of his vaccines. In 1880 Pasteur summarized the concept of infectious diseases in the great lecture on the extension of the germ theory to the etiology of certain common diseases before the Academy of Medicine . Here he attributed boils , osteomyelitis and puerperal fever to the activity of microorganisms, although he only examined a single patient for the first two examples. He blamed a bacterium that was later called staphylococcus as the cause .

Pasteur's terminology initially fluctuated between terms such as “Vibrionen” or “Infusorien” before he supported a suggestion by the surgeon Charles Emmanuel Sédillot (1804–1883) to call all microorganisms “microbes”. From this he derived the new technical term “ microbiology ”, which he proposed in 1881 at the International Medical Congress in London instead of the German term “ bacteriology ”. This term was actually more appropriate because Pasteur studied not only bacteria but also yeasts and - in the case of rabies - even viruses.

Stimulation of antisepsis

Joseph Lister had received his suggestion for antisepsis in 1865 from reading Pasteur's writings on fermentation and putrefaction processes, as he confirmed to Pasteur in a letter of thanks. Pasteur was proud of this recognition and had the letter reproduced on various occasions. He himself propagated antiseptic work early on. For example, in 1874 he said: “If I had the honor of being a surgeon, I would never insert an instrument of any kind into the human body without exposing it to boiling water or, better yet, a flame and then cooling it down quickly. “Personally, Pasteur developed such a fear of infection that he was reluctant to shake hands and wash his dishes before eating.

In 1877 Pasteur and Joubert observed that anthrax infection would not work if they injected other bacteria at the same time. They seemed to be releasing substances that killed the anthrax pathogens. Although Pasteur expressed the hope of developing a therapeutic principle from this discovery, its meaning was only understood in 1939, when René Dubos discovered the first antibiotic produced by a bacterium.

Prevention of infectious diseases through vaccination

The first vaccine from a laboratory: against avian cholera

Before Pasteur's work on fowl cholera , the only known vaccination in human medicine was Edward Jenner's smallpox vaccination , which means that “vaccination” was a special method of protecting against smallpox . How it worked was unclear. In 1880 Pasteur showed, using the example of poultry cholera - which has nothing to do with human cholera - that other diseases can also be prevented by vaccination. Pasteur thereby expanded the idea of ​​vaccination into a general principle. Pasteur's first vaccine was a live vaccine made from attenuated pathogens causing the disease. So Pasteur used a vaccination against a disease that was known to be caused by a pathogen that could be grown outside of a living organism.

Diarrhea is a typical symptom of avian cholera .

In almost all of Pasteur's books, the course of events is presented in a transfigured form, which was first coined by René Vallery-Radot . According to this, a lucky coincidence played a role in the development of the vaccine, when Pasteur became aware of an old culture of the avian cholera pathogen that was not continuously cultivated but remained unchanged. Pasteur had injected this ancient culture into a few chickens, which then did not become ill. When a new, fresh culture was sprayed, the chickens remained healthy. Three elements stand out in this narrative: coincidence, the culmination of a key experiment and Pasteur's ingenious power of observation. Vallery-Radot's representation was adopted in almost all later books on Pasteur.

The Italian science historian Antonio Cadeddu was able to prove by studying Pasteur's laboratory diaries (especially “Booklet 89”) that the events were less dramatic. Accordingly, the vaccine was the result of an extensive research program undertaken by Pasteur's collaborator, Emile Roux . In particular, according to a note made by Pasteur on March 4, 1880, it was Roux who injected the old culture into two chickens during his boss's summer vacation. These chickens survived but died from repeated injections of the old culture. According to Cadeddu, the key experiment claimed by Pasteur's biographer René Vallery-Radot never existed, the idea for this type of experiment came from Roux, the first attempt was unsuccessful and further attempts were also contradictory.

Hervé Bazin, emeritus professor of medicine at the University of Leuven , has also subjected the laboratory diaries to a detailed analysis. Pasteur began his research program with the goal of finding a vaccine. At the beginning of 1879 he first tried feeding, so he was looking for an oral vaccination . The other experiments that Roux carried out were also carried out on the instructions of Pasteur. Bazin describes an experiment of January 5, 1880 as a "key experiment". In it 12 chickens were infected with a fresh culture, 12 chickens with an older, already soured culture and a further 12 chickens with an old, also soured culture. After eight days, four of the chickens infected with the older culture had survived and eleven of the chickens infected with the old culture had survived. Pasteur was able to control the virulence of the pathogen through the length of the culture breaks. In an experiment on January 23, when eight vaccinated chickens remained healthy after exposure to the virulent pathogen, he demonstrated that a culture with a weakened pathogen is suitable as a vaccine.

Typical of Pasteur was the hastiness with which he approached the scientific specialist public. On January 22, 1880, Pasteur made a vague announcement at a veterinary medical congress. On February 9, 1880, Pasteur lectured on the subject at the Academy of Sciences and the following day at the Academy of Medicine, but could (according to Cadeddu) or did not want (according to Bazin) to state how he had made the vaccine, but rather only spoke of a "certain change in the culture".

Pasteur's behavior caused a scandal in the Academy of Medicine because some members believed Pasteur was deliberately hiding the method of making his vaccine. The senior president of the academy Jules Guérin protested sharply, whereupon Pasteur already wanted to terminate his membership in the academy in a draft letter, but did not send the letter. In October there was an angry exchange between Pasteur and Guérin in front of the assembled academy, which ended with Guérin challenging Pasteur to a duel . Pasteur, however, did not accept the 80-year-old's challenge. It was not until October 26, 1880 that Pasteur suggested that it was the oxygen that had weakened the pathogens during the long culture breaks. ("Attenuation" should not be understood - as Pasteur did - that the virulence of the pathogen was weakened by the culture conditions, but rather that the culture conditions were used to select individual, a priori, less virulent pathogens and to multiply. )

In practice, the avian cholera vaccine had severe side effects, the vaccinated animals could spread the disease unnoticed, the vaccine protection was short-lived, and the vaccine was expensive. For these reasons, avian cholera was and is still being combated by culling the stocks. Its significance is historical in nature: Pasteur's avian cholera vaccine was the first example of a vaccine that was artificially produced in the laboratory and not - like Jenner's smallpox vaccine - taken from nature.

Veterinary vaccines against anthrax and pig rot

Pasteur had an understanding of immunity that seems peculiar today . He viewed a body as a culture medium for the pathogens that could only grow as long as the culture medium contained the necessary nutrients. If these nutrients were exhausted, the pathogens could no longer grow, which made the body immune. The weakened pathogens in a vaccine imparted immunity by using up the nutrients they need. From this point of view, vaccines could basically only be live vaccines . Only against this background can the controversy surrounding Pasteur's next project - an anthrax vaccine - be understood.

Contemporary presentation of the demonstration attempt to vaccinate anthrax that Pasteur undertook in Pouilly-le-Fort

As the son of a tanner, Pasteur must have known anthrax - an important occupational disease of people who handle animal skins. Anthrax was also an important veterinary disease: annual losses for France were estimated at 20 to 30 million francs. Pasteur again made a vaccine - at least that's what he made it appear - by exposing anthrax bacteria to oxygen in the air for long periods of time.

On February 28, 1881, Pasteur announced to the Academy of Medicine that “nothing is easier” than protecting sheep, cows or horses from anthrax, as he has already demonstrated with great success on sheep. Nevertheless, he reacted with surprise when he was challenged by the Agricultural Association of Melun ( Société d'agriculture à Melun ) to attempt a public demonstration, arranged by the veterinarian Hippolyte Rossignol . The experiment on Rossignol's farm in Pouilly-le-Fort (near Melun, Département Seine-et-Marne ) was the world's first public demonstration attempt of a vaccine developed in a laboratory. His staff vaccinated 25 of a total of 50 sheep on two consecutive dates; the remaining 25 animals served as a control group. Finally, they injected highly virulent anthrax bacteria into all the sheep. Two days later, on June 2, 1881, Pasteur arrived at the triumphant conclusion of the experiment: Of the 25 vaccinated sheep, 24 remained healthy and only one ewe fell ill - probably from another cause. Of the unvaccinated animals, 23 had died at this point and the other two sheep were near death. The audience included the Paris correspondent for the London Times , who made the outcome of the experiment known internationally.

Louis Pasteur never published the composition of the vaccine used in Pouilly-le-Fort, but gave the impression that he would have made it just like his first vaccine against avian cholera: as a live oxygen-depleted vaccine. With the exception of the memories of his nephew Adrien Loir , which were initially neglected, this representation has been adopted by the current Pasteur biographers. Loir, on the other hand, wrote in 1937 that Pasteur had the vaccine for Pouilly-le-Fort treated with potassium dichromate . This vaccine was made by Chamberland and Roux.

Henry Toussaint had developed an anthrax vaccine before Pasteur in 1880. The vaccine actually used by Pasteur and his colleagues in the experiment in Pouilly-le-Fort is astonishingly similar in its production method to Toussaint's method of weakening or killing bacteria, as Pasteur's laboratory diaries show.

The historians of science Antonio Cadeddu and Gerald L. Geison have independently proven by evaluating Pasteur's laboratory diaries (in this case “Booklet 91”) that Loir's account is indeed correct. This result becomes tricky because Pasteur and his colleagues used a process that had been developed by Pasteur's competitor Henry Toussaint (Toussaint had previously made Pasteur's research on avian cholera possible by giving him a culture of the pathogen that had only recently been discovered) . Unlike Pasteur, Toussaint pursued the concept of a dead vaccine , for which he killed the bacteria using heat or chemicals. In 1880 he tested an anthrax vaccine made from blood containing pathogens, for which he mixed the bacteria with phenol in one variant and killed the bacteria with heat in another variant. Using Pasteur's laboratory diaries and private letters, Geison was able to show how great Pasteur's irritation was when he learned that Toussaint's concept of a dead vaccine worked while his own vaccine still gave unsatisfactory results. “This turns any ideas I had about pathogens or vaccines upside down. I don't understand anything anymore, ”he wrote to his colleague from the Academy of Medicine, the veterinarian Henri Bouley . Pasteur immediately arranged for his colleagues to repeat Toussaint's experiments. They heated blood containing the pathogen to 55 ° C for ten minutes, but still found viable, albeit weakened, bacteria, which fit into Pasteur's vaccine concept.

Roux had also tried Toussaint's method with phenol and, in a variant, with potassium dichromate. It was only two years later that Roux and Chamberland published this method without any indication that it had been used in Pouilly-le-Fort. The results of Pouilly-le-Fort made Pasteur the clear winner in the race for an anthrax vaccine. Although Toussaint's teacher Auguste Chauveau once again pointed out the priority of his pupil in 1882, Toussaint's name was soon forgotten. Geison interpreted Pasteur's behavior in this case as a science fraud.

The mere fact that Pasteur did not destroy his laboratory diaries raises doubts that he intended scientific fraud. Hervé Bazin comes to a different assessment than Geison. Pasteur's irritation stemmed from his surprise that Henry Toussaint had become a competitor in the field of vaccine development so quickly, although he had deliberately remained vague in his lecture of February 9, 1880. Bazin also gives priority to the anthrax vaccine to Toussaint. (In addition to Toussaint, however, the Briton William Greenfield comes into question, who vaccinated cattle with anthrax pathogens from rodents based on the example of the smallpox vaccination.) Pasteur's vaccine was, however, objectively superior because Toussaint had no culture method for anthrax bacteria and therefore as a basis had to resort to the blood of infected animals for the vaccine. For this reason, the quality of Toussaint's vaccine varied greatly, while Pasteur was able to guarantee a stable vaccine.

Toussaint later revised the interpretation of his vaccine as a dead vaccine under not entirely clear circumstances and publicly stated that he had only weakened the bacteria, but not killed them. So Pasteur saw no need to revise his own ideas about how a vaccine worked on the basis of Toussaint's experiments. At the time of the Pouilly-le-Fort trial, Pasteur had several different types of anthrax vaccine under development (with heat and oxygen or with potassium dichromate attenuated), so in Bazin’s opinion it would appear sensible if he had not yet made public wanted to commit to a procedure. Pasteur did not plagiarize Toussaint . Cadeddu pointed out a possible motive for Chamberland and Roux to deal with potassium dichromate. Until the attempt by Pouilly-le-Fort, Pasteur had not succeeded in producing spore-free cultures of the anthrax pathogen by exposure to oxygen. With potassium dichromate, Chamberland and Roux succeeded in producing spore-free cultures that were suitable for vaccine production and at the same time weakened by the chemical.

The origins of the vaccine industry
Charles Chamberland, pictured here around 1880, was in charge of vaccine production

In 1881 Pasteur offered the French state to set up a state-owned factory for anthrax vaccine if, in return, he would be relieved of all material worries. The French state refused, so Pasteur continued to produce the vaccine in his laboratory. However, the demand was soon so great that Pasteur and his employees ventured into industrial dimensions. A separate laboratory was set up for production under the direction of Charles Chamberland in rue Vauquelin. A specially founded company, the Société de Vulgarisation du Vaccin Charbonneux , later renamed Société du Vaccin Charbonneux Pasteur , took over the distribution. The number of vaccine doses sold (a complete vaccination required two doses) rose sharply: in 1881 - in the year of the Pouilly-le-Fort trial - 164,000 doses were sent, in 1882 already 700,000, in 1885 900,000. In 1882 there was a serious crisis within the laboratory because the vaccine did not turn out to be as stable as hoped, which required numerous further attempts and the introduction of strict quality control. It was not possible to patent vaccines under French law, but the production process was so complicated that the company was able to maintain a monopoly for many years . The selling price for a dose of vaccine was 2.50 francs. Pasteur was entitled to two fifths of the profit, one fifth each to Chamberland and Roux, and the last fifth was put into a reserve.

Initially, a vaccine was produced that had been attenuated with potassium dichromate. It was replaced by a vaccine that Pasteur had developed using his own method: In it, the bacteria were exposed to the oxygen in the air - but at a temperature of 42 to 43 ° C, which must be precisely maintained (at this temperature the anthrax used by Pasteur developed Bacteria no spores). In this way, the bacteria completely lost their virulence within eight days. If the process was terminated earlier, any degree of virulence could be set and, according to Pasteur, it could be preserved for as long as desired.

The controversy with Koch

With his studies of anthrax, Pasteur entered an area that was dominated by Robert Koch . In 1877 Pasteur recognized the achievements of Koch (and Davaines). On the other hand, he also repeatedly claimed to have discovered the bacterial endospores first, and cited his work on flattening for this . In his eyes, Koch had only confirmed one discovery he had made earlier. In 1881 the first volume of the "Mittheilungen aus dem Kaiserliche Gesundheitamt" contained several articles by Robert Koch and his students, in which they attacked the Pasteur anthrax experiments on numerous points: The Pasteur anthrax vaccines were contaminated with other bacteria, Pasteur confused numerous diseases with one another, he said disregarded Koch's priority claims, and earthworms did not play the role Pasteur claimed in the life cycle of the anthrax pathogen.

When Pasteur met Koch at the International Medical Congress in London in 1881, he was apparently unaware of this attack, and he praised Koch's solid culture media as a major advance. In 1882, on the other hand, at the International Congress for Hygiene and Demography in Geneva, he sharply attacked the Koch School. Koch did not reply and promised to respond in writing, which he did. In that publication, he suddenly praised the concept of attenuated pathogen vaccines, but gave Toussaint the priority. He still thought Pasteur's vaccines were unclean. Pasteur replied again in 1882 in a sarcastic open letter . Given the intensity of the argument, the age difference - Koch was 21 years younger - and the sometimes outrageous tone that Koch used must be taken into account.

A vaccine against swine disease

Pasteur developed a vaccine against another disease of veterinary importance, pig red disease . (The pathogen, which is now called Erysipelothrix rhusiopathiae , was isolated by his colleague Louis Thuillier in 1882. ) For this purpose, he used a novel method of attenuation for the first time by continuously transferring the pathogen from rabbit to rabbit. The vaccine against pig rot was economically - apart from Hungary - not a great success.

Pasteur's first human vaccine: a therapy for rabies

Contemporary illustration of the vaccination against rabies by Jean-Baptiste Jupille . Since Pasteur was not a doctor, he watches from the background.

Pasteur hesitated for a long time to use vaccines on humans, so Jaime Ferrán preceded him with a vaccination against cholera in 1885. Its cholera bacterial vaccine was the first vaccine administered to humans after the smallpox vaccination; whether it was effective is controversial among medical historians. Pasteur worked on his first human vaccine from 1881 onwards. For this, he chose what at first glance appeared to be an unusual disease, rabies . Since viruses were still unknown in the modern sense of the word, there were no visible pathogens here with which to experiment. Rabies was insignificant from a human medical point of view, but it was feared because of its cruel death: on average, around 30 people died from it in France every year. Pasteur's choice is often traced back to a childhood experience in 1831, when several people in his hometown of Arbois were bitten by a rabid wolf. At that time, eight-year-old Louis Pasteur observed the traditional treatment - the village blacksmith burned out the bite wound with a glowing iron - which he is said not to have forgotten for the rest of his life.

Pasteur observes guinea pigs infected with rabies (contemporary illustration).

Rabies had the experimental advantage that the disease was found in humans and animals, so dogs could be used as experimental animals. The incubation period was one to two months, which allowed time for vaccination intervention. In addition, Pasteur established the rabbit as a test animal , which had an incubation time of only about half as long as that of the dog and was considerably safer to handle. For these reasons, rabbits had already been suggested by Pierre Victor Galtier , professor at the Veterinary School in Lyon. Galtier had also tested a rabies vaccine on sheep in 1881 , for which he - analogous to the smallpox vaccination - had transmitted the wild pathogen himself and not a pathogen artificially weakened in the laboratory. Since Galtier published his results in the "Treatises of the Academy of Sciences", Pasteur must have had knowledge of his work. However, he only mentioned him once, and then only to criticize him.

Pasteur first developed a method to weaken the rabies pathogen through successive transmission to monkeys; the incubation time served as a measure of the attenuation. By 1884 he had developed a vaccine in this way that protected dogs from infection by rabies, which he had confirmed by a commission from the Minister of Education. However, in these experiments the dogs were first vaccinated and then infected with the pathogen.

Science historian Gerald L. Geison was the first to use Pasteur's laboratory diaries to demonstrate that Pasteur's group tested this vaccine on two people without the public ever knowing about it. In the first case, a man named Girard received a single injection on May 2, 1885, before the higher ministry responded and Pasteur forbade any further treatment. In his laboratory diary - which is the only source for this case - Pasteur traced the further fate of Girard, who recovered after a serious crisis, only until May 25th. He himself was convinced that Girard had recovered as a result of the one-time treatment, but in view of the long incubation period it cannot actually be assessed whether the patient did not develop rabies later. In the second case - for which, in addition to Pasteur's laboratory diary, there is also an eyewitness report from the attending physician - an eleven-year-old girl named Antoinette Poughon did not start treatment until six weeks after the infection, when she was already showing the first symptoms. She died after receiving two injections. It is particularly astonishing that Pasteur even attempted therapy in this obviously hopeless case. For the sequence used here - vaccination after a rabies infection - Pasteur had not carried out any animal experiments with one small exception. Only once had he tried to cure an already rabid rabbit with a series of vaccinations; but the rabbit had died.

Joseph Meister in 1885

If the public had known about these previous attempts at therapy, they probably would not have reacted as enthusiastically to the alleged or actual healing of the young Joseph Meister , which Pasteur announced on October 26, 1885. The news created a sensation. People bitten by supposedly rabid animals flocked to Paris from all over the world, and a good year later 2,500 patients had already been treated there. According to Pasteur, only 10 percent of people bitten by rabid dogs are actually infected. The "cure" by Joseph Meister was by no means proof of the effectiveness of the vaccine, even if it was understood as such by the public. Only the statistical analysis of a large number of cases showed that Pasteur's rabies vaccine was actually effective.

In a frequently reproduced picture by Albert Edelfelt , Louis Pasteur looks at a bottle in which the dried spinal cord of a rabbit hangs on a thread over a drying agent.

After the failed or unclear results in the first two therapy attempts, Pasteur used "another method" - as he simply calls it in his laboratory diary - for the production. The vaccine used at Meister consisted of the emulsified spinal cord - which had air dried for two weeks - of a rabbit who had died of rabies. Pasteur claimed that he tried the vaccine on 50 dogs and was successful in all cases. In fact, the laboratory diaries show that the animal experiments for the special method with which Joseph Meister had been treated had not yet been completed. Meister received a series of 13 injections, Pasteur using increasingly fresher spinal cord with increasingly virulent rabies pathogens.

Emile Roux was Pasteur's most gifted and most independent collaborator. Because of their different political views and lifestyles, they often came into conflict with one another.

Pasteur's contribution to the rabies vaccine, Emile Roux, was never publicly recognized by Pasteur . As also only emerged from the memories of Adrien Loir, Roux had developed the method of keeping the spinal cord of a rabid animal hanging on a thread in a bottle and thus drying the spinal cord without it rotting (Pasteur improved the method by adding potassium hydroxide as a drying agent ). Roux was awarded a Dr. med. received his doctorate because Pasteur himself, as a non-medical doctor, was not allowed to treat people and should actually have carried out the vaccinations. In the specific case of Joseph Meister, Roux seems to have refused to treat a person with a vaccine that he personally did not consider to be mature, so that Pasteur had to seek the help of other doctors. Hervé Bazin assesses the events somewhat differently. He can prove that Pasteur had already used the drying process for spinal cord containing pathogen before the time when, according to Loir, he copied it from Roux. But also according to Bazin, Roux refused to sign the publication of October 26, 1885 because he considered the application in humans to be premature.

Pasteur developed a total of four different vaccines and thus proved that from now on - at least in principle - it was possible to protect against any infectious disease with a vaccination. Even if the circumstances are still controversial to this day, in all cases Pasteur created an effective product in the end.

The Pasteur Institute

Emile Duclaux - who had worked closely with Pasteur since 1862 - followed him in 1895 as director of the Pasteur Institute .
The original building of the Pasteur Institute now houses a Pasteur museum and the crypt with his body.

Due to the spectacular success of the “Healing” by Joseph Meister, a flood of donations arrived. The fund set up for the establishment of a Pasteur Institute swelled to 2.6 million francs. It was inaugurated on November 14, 1888, in the presence of President Sadi Carnot , Pasteur its first director. In terms of its status, the Pasteur Institute was a private institution, but the heads of the five sections and Pasteur himself continued to receive their salaries from the state.

Donations had been solicited with the motive of creating a center for rabies vaccination, but the Pasteur Institute was much more from the start: the first research institute for medical microbiology. His role model was copied all over the world, with the Prussian Institute for Infectious Diseases founded in Berlin in 1891 , the Lister Institute in London from 1891, the Gamaleya Institute in Moscow from 1891 and the Kitasato Institute in Tokyo, which was based on a forerunner of Going back in 1892. The institutionalization of microbiology was also expressed in specialist journals, including the Annales de l'Institut Pasteur, founded by Emile Duclaux in 1887 .

Rabies vaccination services were also set up all over the world, which often became the germ of another Pasteur Institute . In Russia, where rabies was a major problem, vaccinations against rabies began in Odessa as early as 1886 . Other institutes were established in St. Petersburg , Moscow , Samara and Warsaw . A rabies vaccination service also opened in New York in 1886, but also, for example, under Albert Calmette in Saigon in 1891 and in Tunis in 1893 . Today, more than 100 medical institutes and science centers bear the name of Louis Pasteur, often without having anything to do with the Pasteur Institute .

Pasteur's style of science

It has often been found that in Pasteur's work a strict separation between basic research and applied research is not possible. Pasteur worked on application-related problems with great enthusiasm and regularly came up with findings of fundamental importance. His career was accompanied by controversies, although it should be borne in mind that the discussion culture in the academic world of the 19th century was generally more shaped by polemics than it is today. While he claimed to be open to criticism, when he was actually criticized he was sensitive. His method of reasoning had a strong rhetorical component. For example, he organized public demonstrations of experiments to substantiate facts and asked for investigative commissions to resolve a scientific dispute. However, he did influence the selection of the committee members, so that no fair judgment was assured for his scientific opponent. Scientists at the Turin Veterinary School, with whom Pasteur had come into conflict over the efficacy of the anthrax vaccine, compared Pasteur to a “duelist who challenges anyone who dares to contradict him or even looks at him sharply, but who is in habit reserves the right to choose weapons and obliges his opponents to fight with their hands tied ”.

The laboratory diaries

In 1878, in response to an uncomfortable experience for him, Pasteur asked his family never to show his laboratory diaries to anyone. After the death of the physiologist Claude Bernard , one of his students published notes that Bernard had doubted Pasteur's theory of fermentation. This forced Pasteur to take a public position against Bernard, whom he actually admired. In order not to provoke a similar situation himself, he imposed the publication ban on his laboratory diaries.

In 1964, Louis Pasteur Vallery-Radot - then the last survivor of the direct male descendants - gave the laboratory diaries to the French National Library . They became accessible with the death of Pasteur Vallery-Radot in 1971, but only became practically usable with the 1985 catalog. They consist of 144 notebooks in total, 42 of which are filled with newspaper clippings, lecture notes, etc. The remaining 102 notebooks are the actual laboratory diaries and document 40 years of research.

On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Pasteur's death in 1995, the American historian of science Gerald L. Geison published the book The Private Science of Louis Pasteur , in which he used the laboratory diaries to show that the history of Pasteur's experiments was different from his in some cases Suggest publications. The book caused a scandal in France, although it was never translated. The publications of the Italian Antonio Cadeddu have a similar thrust. The debate is still determined by national origins: while the critics come from abroad, Pasteur is protected by French people like Patrice Debré and Hervé Bazin.

Honors

Pasteur's portrait adorned the last five-franc banknote.

In 1883 Pasteur was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and the National Academy of Sciences . The Pasteur Institute was founded in 1887 . Pasteur lived in the first building of the institute during the last years of his life (from 1888). The Pasteur Museum has been located in part of this building since 1936 . Other museums exist in his former homes in Dole and Arbois (see Maison de Louis Pasteur ).

Numerous monuments have been erected in his honor. At times, in French polls, before Napoleon , Pasteur was considered the most important Frenchman who ever lived.

While his memory was cherished in Germany, Pasteur was especially popular in Russia. Tsar Alexander III was one of the most generous donors for the Pasteur Institute with a contribution of 100,000 francs . Numerous Russian scientists came to Paris, among them the future Nobel Prize laureate Ilya Metschnikow , in whose section at the Pasteur Institute a Russian colony was temporarily formed.

The bacteria family of the Pasteurellaceae with the genus Pasteurella is named after Pasteur . The diseases caused by Pasteurella multocida are known as "pasteurellosis". The asteroid (4804) Pasteur also bears his name.

His college in Arbois, a place in Algeria and a district in Canada was named after Pasteur . More than 2000 streets in France bear his name, including the Boulevard Pasteur , a major thoroughfare in Paris. The metro goes to the Pasteur station there . The Pasteur Peninsula and Pasteur Island in Antarctica also bear his name in his honor.

The Louis Pasteur Medal , also named after him, is a renowned scientific honor for medical professionals. It was awarded by the Louis Pasteur University of Strasbourg before 2009 .

literature

Works by Louis Pasteur

Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Masson, Paris

Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Flammarion, Paris.

Pasteur's laboratory diaries are also part of the scientific work .

Biographies

Gerald L. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur is authoritative and determining the discussion to this day, even if the author does not claim to provide a complete biography . Princeton University Press, Princeton 1995.

French
  • René Vallery-Radot: M. Pasteur. Histoire d'un savant par un ignorant . J. Hetzel, Paris 1883. (English translation 1885)
(Initially published anonymously work written by Pasteur's son-in-law, who also served as his secretary. Large parts of this book were written under Pasteur's direct supervision and can therefore be regarded as an unofficial “autobiography”.)
(Duclaux was a close collaborator of Pasteur and later the first director of the Pasteur Institute )
  • René Vallery-Radot: La vie de Pasteur . 2 volumes. Paris, Flammarion 1900. (English translation 1902, reprinted 1975; German translation 1948)
(An important source on Pasteur's life, but scientifically unreliable. Together with Duclaux's book, it established the genius cult around Pasteur, was translated into numerous languages ​​and reprinted.)
  • Émile Roux : L'Œuvre médicale de Pasteur . In: Centième anniversaire de la naissance de Pasteur. December 27, 1922 . Hachette, Paris 1922.
  • Le laboratoire de Monsíeur Pasteur . In: Centième anniversaire de la naissance de Pasteur. December 27, 1922 . Hachette, Paris 1922.
  • Élie Metchnikoff : Trois fondateurs de la médecine modern: Pasteur, Lister, Koch . Alcan, Paris 1933. (English translation 1939, reprinted in 1971)
  • Adrien Loir: A l'ombre de Pasteur. Souvenirs personnels . Le Mouvement Sanitaire, Paris 1938.
(The author was a nephew and an occasional assistant to Pasteur. He gives a presentation that differs from the usual Pasteur biographies in important points, which after evaluation of the laboratory diaries has usually been found to be correct.)
  • Patrice Debré: Louis Pasteur . Flammarion, Paris 1994. (English translation 1998)
  • Françoise Balibar (ed.): Pasteur. Cahiers d'un savant . CNRS, Paris 1995.
  • Pierre-Yves Laurioz: Louis Pasteur. La réalité après la legend . Éditions de Paris, Paris 2003.
  • Antonio Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science. Pratique, récit, histoire: le cas Pasteur . Leo S. Olschki, Florence 2005.
(By the same author in Italian: Dal mito alla storia. Biologia e medicina in Pasteur . Franco Angeli, Milan 1991.)
English
  • René J. Dubos : Louis Pasteur. Free Lance of Science . Little, Brown and Company, Boston 1950. (French translation 1955, reprinted 1976)
  • René J. Dubos: Pasteur and modern science . Doubleday, Garden City (New York) 1960. (reprinted 1988; German translation 1960)
  • Gerald L. Geison: Pasteur, Louis . In: Charles Coulston Gillispie (Ed.): Dictionary of Scientific Biography . tape 10 : SG Navashin - W. Piso . Charles Scribner's Sons, New York 1974, p. 350–416 (representation still worth reading today, but still without taking the laboratory diaries into account).
  • Bruno Latour : The Pasteurization of France . Cambridge, Massachusetts / London 1988. (Translation of the French original from 1984)
German
  • Werner Köhler : Pasteur, Louis. In: Werner E. Gerabek , Bernhard D. Haage, Gundolf Keil , Wolfgang Wegner (eds.): Enzyklopädie Medizingeschichte. De Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2005, ISBN 3-11-015714-4 , pp. 1110-1112.
  • Paul de Kruif : Louis Pasteur. Microbes as a danger! and Pasteur and the great dog. In: Paul de Kruif: Microbe hunters. (Original edition: Microbe Hunters. Harcourt, Brace & Co., New York 1926) Orell Füssli Verlag, Zurich / Leipzig 1927; 8th edition ibid 1940, pp. 59-101 and 138-174.

Secondary literature on individual aspects

  • On the controversy with Antoine Béchamp : Keith L. Manchester: Antoine Béchamp: père de la biologie. Oui ou non? In: Endeavor. Volume 25, No. 2, 2001, pp. 68-73.
  • On Pasteur's vaccines: Hervé Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations . John Libbey Eurotext, Paris 2008, pp. 135–282.
(detailed re-analysis of the history of the origins of Pasteur's vaccines on the basis of Pasteur's laboratory diaries, which are extensively cited)
  • On the development of the vaccination against avian cholera : Antonio Caddedu: Pasteur et le choléra des poules. Révision critique d'un récit historique . In: History and philosophy of the life sciences . Volume 7, No. 1, 1985, pp. 87-104.
  • On the germ theory: K. Codell Carter: The development of Pasteur's concept of disease causation and the emergence of specific causes in Nineteenth-Century medicine . In: Bulletin of the History of Medicine . Vol. 65, No. 4, 1991, pp. 528-548.
  • On the controversy with Robert Koch : K. Codell Carter: The Koch-Pasteur Dispute On Establishing the Cause of Anthrax . In: Bulletin of the History of Medicine . Vol. 62, No. 1, 1988, pp. 42-57.
  • On the development of anthrax vaccination: Antonio Caddedu: Pasteur et le vaccination contre le charbon. Une analyze historique et critique . In: History and philosophy of the life sciences . Volume 9, No. 2, 1987, pp. 255-276.
  • On the emergence of a vaccine industry from anthrax vaccination: Maurice Cassier: Producing, Controlling, and Stabilizing Pasteur's Anthrax Vaccine. Creating a New Industry and a Health Market . In: Science in Context . Volume 21, No. 2, 2008, pp. 253-278. doi: 10.1017 / S0269889708001713
  • On the Pasteur effect : Efraim Racker: History of the Pasteur effect and its pathobiology . In: Molecular and Cellular Biochemistry . Vol. 5, No. 1-2, 1974, pp. 17-23. doi: 10.1007 / BF01874168
  • On the controversy with Félix-Archimède Pouchet: Nils Roll-Hansen: Experimental Method and Spontaneous Generation. The Controversy between Pasteur and Pouchet, 1859-64 . In: Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences . Volume 34, No. 3, 1979, pp. 273-292.

Movie

The Story of Louis Pasteur (German: Louis Pasteur ). Director: William Dieterle . USA 1936. With an Oscar for Paul Muni in the role of Pasteur.

Pasteur & Koch: Un duel de géants dans la guerre des microbes (German: Koch and Pasteur - duel in the realm of microbes ), directed by Mathieu Schwartz, France 2018.

Web links

Commons : Louis Pasteur  - album with pictures, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. Werner Köhler: Pasteur, Louis. In: Werner E. Gerabek et al. (Ed.): Enzyklopädie Medizingeschichte. 2005, pp. 1110–1112, here: p. 1110.
  2. ^ Jacques Nicolle, Ewald Edlinger (translator): Louis Pasteur: a master of scientific investigation . Verlag Volk und Gesundheit , Berlin 1959, p. 16 ( worldcat.org [accessed January 28, 2020]).
  3. The Annales scientifiques de l'Ecole Normale Supérieure became a purely mathematical journal in 1900, but still exist today.
  4. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur. Volume 5: Etudes sur la bière. Masson, Paris 1928, p. 5. Originally published as Louis Pasteur: Etudes sur la bière . Gauthier-Villars, Paris 1876.
  5. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 41.
  6. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 47.
  7. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 43.
  8. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (Ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Volume 2: La seconde étape. Fermentations, générations spontanées, maladies des vins, des vers à soie, de la bière 1857–1877 . Flammarion, Paris 1951, p. 492: “Chacun de mes travaux jusqu'à mon dernier jour portera pour épigraphe: Haine à la Prusse. Vengeance. Vengeance. "
  9. ^ Biography of Louis Pasteur on the website of the Académie française
  10. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 45.
  11. ^ Reference on a page of the French Ministry of Culture , accessed on December 27, 2012.
  12. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 39.
  13. de la Provostaye: Recherches crystallographiques . In: Annales de chimie et de physique . Row 3, Volume 3, 1841, pp. 129-150.
  14. ^ Biot: Communication d'une note de M. Mitscherlich . In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 19, No. 16, 1844, pp. 719-725.
  15. Louis Pasteur: Mémoire sur la relation qui peut exister entre la forme cristalline et la composition chimique, et sur la cause de la polarization rotatoire . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 1: Dissymétrie moléculaire . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 61-64. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 26, No. 21, 1848, pp. 535-538.
  16. Louis Pasteur: Recherches sur la dissimétrie moléculaire des produits organiques naturels . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 1: Dissymétrie moléculaire . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 314-328.
  17. Louis Pasteur: Recherches sur la dissimétrie moléculaire des produits organiques naturels . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 1: Dissymétrie moléculaire . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 314–328, here p. 327.
  18. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 53-89.
  19. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 70.
  20. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 78.
  21. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 88.
  22. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 88 f.
  23. Louis Pasteur: Nouvelles recherches sur la relation qui peuvent exister entre la forme cristalline, la composition chimique et le phénomène rotatoire moléculaire . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 1: Dissymétrie moléculaire . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 198-202. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 35, 1852, pp. 176-183; Louis Pasteur: Nouvelles recherches sur la relation qui peuvent exister entre la forme cristalline, la composition chimique et le phénomène rotatoire moléculaire . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 1: Dissymétrie moléculaire . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 203-241. Originally published / published in Annales de chimie et de physique . Row 3, Volume 38, 1853, pp. 437-488.
  24. Louis Pasteur: Mémoire sur la fermentation de l'acide tartrique . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 25-28. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 46, 1858, pp. 615-618.
  25. Louis Pasteur: Note relative au Penicillium glaucum et à la dissymétrie moléculaire des produits organiques naturels . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, p. 129 f. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 51, 1860, p. 298 f.
  26. Louis Pasteur: Isomorphisme entre les corps isomères, les uns actifs les autres inactifs sur la lumière polarisée . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 1: Dissymétrie moléculaire . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 284-288. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 42, 1856, pp. 1259-1264.
  27. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 101 and 134.
  28. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 105 and 135 f.
  29. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 137-139.
  30. Louis Pasteur: Sur les maladies virulentes, et en particulier sur la maladie appelée vulgairement choléra des poules . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 291-302, here p. 292. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 90, 1880, pp. 239-248, here p. 239.
  31. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 90.
  32. Louis Pasteur: Mémoire sur la fermentation appelée lactique . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 3-13. Originally published / published in Annales de chimie et de physique . Row 3, Volume 52, 1858, pp. 404-418.
  33. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 90 f.
  34. a b Pasteur . In: The New Encyclopædia Britannica . 15th edition. Volume 25. Encyclopædia Britannica, Chicago 1993, p. 461: "It was he who proved that microorganisms cause fermentation and disease [...]."
  35. Cagniard-Latour: Mémoire sur la fermentation vineuse . In: Annales de chimie et de physique . Vol. 68, 1838, pp. 206-222.
  36. Theodor Schwann: Preliminary communication, concerning experiments on fermentation and putrefaction . In: Annals of Physics and Chemistry . Vol. 41, 1837, pp. 184-193.
  37. a b Friedrich Kützing: Microscopic investigations into yeast and mother vinegar, together with several other associated vegetable structures. In: Journal for practical chemistry . Volume 11, 1837, pp. 385-409. doi: 10.1002 / prac.18370110181
  38. ^ Louis Pasteur: Mémoire sur la fermentation alcoolique . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 51–126, here p. 71 f.
  39. Louis Pasteur: Mémoire sur la fermentation alcoolique . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 51-126.
  40. M. Traube: Theory of fermentation effects . Dümmler, Berlin 1858. Reprinted in Moritz Traube: Gesammelte Abhandlungen . Mayer and Müller, Berlin 1899.
  41. Berthelot: Sur la fermentation glucosique du sucre de canne . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 50, 1860, pp. 980-984.
  42. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 379 and 396. Pasteur's attacks on Liebig hit a great friend of France. Liebig, who had studied chemistry in Paris, maintained a high degree of respect for French science throughout his life and was one of the few Germans who, in the heated mood after the unification of the empire, recalled the achievements of French scientists.
  43. Louis Pasteur: Experiences et vues nouvelles sur la nature de fermentations . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 142-147. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 52, 1861, pp. 1260-1264.
  44. ^ Efraim Racker: History of the Pasteur effect and its pathobiology . In: Molecular and Cellular Biochemistry . Vol. 5, No. 1-2, 1974, pp. 17-23. doi: 10.1007 / BF01874168
  45. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 5: Etudes sur la bière . Masson, Paris 1928. Originally published as Louis Pasteur: Etudes sur la bière . Gauthier-Villars, Paris 1876.
  46. Louis Pasteur: Mémoire sur la fermentation acétique . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 3: Études sur le vinaigre et sur le vin . Masson, Paris 1924, pp. 23-77. Originally published / published in Annales scientifiques de l'École Normale supérieure . Volume 1, 1864, pp. 113-158. Combined with an unpublished lecture, published in 1868 as Études sur le vinaigre .
  47. Louis Pasteur: Animalcules infusoires vivant sans gaz oxygène libre et dèterminant des fermentations . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 136-138. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 52, 1861, pp. 344-347.
  48. Louis Pasteur: Nouvel exemple de fermentation déterminée par des animalcules infusoires pouvant vivre sans gaz oxygène libre, et en dehors de tout contact avec l'air de l'atmosphère . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 159-164. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 56, 1863, pp. 416-421.
  49. Louis Pasteur: Note au sujet d'une assertion de M. Frémy publiée dans le dernier Compte rendu . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 403-405, here pp. 403 f., Footnote 3. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 75, 1872, pp. 1056-1058.
  50. ^ Louis Pasteur: Recherche sur la putréfaction . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 175-181. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 56, 1863, pp. 1189-1194.
  51. ^ A b Louis Pasteur: Mémoire sur les corpuscules organisés qui existent dans l'atmosphère. Exam de la doctrine des générations spontanées . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, 210-294.
  52. Louis Pasteur: Experiences relatives aux generations dites spontanées . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, 187–191, here p. 190. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 50, 1860, pp. 303-307.
  53. Hermann Hoffmann: Mycological studies on fermentation . In: Botanische Zeitung . Volume 18, No. 6, 1860, pp. 49-55.
  54. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 125.
  55. F.-A. Pouchet, N. Joly and Ch. Musset: Expériences sur l'hétérogénie exécutée dans l'intérieur des glaciers de la Maladetta (Pyrénées d'Espagne). In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 57, 1863, pp. 558-561.
  56. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 126.
  57. ^ John Tyndall: The Optical Deportment of the Atmosphere in Relation to the Phenomena of Putrefaction and Infection . In: Philosophical transactions of the Royal Society . Volume 166, 1876, pp. 27-74. doi: 10.1098 / rstl.1876.0002
  58. F.-A. Pouchet, N. Joly and Ch. Musset: Expériences sur l'hétérogénie exécutée dans l'intérieur des glaciers de la Maladetta (Pyrénées d'Espagne). In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 57, 1863, pp. 558-561, here p. 560.
  59. Louis Pasteur: Des générations spontanées . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 2: Fermentations et générations dites spontanées . Masson, Paris 1922, pp. 328–346, here p. 346.
  60. ^ H. Charlton Bastian: Facts and Reasonings Concerning the Heterogenous Evolution of Living Things . In: Nature . Volume 2, No. 35, 1870, pp. 170-177, 192-201 and 219-228. doi: 10.1038 / 002170a0
  61. ^ H. Charlton Bastian: The Commission of the French Academy and the Pasteur-Bastian Experiments . In: Nature . Volume 16, No. 405, 1877, pp. 276-279. doi: 10.1038 / 016276a0
  62. ^ Pasteur, Joubert and Chamberland: La théorie des germes et ses applications à la médećine et à la chirurgie . In: Bulletin de l'Académie de médecine . Row 2, Volume 7, 1878, pp. 432-453.
  63. Louis Pasteur: Sur l'origine de la vie . Incomplete reproduction in Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 7: Mélanges scientifiques et littéraires . Masson, Paris 1939, p. 30 f. More complete version in Patrice Pinet: Pasteur et la philosophie . Harmattan, Paris 2004, p. 63 f.
  64. ^ Nicolas Appert: Le livre de tous les ménages . Fourth edition, Barrois L'Ainé, Paris 1831.
  65. Louis Pasteur: Études sur le vin ses maladies, causes qui le provoquent. Procédés nouveaux pour le conserver et pour le vieillir . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 3: Études sur le vinaigre et sur le vin . Masson, Paris 1924, pp. 111–381, here p. 352, footnote 1 and Louis Pasteur: Note sur l'emploi de la chaleur comme moyen de conservation du vin . In: ibid. , P. 425 f.
  66. Louis Pasteur: Études sur le vin ses maladies, causes qui le provoquent. Procédés nouveaux pour le conserver et pour le vieillir . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 3: Études sur le vinaigre et sur le vin . Masson, Paris 1924, pp. 111–381, here p. 207. Originally published as Études sur le vin . Imprimerie Impériale, Paris 1866.
  67. ^ A b Agostino Bassi: Del mal del segno calcinaccio o moscardino, malattia che affligge i bachi da seta e sul modo di liberarne le bigattaje anche le più infestate . Part 1: Teoria . Part 2: Pratica . Lodi 1835.
  68. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (Ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Volume 2: La seconde étape. Fermentations, générations spontanées, maladies des vins, des vers à soie, de la bière 1857–1877 . Flammarion, Paris 1951, p. 194: “Considérez, je vous prie, que je n'ai jamais touché à un ver à soie, et qu'il me faudra consacrer á mon éducation à moi, un temps considérable peut-être, avant de commencer la moindre research. "
  69. Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science ..., pp. 27-55.
  70. A. Béchamp: Sur l'innocuité des vapeurs de créosote dans les éducations de vers à soie . In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 62, 1866, pp. 1341 f.
  71. ^ Louis Pasteur: Observations sur la maladie des vers à soie . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 4: Études sur la maladie des vers à soie . Masson, Paris 1926, pp. 427-431, here p. 431: Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 61, 1865, pp. 506-512, here p. 511.
  72. ^ Louis Pasteur: Nouvelle note sur la maladie des vers à soie . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 4: Études sur la maladie des vers à soie . Masson, Paris 1926, pp. 454–468, here p. 465.
  73. ^ A. Béchamp: Lettre adressée à M. le Président, au sujet de la communication fait par M. Pasteur on April 29th dernier . In: Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 64, 1867, p. 1042 f.
  74. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 4: Études sur la maladie des vers à soie . Masson, Paris 1926, pp. 1–284, here pp. 54–186.
  75. Marie Nonclercq: Antoine Béchamp 1816 to 1908. L'Homme et le savant, originalité et fécondité de son œuvre . Maloine, Paris 1982, p. 43: “Je suis le précurseur de Pasteur exactement comme le volé est le précurseur de la fortune du voleur enrichi, heureux et insolent qui le nargue et le calomnie.” The quote does not only refer to the pébrine because Pasteur and Béchamp had conflicted on several occasions (see the article on Antoine Béchamp ). But also directly in relation to the pébrine , Béchamp Pasteur repeatedly accused of plagiarism (evidence from Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science …, pp. 44–46.) In the case of the pébrine , a strange reversal of positions can be observed. While Pasteur had proven during fermentation that the pathogen came from the air, he initially incorrectly assumed with the pébrine that the disease process originated inside the caterpillar. Béchamp, on the other hand, believed - correctly - that the pathogen came from outside. This is incompatible with the microzyme theory advocated by him, according to which components of the body's cells - the so-called microzymas - are transformed into pathogens such as bacteria in the event of a disease, see A. Béchamp: Les microzymas dans leur reports avec l'hétérogénie , l'histogénie, la physiologie et la pathologie. Examination of the panspermie atmosphere continue ou discontinue, morbifère ou non morbifère . Baillière, Paris 1883.
  76. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 4: Études sur la maladie des vers à soie . Masson, Paris 1926, pp. 1–284, here pp. 188–204.
  77. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 4: Études sur la maladie des vers à soie . Masson, Paris 1926, pp. 188-257.
  78. A. Béchamp: Conseils aux sériciculteurs sur l'emploi de la créosote dans l'éducation des vers à soie . Coulet, Montpellier 1867.
  79. Ilse Jahn (Ed.): History of Biology . 3rd, revised edition. Spektrum Akademischer Verlag, Heidelberg and Berlin 2002, p. 625.
  80. Louis Pasteur: Note on the Flat . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 4: Études sur la maladie des vers à soie . Masson, Paris 1926, pp. 698–713, here p. 699. Originally published in Comptes rendus sténographiques du Congrès internationale séricicole, tenu à Paris du 5 au 10 septembre 1878 . Paris, 1879, pp. 27-38.
  81. ^ A b Louis Pasteur: La théorie des germes et ses applications à la médecine et à la chirurgie . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 112-130. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 86, 1878, pp. 1037-1043.
  82. ^ C. Davaine: Recherches sur les infusoires du sang dans la maladie connue sous le nom de sang de rate . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 57, 1863, pp. 220-223, 351 and 386.
  83. ^ C. Davaine: Recherches sur les infusoires du sang dans la maladie connue sous le nom de sang de rate . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 57, 1863, pp. 220-223, here p. 221.
  84. Theoretically, it was possible that it was not the visible bacterium but a soluble toxin that caused anthrax, see Pasteur and Jourbert: Étude sur la maladie charbonneuse . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 164–171, here pp. 170 f. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 84, 1877, pp. 900-906.
  85. Pasteur, Chamberland and Roux: Sur la longue durée de la vie des germes charbonneux et sur leur conservation dans les terres cultivées . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 271-275. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 92, 1881, pp. 209-211.
  86. ↑ Differences in virulence in the same pathogen had already been recognized by other researchers, cf. for example the posthumously published book by Auzias-Turenne: La syphilisation . Baillière, Paris 1878, p. 711 f.
  87. Louis Pasteur: De l'extension de la theory des germes à l'étiologie de quelques maladies communes . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 147-158 . Originally published in Bulletin de l'Académie de médecine . Row 2, Volume 9, 1880, pp. 435-447.
  88. Barbara I. Tshisuaka: Sédillot, Charles Emmanuel. In: Werner E. Gerabek , Bernhard D. Haage, Gundolf Keil , Wolfgang Wegner (eds.): Enzyklopädie Medizingeschichte. De Gruyter, Berlin / New York 2005, ISBN 3-11-015714-4 , p. 1314 f.
  89. ^ Pasteur, Joubert and Chamberland: La théorie des germes et ses applications à la médećine et à la chirurgie . In: Bulletin de l'Académie de médecine . Row 2, Volume 7, 1878, pp. 432-453, here p. 433.
  90. Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science ..., p. 1.
  91. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 5: Etudes sur la bière . Masson, Paris 1928, p. 40 f. Text in German translation in Paul de Kruif: Microbe hunter . Orell Füssli, Zurich and Leipzig 1927, p. 97.
  92. ^ Louis Pasteur: Observations à l'occasion de la note de MM. Gosselin et A. Robin . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 71 f., Here p. 71. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 78, 1874, p. 46 f., Here p. 46.
  93. Loir: A l'ombre de Pasteur ..., p. 141.
  94. Geison: Louis Pasteur ..., p. 355.
  95. ^ Louis Pasteur and Jules Joubert: Charbon et septicémie . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 172–188, here p. 178. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 85, 1877, pp. 101-115.
  96. Reiner Thomssen: Protective vaccinations. Basics, advantages, risks . CH Beck, Munich 2001, p. 24.
  97. ^ René Vallery-Radot: La vie de Pasteur . Paris, Flammarion 1900, p. 392.
  98. Caddedu: Pasteur et le choléra of poules ..., p 90th
  99. For example René J. Dubos : Louis Pasteur. Franc-Shooter de la science . Presses universitaires de France, Paris 1955, p. 331.
  100. Caddedu: Pasteur et le choléra des poules ..., p. 95 f.
  101. Caddedu: Pasteur et le choléra des poules ..., p. 99 f.
  102. On the vaccine against avian cholera: Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations …, pp. 135–158.
  103. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 153.
  104. Louis Pasteur: Choléra des poules . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 287-291. Originally published / published in Recueil de médecine vétérinaire . Row 6, Volume 7, 1880, pp. 204-206.
  105. Caddedu: Pasteur et le choléra des poules ..., pp. 102-104.
  106. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 148.
  107. Louis Pasteur: Sur les maladies virulentes, et en particulier sur la maladie appelée vulgairement choléra des poules . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 291-302, here p. 298. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 90, 1880, pp. 239-248.
  108. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (Ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Volume 3: L'Étape des maladies virulentes. Virus vaccins du choléra des poules, du charbon, du rouget, de la rage 1877–1884 . Flammarion, Paris 1951, p. 148 f.
  109. ^ Louis Pasteur: De l'atténuation du virus du choléra des poules . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 323-330. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 91, 1880, pp. 673-680.
  110. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 154 f.
  111. This understanding was by no means original, but was already advocated by Joseph-Alexandre Auzias-Turenne (1812–1870), see Auzias-Turenne: La syphilisation . Baillière, Paris 1878, p. 710. In early 1884 Pasteur changed his views on immunity, cf. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 245 f.
  112. Originally, this understanding of immunity related to individual organs - such as a muscle - see Louis Pasteur: Sur les maladies virulentes, et en particulier sur la maladie appelée vulgairement choléra des poules . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 291-302, here p. 301. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 90, 1880, pp. 239-248. Soon afterwards Pasteur switched to an organismic approach and understood the entire body as a culture medium, see Louis Pasteur: Experiences tendent à démontrer que les poules vaccinées pour le choléra sont réfractaires au charbon . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, p. 315 f. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 91, 1880, p. 315.
  113. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 145.
  114. ^ Pasteur, Chamberland and Roux: De l'atténuation des virus et de leur retour à la virulence . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 332–338, here p. 335. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 92, 1881, pp. 429-435.
  115. ^ Pasteur, Chamberland and Roux: Compte rendu sommaire des expériences faites à Pouilly-le-Fort, près Mélun, sur la vaccination charbonneuse . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 346–351, here p. 348. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Vol. 92, 1881, pp. 1378-1383.
  116. Thomas Schlich: Louis Pasteur , in: Wolfgang U. Eckart and Christoph Gradmann: Ärztelexikon. From antiquity to the present , 3rd edition Springer Verlag Heidelberg, Berlin 2006, pp. 252-253.
  117. This is a simplified representation. In fact, the experiment involved 60 sheep, 25 of which were vaccinated and exposed to the pathogen, 25 only exposed to the pathogen and 10 without any intervention. In some sources there is also talk of two goats; the number of sheep should be reduced accordingly. The same experiment was carried out with similar results on ten cows, six of which were vaccinated and four only confronted with the pathogen.
  118. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 146.
  119. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 148 f. The official test protocol can be found in Expériences de Pouilly-le-Fort . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 697-720. Even later Pasteur gave the impression that he produced his vaccines exclusively by attenuating them with oxygen, cf. the lecture in August 1881 at the International Medical Congress in London Vaccination in relation to chicken-cholera and splenic fever . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 370-378. and the lecture in September 1882 at the Fourth International Congress on Hygiene and Demography in Geneva De l'atténuation des virus . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 391-411.
  120. Loir: A l'ombre de Pasteur ..., p. 18; English translation in: Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur …, p. 149 f.
  121. Antonio Caddedu: Pasteur et le vaccination contre le charbon. Une analyze historique et critique . In: History and philosophy of the life sciences . Volume 9, No. 2, 1987, pp. 255-276.
  122. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 145–176.
  123. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, p. 359.
  124. H. Toussaint: Vaccinations charbonneuses . In: Association française pour l'avancement des sciences: Compte rendu de la 9e session , Reims 1880. Paris, 1881, pp. 1021-1025. In this source, Toussaint speaks of a live attenuated vaccine. For the history in which Toussaint initially assumed a dead vaccine, cf. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 160-166.
  125. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 162 f. and 170 f.
  126. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (Ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Volume 3: L'Étape des maladies virulentes. Virus vaccins du choléra des poules, du charbon, du rouget, de la rage 1877–1884 . Flammarion, Paris 1951, p. 159: "Cela renverse toutes les idées que je me faisais sur les virus, sur le vaccins, etc. Je n'y comprends plus rien."
  127. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (Ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Volume 3: L'Étape des maladies virulentes. Virus vaccins du choléra des poules, du charbon, du rouget, de la rage 1877-1884 . Flammarion, Paris 1951, p. 161 and p. 162: “Here j'ai été donner à M. Chamberland des instructions pour que je puisse vérifier dans le plus bref délai possible le fait Toussaint auquel je ne croirai qu'après l'avoir vu, de mes yeux vu. "p. 163:" Ce qui importe, c'est de bien noter tout et de bien savoir si on opère sur du sang vivant ou sur du sang mort . "[emphasis in original]
  128. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (Ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Volume 3: L'Étape des maladies virulentes. Virus vaccins du choléra des poules, du charbon, du rouget, de la rage 1877–1884 . Flammarion, Paris 1951, pp. 165-167. Test results published in Pasteur, Chamberland and Roux: De la possibilité de rendre les moutons réfractaires au charbon par la méthode des inoculations préventives . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 339-343. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 92, 1881, pp. 662-665.
  129. Caddedu: Pasteur et le vaccination contre le charbon ..., S. 268th
  130. Ch. Chamberland and E. Roux: Sur l'atténuation de la virulence de la bactéridie charbonneuse, sous l'influence des substances antiseptiques . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 96, 1883, pp. 1088-1091.
  131. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 173.
  132. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 151: "Pasteur deliberately deceived the public and the scientific community about the nature of the vaccine actually used at Pouilly-le-Fort."
  133. On the vaccine against anthrax: Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations …, pp. 159–196.
  134. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 162.
  135. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 175.
  136. WD Tigertt: Anthrax. William Smith Greenfield, MD, FRCP, Professor Superintendent, The Brown Animal Sanatory Institution (1878-1881). Concerning the priority due to him for the production of the first vaccine against anthrax . In: The Journal of Hygiene . Vol. 85, No. 3, 1980, pp. 415-420. PMID 379209 . PMC 2134029 (free full text)
  137. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., pp. 178-181.
  138. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 184.
  139. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 187.
  140. Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science ..., p. 138 f. and p. 146.
  141. E. Roux: Bactéridie charbonneuse asporogenous . In: Annales de l'Institut Pasteur . Volume 4, 1890, pp. 25–34, here p. 26.
  142. ^ Pasteur Vallery-Radot (Ed.): Correspondance de Pasteur . Volume 3: L'Étape des maladies virulentes. Virus vaccins du choléra des poules, du charbon, du rouget, de la rage 1877–1884 . Flammarion, Paris 1951, pp. 271 f., Footnote 2.
  143. ^ Maurice Cassier: Producing, Controlling, and Stabilizing Pasteur's Anthrax Vaccine. Creating a New Industry and a Health Market . In: Science in Context . Volume 21, No. 2, 2008, pp. 253-278. doi: 10.1017 / S0269889708001713
  144. ^ Louis Pasteur: De l'atténuation des virus et de leur retour à la virulence . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 332-338. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 92, 1881, pp. 429-435.
  145. Pasteur and Bert Jour: Étude sur la maladie charbonneuse . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 164–171, here pp. 165 f. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 84, 1877, pp. 900-906.
  146. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 115, 165, 174 and 424.
  147. Geison: Louis Pasteur ..., p. 397.
  148. Robert Koch: About the anthrax vaccination. A reply to the lecture given by Pasteur in Geneva. In: Collected works by Robert Koch . Volume 1. Thieme, Leipzig 1912, pp. 207-231. (PDF; 3.8 MB) Originally published as Robert Koch: About anthrax vaccination . Thieme, Leipzig 1882.
  149. ^ Louis Pasteur: La vaccination charbonneuse. Response to un mémoire de M. Koch. In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 418-440. Originally published / published in Revue scientifique . 3rd Series, Volume 5, 1883, pp. 74-84.
  150. Koch: About anthrax vaccination ... (PDF; 3.8 MB), p. 211: “Pasteur is just not a doctor and you cannot ask him to correctly assess pathological processes and symptoms of illness.” P. 212 f .: "[...] the information which Pasteur has made so far about the preparation of the two vaccines is so imperfect that it is impossible to simply repeat and examine his procedure. Those who do so must not complain when they encounter suspicion and sharp criticism in scientific circles. "P. 226:" Pasteur follows the tactic of only communicating as much about his experiment as speaks in his favor, but that what is unfavorable to him, even if it is the decision of the experiment to keep silent. Such a procedure may be appropriate for a commercial advertisement, but in science it must be resolutely rejected. "
  151. Louis Pasteur: La vaccination du rouget des porcs à l'aide du virus mortel atténué de cette maladie . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 527-534. Originally published in Comptes rendus des séances de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 97, 1883, pp. 1163-1169.
  152. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 209. Information for the period between 1850 and 1872.
  153. ^ For example Paul de Kruif: Microbe hunter . Orell Füssli, Zurich and Leipzig 1927, p. 59 f. and 161.
  154. Louis Pasteur: Microbes pathogènes et vaccins . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 590–602, here p. 591.
  155. ^ Galtier: Etudes sur la rage . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 89, 1879, pp. 444-446.
  156. ^ V. Galtier: Les injections de virus rabique dans le torrent circulatoire ne provoquent pas l'éclosion de la rage et semblent conférer l'immunité. La rage peut être transmise par l'ingestion de la matière rabique . In: Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 93, 1881, pp. 284 f.
  157. ^ Pasteur, Chamberland, Roux and Thuillier: Sur la rage . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, p. 573 f. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 92, 1881, pp. 1259 f.
  158. ^ Report présenté au ministre de l'instruction publique et de beaux-arts par la commission chargée de contrôler les expériences de M. Pasteur sur la prophylaxie de la rage . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 753-758. Originally published in Journal officiel de la République française . No. 216, 1884, pp. 4228-4230.
  159. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 195-205.
  160. Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science ..., pp. 185–189.
  161. ^ A. Mouret: La première inoculation de Pasteur . In: L'Étranger . Volume 12, 1885, p. 368 f. Reprinted in Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science …, p. 191 f.
  162. Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science ..., pp. 189–192.
  163. ^ Laboratory diary . Volume 94, sheet 65, quoted from Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science ..., p. 196.
  164. Méthode pour prévenir la rage après morsure . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, pp. 603-610. Originally published / published in Comptes rendus de l'Académie des sciences . Volume 101, 1885, pp. 765-773.
  165. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 267.
  166. ^ Louis Pasteur: Causerie . In: Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 7: Mélanges scientifiques et littéraires . Masson, Paris 1939, pp. 363–371, here p. 364.
  167. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., pp. 264-266.
  168. Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science ..., p. 197.
  169. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 195-203.
  170. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 242; Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations …, p. 241, considers the observation time of the first 20 dogs to be just sufficient.
  171. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 238.
  172. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 236.
  173. Loir: A l'ombre de Pasteur ..., p. 66 f.
  174. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 236-238.
  175. ^ Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., pp. 226 and 239 f. Cadeddu: Les vérités de la science …, p. 175 f. came.
  176. Bazin: L'Histoire des vaccinations ..., p. 240.
  177. ^ Ilana Löwy: On Hybridizations, Networks and New Disciplines. The Pasteur Institute and the Development of Microbiology in France . In: Studies in History and Philosophy of Science . Volume 25, No. 5, 1994, pp. 655-688, here pp. 663 and 667. An exception was Ilya Metschnikow, who had private funds.
  178. ^ Nils Roll-Hansen: Louis Pasteur . In: Noretta Koertge (Ed.): New Dictionary of Scientific Biography . Volume 6, Charles Scribner's Sons, Detroit et al. 2008, pp. 21–30, here p. 21, here consenting Donald Stokes: Pasteur's Quadrant. Basic Science and Technological Innovation . Brookings Institution Press, Washington DC 1997 cited.
  179. Jost Lemmerich: Scientific dispute as the elixir of life . In: Justus Liebig. The belligerent scholar. Justus Liebig University Gießen, Gießen 2003, ISBN 3-9808949-2-4 , pp. 53–67, here p. 53.
  180. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 38.
  181. Examples in H. Charlton Bastian: The Commission of the French Academy and the Pasteur-Bastian Experiments . In: Nature . Volume 16, No. 405, 1877, pp. 276-279, here p. 278. doi: 10.1038 / 016276a0 ; Marie Nonclercq: Antoine Béchamp 1816–1908. L'Homme et le savant, originalité et fécondité de son œuvre . Maloine, Paris 1982, p. 159; Geison: Louis Pasteur ..., p. 388.
  182. Pasteur Vallery-Radot (ed.): Œuvres de Pasteur . Volume 6: Maladies virulentes, virus-vaccins et prophylaxie de la rage . Masson, Paris 1933, p. 454.
  183. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., pp. 18-21.
  184. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 3.
  185. Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 7 f.
  186. ^ Members of the American Academy. Listed by election year, 1850–1899 ( PDF ). Retrieved September 24, 2015.
  187. ^ Louis Pasteur Medal 1991. In: Internal Medicine. Volume 19, No. 3, 1992, p. VII.
  188. ^ Geison: The Private Science of Louis Pasteur ..., p. 273.
  189. ^ Review in the journal History and philosophy of the life sciences . Volume 28, 2006, pp. 443-445. (PDF; 54 kB)
  190. https://programm.ard.de/TV/arte/koch-und-pasteur/eid_287242740678657 , last accessed: September 19, 2020
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