Women in science

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The US nuclear physicist Shirley Ann Jackson at the 2010 World Economic Forum in China.

Women in Science is about the role, work and perception of women scientists and women in research in the past and present.

Worldwide, more men than women work in university and non-university research. In OECD countries, however, the lower proportion of women scientists contrasts with a largely balanced ratio between students. In most countries, women's participation in science is growing slowly and steadily. Cohort studies but suggest that more women than men of a scientific career to the next stage of the scientific community to leave. The reasons that are found in the investigations range from biological explanations (for example, with the claim of lower intellectuality in women) to the analysis of external influencing factors and the establishment of informal gender hierarchies in society.

Historical evidence of the existence of women scientists in history has been known since the earliest times. Depending on the region, time period and social system, the work of the early researchers could gain more or less validity or experience a historical tradition up to the present day. In ancient times and far beyond, women created new knowledge, primarily in the fields of medicine and chemistry or alchemy . In ancient Greece , some mathematical-philosophical schools of thought had many active female members, of whom little is known today. The European Middle Ages divided researchers into two groups by gender and shifted female science to the nunneries. With a few exceptions (for example in parts of Italy) women were not admitted to the modern universities of the early modern period . In the centuries that followed, science was centered in a small academic circle from which women were institutionally excluded due to extensive gender segregation in the educational system. Since the late 19th century, women in many countries have been gradually admitted to academic qualifications for scientific work.

For many centuries, women were not viewed or viewed as a marginal phenomenon in the traditionally male-dominated scientific community. Since the 1970s, the social and historical sciences have been devoting themselves to researching their work in scientifically-oriented professional fields and analyzing the problems women faced in the past and present when starting their careers and asserting their work results.

Current situation

The science is a predominantly male-dominated field in all countries. Worldwide, women leave their scientific careers more often than their male colleagues. In 2005, the number of female university students in the OECD countries was significantly higher than the number of women employed in research institutions. Research women work on average - even with the same qualifications - in lower positions than their male colleagues. In university and industrial research, women primarily work in the fields of biology, health, agriculture and pharmaceutical research, but less so in physics, computer science and engineering.

Compared to other OECD countries, the USA has a high rate of female scientists. In 2003 women held 24% of the professorships there. They also made up 39% of all full-time academic employees. In 2001, 43.4% of all doctoral students were female. In the United States, there are numerous company-funded funding programs for young female scientists, which explains the phenomenon that two-thirds of all female scientists there conduct non-university research.

The proportion of women academics in academic management positions in Germany has increased significantly in recent decades, but is still below the percentage of total staff at universities and non-university institutions. In 2010, around 7,300 female professors taught and researched at German universities . They made up about 19% of the professors . The proportion of women at Habilitation in 2009 was 24%, which on promotions at 44%. At 11.4%, there is a comparatively small number of women in management positions at non-university research institutions. In the Max Planck Society , at 19%, there are an above-average number of women scientists in managerial positions, in the Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft there are fewer than average at 2.4%. In industrial research, the proportion of women in Germany is 11.8%, well below the European average.

The percentages of female German students and female academic staff differ considerably in the individual disciplines: while around 84% of the students in veterinary medicine are female, the figure is only 21% in engineering . With the exception of the sports / sports medicine subject group, the percentage of female students in all subject groups has risen steadily in recent years. In the MINT subjects , the proportion of female students in mathematics was 49%, pharmacy 73% and biology 64%. In contrast, 81% of the students in physics and astronomy were male. The computer science , having regard to the students a small proportion of women of 15%, reduces the joint moreover proportion of women in the MINT subjects to 37% down. Trends in the distribution of gender proportions in the choice of subject are continued in doctoral studies: in the arts and in veterinary medicine, the percentage of female doctoral candidates is highest at 60–73%, and in engineering the lowest at 13.4%. Mathematics and natural sciences have slightly more female doctoral candidates with 36.8% than law, economics and social sciences with around 33%.

With a total share of 20.7% female scientists, Austria has one of the lowest rates in Europe (as of 2002); in industrial research their share is only half as high. At the end of 2012, 504 women held a professorship in Austria; this corresponds to a share of 21.6%. In the same year, 81 female academics, 30.9% of them, completed their habilitation at Austrian universities. This continues the trend towards a continuous increase in the number of Austrian female professors from 17.7% in 2009. According to a statistical analysis by the Federal Ministry of Science, Research and Economy, the glass ceiling index in the Austrian science system has increased from 0.55 to 0.63 since 2009, which means that women can access the glass ceiling . In Austria, the number of degrees of women in the social sciences, humanities and economics has equalized that of men in the individual disciplines, while it has exploded in the natural sciences. In engineering, the gap has widened to the disadvantage of women.

Eastern European countries do best in the field of industrial research with a proportion of women of up to 40% in terms of equality in science. The lowest percentage of female scientists of all OECD countries can be found in Japan with only 11.6%.

In third world countries , women tend to be less integrated into science than in OECD countries, especially outside the life sciences , and earn fewer and lower degrees. Since universities in many African countries have been underfunded since the 1980s due to economic recessions and structural reconciliation processes and, accordingly, their employees have little research budget available, these are usually only marginally noticed in the international scientific world. Black women who went to western countries during their studies or as doctoral candidates report that their qualifications were subtly questioned there. African women scientists have to repeatedly defend their legitimacy in the scientific community. In Latin America, the number of female students in the natural sciences and engineering is slowly increasing, but this trend is not being translated into higher academic degrees due to persistent obstacles. Only Brazil has a high degree of integration of female graduates in the academic labor market.

Obstacles to women's academic careers

When it comes to the question of the low participation of women in science, various explanatory approaches are used, which Joyce Tang categorizes into four main arguments:

  1. the biological approach, which assumes women have lower analytical and self-control skills,
  2. the individual choice approach, which is based on different preferences of women and men in the way of life,
  3. the socio-structural approach, which is based on external, social factors influencing women's career paths and
  4. the institutional approach based on informal gender hierarchies in the social order.

An OECD study from 2006 names the difficulties in combining a scientific career with childcare as reasons for the low proportion of women in scientific management positions, the high demands on mobility in the early research career, and a preference for young scientists with many publications over those with many publications who primarily or also conduct teaching , a low participation of women in the development of research projects and a consequent dominance of male-oriented research programs as well as a lack of female role models in managerial positions. This, the study concludes, implies the risk of a widespread loss of human capital from one skill level to the next and jeopardizes the gender equality that the OECD has set as its goal.

From the gender role-specific expectation of women to make compromises in their own career in favor of childcare, family and housework, a distinction is made in the following between structural barriers in university operations.

Compatibility of science and family

University kindergartens like here in Oregon look after the children of students and employees. Registrations often exceed the number of childcare places many times over.

Highly qualified women often face difficulties in continuing their careers after having a child. Statistically, women with children rarely reach top scientific positions because of the difficult work-life balance . The WZB project “Making Careers Together” examined the factors that differentiate a successful from a less successful academic career. Basically, it was shown that the family situations of women scientists with and without a successful career differ greatly. Only 44% of all successful female scientists have children - half of them only have one. In addition, it became apparent that the scientifically successful mothers mostly only started their families after completing their doctorate. In qualitative interviews , mothers with a doctorate or habilitation stated that they had thought about the right time to start a family for a long time because they feared a career decline. For the women surveyed, this led to a delay in starting a family. In a publication, the WZB project distinguishes three family situations based on a study with 750 female scientists:

  1. Orientation towards the traditional division of labor between men and women: It goes without saying that these scientists assume the main responsibility for looking after a child. They do not demand the commitment of their partner and use crèches, daycare centers, child minders or relatives to pursue their careers.
  2. Equality Expectations: These women expect their partners to be equally committed to childcare, but cannot realize this. In fact, they involuntarily take on a large part of the family work. As a justification for the low commitment of their partner, they often cite his job, which is less compatible with childcare than their own work in science. In conversations between partners, childcare is a frequent and conflictual topic.
  3. Implementation of equality: This group of women scientists can implement equality in family and work. The fathers or partners take on part of the parental leave and then agree more flexible working hours with their employer. A frequent topic of conversation between the partners is how both work and family work can be balanced.

According to the study, the group of women scientists with traditional childcare arrangements is quantitatively the largest. According to the study, these women scientists have significantly worse career opportunities than those who are relieved by their partners or family at home.

The high level of mobility expected in science is another factor that makes it difficult to combine science and family. On average, women scientists are less mobile than their colleagues on the international job market. However, these differences only appear in women scientists who have families. Female academics with families are more often faced with the dilemma of restricting their spatial flexibility in favor of staying at their partner's place of residence, while academic partners more often deny their relocation. Five years after completing their doctorate, women are as likely as men to have completed an academic stay abroad; the likelihood decreases with age and the number of children.

Homosocial character in the scientific community

A structural disadvantage of women occurs in applications in which the applicants have to indicate their gender. In a quantitative study by Yale University , male and female test subjects rated fictitious female applicants as less qualified than fictitious applicants, even though the curriculum vitae and motivation letter of both genders were identical. Women are also disadvantaged in project and third-party funding applications as well as in peer review procedures for assessing the ability of scientific articles to be published : Applications and contributions from women would be rejected more often if the decision-makers knew the gender of the applicant or the person who wrote a paper . In Switzerland, for example, in 2007 the proportion of women in research applications to the Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) was 19% and only 14% of the project funding ultimately awarded was initiated by women scientists. According to a system report by the SNSF, the number of female researchers, their number, the approval rate and the amount of funding do not differ significantly from those of Swiss researchers.

The criteria for evaluating scientific performance are shaped by the work culture of the dominant group - in the case of a quantitative superiority of men in management positions and decision-making bodies, 100 percent time spent on science, a career without interruptions and competitive behavior are important performance criteria. Studies indicate that there are no gender differences in acceptance or rejection as soon as the procedures are carried out anonymously.

In Germany, the recruitment of young academics is characterized by a strong personal orientation , the principle of homosocial co-optation and a long qualification process with a high level of uncertainty and dependency. This often excludes young female scientists not only from the scientific community, but also from informal networks. Since job placement in the German academic community is often informal despite the obligation to advertise, integrated people are preferred. This practice has a negative impact on women's opportunities for advancement because they are often already disintegrated during the dissertation phase. For officially advertised positions, women scientists benefit from the greater transparency and more formalization of the procedure. They get jobs like this more often than men.

In addition, the German scientific community is based on a professional ethos characterized by traditional masculinity , which requires unconditional devotion to science beyond the official working hours, which is only possible with the exemption from everyday housework and childcare. This results in different performance expectations for men and women. The role assignments lead to increased labor investments by the female scientists, who try to compensate for their effect, as well as to a more cautious investment of material and immaterial resources in female scientists by the superiors with at the same time more intensive investment in male junior scientists.

The influence of the genius hypothesis

In 2015, the renowned journal Science published the results of a study carried out in the USA by Sarah-Jane Leslie, Andrei Cimpian and others. This research was based on the finding that the gap between the proportion of men and women in doctoral studies cannot be explained by the distinction between MINT subjects and others: There are MINT disciplines in which the difference is very large, such as physics ( Proportion of women 18%), computer science (proportion of women 18.6%) or mathematics (proportion of women 28.6%), but there are also STEM disciplines in which women’s doctorates are no longer in the minority ( e.g. neurosciences or molecular biology ), and there are also areas outside of the STEM subjects where the gap persists, such as music theory and composition (15.8% women) and philosophy (31.4% women). The scientists formulated their findings in the FAB hypothesis (FAB = field specific ability beliefs , belief in field-specific skills ): The proportion of women in a scientific discipline is the lower, the more "success is evaluated in a field as a pure intellectual firepower, those Fields in which one often encounters expressions such as gifted and genius . ”However, the research group does not consider their findings to be the only factor that affects the gender inequality.

Characteristics of female career paths

Professional biographical differences between scientists have been described since the 1960s. It was found that a disproportionately higher number of women than men are leaving scientific careers ( leaky pipeline problem). Also noticeable are the longer qualification phases of the female scientists, their older age at doctorate and habilitation, and a longer period between habilitation and first appointment as professor. Women scientists are mainly in lower scientific positions. Their share in the professorships also decreases with a higher endowment; there are also indications of differences in the equipment of a professorship. The differences have been decreasing recently.

A cohort analysis by the CEWS - based on the academic year 1984 - found that there were enough women available for promotion to higher scientific positions, but that men in this starting year had four times the prospect of a professorship than women. The reasons for the loss of career opportunities for qualified women scientists from one qualification level to the next are varied and for the most part structural. Women are less mobile because of role-specific expectations and take on a large part of childcare to the detriment of their careers. In addition, their performance is less likely to be confirmed and motivated to do a doctorate. Already during the doctorate the phenomenon of isolation becomes more evident than with male doctoral candidates. The reason for the early disintegration of young women scientists is that, due to a lack of connection points, they more often do their doctorate on the basis of scholarships, while men more often wrote their dissertation as part of a university position. As a result, young female scientists often feel isolated from the scientific community . Doctoral candidates also assume a higher expectation of self-efficacy, i.e. they primarily consider their own performance to be career-enhancing and neglect the influence of other people. As a result of the ongoing disintegration, some women are looking for career alternatives after completing their doctorate.

Women scientists publish less than scientists. For example, five years after obtaining the doctorate degree, Swiss women scientists only have two thirds of the publications that scientists can produce at the same time. The reasons for this are assumed to be the greater involvement of women scientists in university teaching and their poorer integration into scientific contact networks.

Women scientists are more often childless than scientists. However, studies show a high desire to have children. Professional reasons are often given as reasons for the delay in its implementation. As a rule, scientists do not give any professional reasons for not trying to have children. Studies have come to the conclusion that the very possibility of pregnancy has a negative impact on women's careers.

Depending on the subject, it is noticeable that in subjects with a high proportion of women, the opportunities for advancement for women are proportionally particularly low. This could be due to the fact that women in the natural and engineering sciences are more likely to be measured by their performance than in the humanities and social sciences, which they practice more often.

Programs to promote women scientists

Every year the Argonne National Laboratory near Chicago invites female students to give them an insight into career opportunities in research.
Woman's Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1885:
- Dr. Anandabai Joshee, Seranisore, India.
- Dr. Kai Okami, Tokyo, Japan.
- Dr. Tabat M. Islambooly, Damascus, Syria.
All three completed their medical training and each of them became the first woman from their respective countries to graduate in Western medicine (photography from the Drexel University collection )

Many European and North American universities have institutionalized programs for the advancement and equality of women. Research funds are also made available for researching sociologically conspicuous gender-specific differences. In Germany, parts of Europe and America, working conditions for women in science have improved since the cultural revolutions of the 1970s. With a few exceptions, a similar development can be observed in Africa and Asia.

In the Federal Republic of Germany, universities were obliged for the first time in 1985 to promote equal opportunities for women scientists on the basis of the amendment to the University Framework Act. At the same time, equality bodies were created and women’s representatives were appointed at all universities. The Federal Conference of Women's Representatives and Equal Opportunities Representatives at Universities (BukoF) was created in 1990 to network the women's representative. The state-institutionalized promotion of women in science began in the late 1980s with the special university programs HSP I-III. The programs ran from 1989 to 2000 and, with a funding volume of initially 102 million euros (more than 5% of the total volume), were primarily aimed at personal funding (post-doctoral qualifications and childcare allowances). What is criticized about the measures is that the grants and supplements were insufficient to secure their livelihood, so that the grant recipients could not finance their habilitation project with the grant alone. Due to a lack of evaluation options, the special university programs were replaced in 2001 by the university and science program (HWP).

With the HWP, Germany aimed to overcome structural barriers to equal opportunities for women with regard to the advancement of women by 2006, to increase the proportion of women in all academic qualification levels and in all degrees, and to increase the number of women in management positions in research and teaching institutions . Above all, the qualification for a professorship, doctorate, women's and gender research and projects to increase the proportion of women in scientific and technical courses should be funded. The aim of the program was to have 20% women in professorships by 2005. This project failed.

Since the turn of the millennium, efforts have been promoted in Germany to attract female students to study natural sciences. For example, research institutions open their doors for Girls' Day , the CyberMentor project provides young people with a mentor with experience in the technical or scientific field and the Come, do MINT initiative is intended to encourage girls to study MINT subjects . All measures are funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research .

2007 initiated Federal Ministry of Education and Research , the professors program with a funding of 150 million euros to more departments in the Federal Republic to be filled by professors. This should create 200 additional professorships for female post-doctoral candidates at German universities by 2012, male applicants were excluded for these positions. In addition to contact offers, the program also includes support with appointment procedures (e.g. through coaching). In addition to empowering women, according to a publication by the OECD in 2006, more transparency should be created in the procedures of the appointment committees in Germany , since they all too often consider female and male applicants with different standards. After a second program phase until 2017 and an evaluation in 2016, a third program phase was launched for the period 2018–2022. This includes an extension with regard to additional female professorships, if universities can show equality concepts in the area of ​​“personnel development and recruitment on the way to professorship” with the predicate “equality: excellent!”. Since autumn 2012, the federal and state governments have been obliging the research institutes to implement the so-called cascade model, which provides for the gradual transfer of the predominant proportion of women in one career level to the next higher level.

In Austria, the Council for Research and Technology Development called for in its 2010 strategy as one of eight instruments for promoting excellence, instruments for promoting women scientists.

history

The traditional history of science ascribes female and female identified persons only a marginal contribution to the study of nature and the establishment of progressive knowledge. In European historiography , over 2500 outstanding women scientists and their works can be identified since antiquity, around 1000 of them before the 20th century. Reasons for the historical disproportion between the participation of women in science and research as well as their low entrance into the history of science are sought in institutionalized barriers and in the gender division of labor, but also in the contemporary reception of scientific achievements and in the writing of history itself. Institutional science remained so far in the 19th century a privilege of the aristocratic or wealthy male population and was characterized by personal, exclusive structures. It was only with the emergence of modern universities and the associated drastic increase in student numbers since the 1870s that science was depersonalized and gradually opened up to women and other previously excluded people.

Antiquity

A statue in the Schönbrunn Palace Park shows the botanist and medicin Artemisia II with the drinking vessel and urn of the deceased husband (marble sculpture around 1780).

The origins of European science lie in Mesopotamia , Ancient Egypt, and Ancient Greece . In Mesopotamia, the Codex Hammurapi , a collection of Babylonian jurisprudence, indicates very limited rights for women, which is why it can be assumed that female scientists at that time - mostly not known by name - were only involved in protoscientific discussions there to a very limited extent. However, Mesopotamia women were primarily involved in the manufacture of perfumes and cosmetics, which marked the beginning of the protoscience alchemy, as the techniques of distilling, extracting and subliming were developed here. The earliest known alchemist was the Babylonian Tapputi- Belatekallim, who lived around 1200 BC. Chr. Techniques of perfumery developed. Around 300 BC The Persian satrap Artemisia II (architect and builder of the mausoleum of Halicarnassus ) discovered the healing properties of a number of plants. The genus Artemisia is said to have been named after her.

In ancient Egypt, women enjoyed property rights and the daughters of the upper class learned to read and write. Women attended medical schools with men. There was also a special medical school for women in Sais, specializing in gynecology and obstetrics . The oldest known mention of a woman doctor was supposed to be around 2700 BC. Merit-Ptah's grave inscription , which is described here as chief physician. However, it never existed. Its mention in various books is based on a number of misunderstandings. On the other hand, Peseschet is a woman who has been proven with certainty , who may have officiated as a doctor, or at least presided over doctors (the translation of her title is not clear). She lived around 2500 BC. Chr. The medicine is not only the oldest known field of research for women, but also one of the busiest in the course of history. Through medical schools and gynecology, a tradition of women in medicine developed . The Roman late antiquity knew "specialist doctors", who were mostly of Greek, often Jewish, origin and trained midwives with medical status, for whom Soranos of Ephesus also wrote specialist literature. Nothing is known about the participation of women in theoretical scientific fields in ancient Egypt.

In the poleis of ancient Greece, women's participation in science and art varied. In Sparta , which never had an intellectual elite , women and men enjoyed the right to take part in social life, in sporting events and in military training. In the science metropolis of Athens , however, the mythical legislator Solon assigned women a subordinate role and denied them the right to equal education. Under the laws in force in Athens, they were prohibited from practicing medical professions.

Pythagoras , Socrates and Epicurus questioned this role model and demanded that women be trained with the same intensity as men. Female scholars were accepted as members of their academies. In Pythagoreanism , women participated in the natural philosophy of ancient Greece on the basis of equal acceptance . At least 28 teachers and students belonged to the School of Pythagoras. The mathematician Theano was a teacher in the school of Pythagoras and took over her leadership after his death.

Maria the Jewess researched alchemical processes in Alexandria in late antiquity . She invented numerous devices that are used in today's chemistry (engraving from 1617).
On Raphael's fresco School of Athens from 1509 the mathematician Hypatia is perhaps depicted (standing in the background). Allegedly, the painter Hypatia had to change it afterwards because Pope Julius II did not want her to be depicted.

From Plato's Republic we learn that Socrates sharply rejected the claim of intellectual inferiority of women. His symposium describes a relationship between the young Socrates and his teacher Diotima , who is described as a scholar. One of his followers was Aspasia of Miletus , who with her philosophical salon formed a focal point of Attic intellectual life. Among the pupils of Socrates was the father Arete von Kyrenes , who succeeded him as the head of the school of the Cyrenaics after his death. Even the Platonism tried not exclude women from an academically recognized access to science. In the 4th century BC In his politics , Plato's student Aristotle affirmed Solon's view that women should not have the same right to education as men, and thus again weakened the legitimacy of female participation in science and research.

In the 3rd century BC Women were accepted into the school of Epicurus ( Epicureanism ). The intellectual Leontion is known , who as a hetaera in ancient Athens enjoyed greater self-determination than most Athenian women. Outside of these three major academies, women in Greek society had few opportunities to research.

After the year 30, Alexandria became an intellectual metropolis under Roman rule. Between the 1st and 3rd centuries AD, many women contributed here to the protoscience alchemy , which had spread from Mesopotamia to Egypt under Persian rule. The most famous scientist of this circle, Mary the Jewess invented several equipment for chemical processes, including the water bath and a predecessor of the pot still . The mathematician and philosopher Hypatia lectured on Greek philosophy in the Platonic tradition at the Academy of Alexandria and published works on mathematics and astronomy.

European Middle Ages

Herrad von Landsberg
self-portrait from her encyclopedic work Hortus Deliciarum (book illustration, 1180)

The science of the early European Middle Ages was less concerned with creative research than with the management and reproduction of the few writings extant from antiquity and available in Europe. Nevertheless, there has been steady progress in the fields of medicine, engineering and architecture. Since the 8th century , a new intellectual elite has emerged in the cathedral schools , in which mainly boys were trained to be clergy.

The opportunities a woman had in this ecclesiastical education system differed according to country, century and her social position. In the early Middle Ages women generally had more influence in the church than in the high and late Middle Ages due to the continuing Germanic traditions that granted them warlike and leading positions, so that in the 8th century nuns participated in conventions and made church political decisions. Well-known female intellectuals of the early Middle Ages were Radegundis , who founded the first women's monastery in Europe in 558, Hilda von Whitby , who trained men and women in philosophical and theological disciplines in the monastery she founded in 657, and the writer Hrotsvit . In 859 , Fatima al-Fihri founded the Madrasa and later University of al-Qarawīyīn in Fez, Morocco , one of the world's first universities to award academic degrees.

Allegorical representation of geometry as a woman (illustration in a medieval translation of " Euclid's Elements "; book illustration, around 1310)

With the church reforms of Pope Gregory VII. Christian women lost their influence at the convent in the 11th century. Monasteries that belonged to all genders were banned and clerical marriage was no longer possible. Both changes were justified by the fact that women would distract the male clergy from their Christian way of life. Teaching and learning materials were henceforth divided up differently between monasteries and nunneries. In the late 12th century, Herrad von Landsberg , abbess of Hohenburg Abbey, published the first encyclopedia that can be shown to have been written by women , the Hortus Deliciarum . In it, she and her staff summarized and illustrated the knowledge of history, ethics, astronomy and geography known at the time.

The work of the universal scholar Hildegard von Bingen also shows the influence that nunneries exerted on the cultural scene until the late 12th century. In her writings, Hildegard von Bingen deals with scientific topics from medicine, botany, natural history and other fields. In it she represents a heliocentric worldview and speculates about gravity .

Historical representation of the Trota, medieval manuscript around 1200

In the medieval universities that developed out of the cathedral schools in the High Middle Ages , students had the status of clergy . Women were excluded. A few exceptions, however, allowed very few women to study: at some Italian universities women studied and taught in medical schools in the high and late Middle Ages; especially at the School of Salerno and at the University of Bologna . Well-known doctors who held chairs here were Trota , who did research primarily on the anatomy of the female body, Abella , Rebecca Guarna , Dorotea Bucca , who held a professorship in philosophy in Bologna in addition to medical, Jacqueline Felice de Almania , Mercurias , Constanzia Calenda and Calrice di Durisio . Other academically trained doctors from the Salern tradition were Sigelgaita (from the Hauteville family ) and Francisca.

Early modern age

Marginalized women scientists

With the development and economic exploitation of Asia, America and Africa through Europe, the continent came in the early modern period to an economic boom, the scientific fruits of the rapid development of engineering, a revival of arts and ancient philosophy and the so-called scientific revolution - by marked Discovery, rediscovery or mathematical justification of scientific phenomena - goods. At the same time created academies of science : in Rome, the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei (1603), in Schweinfurt, the Leopoldina (1652), in London, the Royal Society (1662), in Paris, the Royal Academy of Sciences (1666) or in Berlin Königlich- Prussian Academy of Sciences (1700). Women were banned from membership in most of the academies in which scientific life took place.

Women played a marginalized role in the exact sciences that were revolutionized on a mathematical basis between the 16th and 18th centuries. With the establishment of universities as the main intermediary for higher education vis-à-vis religious institutions in the age of the European Enlightenment , women, who as a rule were not allowed to enroll at universities, have increasingly been ousted from science. Girls and young women were not given any academic training and skills acquired through self-study did not enable them to gain employment or research funding.

Margaret Cavendish was a 17th century polymath. Under her own name she published poems, essays and treatises on the natural philosophical problems of her time.

Despite being expelled from universities and research institutions, many women are known to have been involved in the new natural sciences. For example, the mathematician and physicist , who was committed to the ideas of the Enlightenment , wrote

Urania propitia by Maria Kunitz, 1650

In some regions of Europe, humanistic women were able to work in the humanities and medical fields. In many parts of Italy in particular, aristocratic and wealthy women studied, wrote dissertations and held chairs . The University of Bologna had allowed women to attend courses since it was founded in 1088.

  • In 1732 the physicist and natural philosopher Laura Bassi became the first female university professor in Europe. She continued her experimental physics research (including on electromagnetism ) and soon became the university's most respected and highly endowed scientist.

In the German countries, where there was a craft tradition for women, some women worked in the observational sciences, particularly in astronomy .

  • Maria Kunitz (1610–1664) is regarded as one of the most important European astronomers.
  • The most famous German astronomer was Maria Winkelmann . In her childhood, her father and uncle awakened her interest in astronomy as amateur astronomers, so that she acquired further knowledge in self-study. She later married the astronomer Gottfried Kirch and became his assistant at the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences , which opened the Berlin observatory a year after Kirch's death . She discovered a comet in 1680 - an accomplishment that usually secured male astronomers entry into the scientific astronomical community. For a long time, the discovery of the comet was attributed solely to Gottfried Kirch, even after he had declared in 1710 that his wife had discovered it alone while he was sleeping. In addition, Winkelmann calculated the reappearance of a comet in 1712. After the death of her husband, she applied to the Prussian Academy for a position as astronomy assistant. As a woman, i.e. without a university degree, she was rejected despite the best qualifications. She consequently worked unofficially as the assistant to her son Christfried Kirch , who was now director of the Berlin observatory. In 1717, however, she was forced to leave this post as well, as she had repeatedly opposed the demand to take a back seat and to stop talking to men when visitors came.
  • In 1754 Dorothea Christiane Erxleben was the first woman in Germany to receive a doctorate in medicine from the University of Halle . She owed her admission to the doctorate to a personal decree from Frederick the Great . As a rule, participation in courses was still not tolerated. Scientists had to acquire their knowledge beforehand in self-study.

Disputes over girls and women education

The socially accepted idea of ​​that time that men were mentally superior to women, manifested itself in the debate about the education of girls and women. While the French philosopher François Poullain de La Barre campaigned for equal educational opportunities for girls and boys and was thus unable to penetrate the masses, clergymen like Nicolas Malebranche successfully opposed the divine subordination of women. Even Margaret Cavendish vouched for lower female intellect. In the early 18th century, feminist writer Mary Astell argued that the inability of many women to solve scientific problems was due to their vastly inadequate education, and advocated the establishment of high school graduation schools for girls, which eventually ended up nearly two Originated centuries later.

Girls' school in the 18th century (after a painting by Jan Josef Horemans the Younger)

In the Age of Enlightenment (around 1720 to 1785), social and theoretical models were questioned and revolutionized in European discourse. The prevailing conviction that the female nature was so fundamentally different from that of a man that a different education was appropriate was largely retained. The main pedagogical work of Jean-Jacques Rousseau's Emile or on Upbringing (1762) initiated a discourse on general reform processes in child upbringing and education. Rousseau argued, however, for a biologically based asymmetry of the sexes and thus also influenced the German educational discourse on Wilhelm von Humboldt into the 20th century. Rousseau wrote:

“This is how the whole upbringing of women must take place with regard to men. They please them, be useful to them, let themselves be loved and respected by them, raise them as long as they are young, care for them as men, advise them, comfort them, prepare them for a pleasant and sweet existence; these are the duties of women at all times, that is what one must teach them from childhood. "

- Jean-Jacques Rousseau: Emile or about education. Stuttgart 1963, p. 733.

The supposed opposing temperaments of men and women led to the view that girls and boys should be brought up and trained differently. The practice of co-education between girls and boys, which had been common up to that point , was thus softened into the village schools. The educational opportunities offered in girls' schools were exhausted in terms of their educational and household tasks, were purposeful and not geared towards higher education and professional goals outside the home. The reflection on the importance of women as educators of the next generation, which began with the Enlightenment, nevertheless strengthened their social position and made future demands for a better education for girls with regard to their later role as mothers a considerable boost. Around 30 years after Dorothea Erxleben, Dorothea Schlözer was awarded her doctorate in 1787 (University of Göttingen).

19th century

In the 19th century, the prerequisites for a broader integration of women into regular academic life arose from the early 20th century. At first only a few women from the social elite gained access to recognized scientific institutions. At the same time, a social discourse relaxed, which in the course of the century changed from the question of the usefulness of certain learning content for girls and young women within a fixed role model to the question of the ability of women to achieve higher education. From the mid-19th century onwards, women's rights movements played a special role in the educational discourse . Their demands placed educational opportunities, educational reforms and social role expectations of women at the center.

Debate about "feminine nature"

Access to universities and to professions that were previously male was primarily a goal of the bourgeois women's movement. Henriette Goldschmidt proposed in 1867 at the first meeting of the General German Women's Association (ADF) a petition to the universities of the North German Confederation to allow women to take part in academic studies, especially in medicine. In 1888, the ADF first publicly requested the admission of women to study medicine and teaching. In 1874, Hedwig Dohm demanded the admission of women to study because “the unrestricted choice of profession is a main factor of individual freedom and individual happiness”. In addition to these demands, many writings appeared in the late 19th century that attempted to prove that women were naturally incapable of studying. Among other things, this thesis was represented by Theodor von Bischoff , Professor of Anatomy and Physiology. In 1872, Bischoff conducted research on male and female anatomy and physiology and tried to demonstrate a fundamental difference and the inferiority of the female intellect. With his thesis he influenced the discourse for years. The historian Heinrich von Sybel explained in a lecture, “[t] he area of ​​women is the apparently narrow and monotonous area of ​​inner domestic life; the man's domain is the world outside, science, the legal system, the state ”. In 1897 a survey was conducted with the title “The Academic Woman. Reports from outstanding university professors, women teachers and writers on the aptitude of women for academic studies and professions ” published in which 122 professors, writers and intellectuals were asked about their opinion on the qualifications of women for university studies. Among them were 30 staunch opponents who warned of the mental and physical dangers of women's studies, and 60 supporters. The opponents were mainly theologians, philologists and physicians (especially gynecologists), the proponents were found among economists, philosophers, psychologists and natural scientists. The Kirchhoff study makes it clear that towards the end of the 19th century the front of the opponents of women's studies crumbled.

Access to university education in German-speaking regions

A condition of access to higher education for women was the introduction of universal compulsory education for girls in Prussia in 1763 by the General Land school regulations and in Austria in 1774 by the General Rules for the German normal, Main and Trivial school was realized. In German-speaking regions, the so-called Höhere Töchterschule was established . It was founded primarily privately, was expensive and had the character of a class school, which was attended mainly by aristocrats and daughters of the upper bourgeoisie. The Höhere Töchterschule did not have a preparatory upper level with a high school diploma , did not follow a binding curriculum or a uniform number of school years, so that female graduates did not formally meet the admission requirements for the course. In addition, there were a number of privately organized educational circles, in which an even stricter adherence to the "class awareness" was in the foreground, as well as the still numerous religious institutions of the order. Up until the end of the 19th century, cities and municipalities did not feel it was their duty to provide appropriate educational opportunities for all girls.

From the middle of the century, individual German cities and municipalities founded schools for girls. One of the side effects of the establishment of these municipal schools was that small private schools - previously mostly founded and run by women - were combined to form larger municipal institutions and then almost exclusively run by men. Many local councilors had little interest in providing money and space for girls' education, so that in many regions there were no such facilities until the turn of the century. It was not until the end of the 19th century that girls' grammar schools emerged in German-speaking countries on a private initiative and without state support, and thus for the first time educational institutions that formally enabled female graduates to study. A big step on the way to the equality of women's education was a petition from 1887 to the Prussian Ministry of Education with the request for equality of education for girls with the higher education for boys ( grammar school ). This petition was accompanied by the publication “About the higher girls 'school and their determination” , the so-called yellow brochure by Helene Lange , in which critical criticism of the existing form of higher girls' education was expressed.

Parodic caricature of women studying at the University of Zurich: female students harass male operators in a bar (engraving from 1872).

In the North German Confederation and the German Empire , women were officially excluded from studying at universities until 1908/09. The opening of universities to women began shortly before the turn of the century. The universities of Heidelberg, Leipzig and Halle were the first to open up to “extraordinary” female students in the 1890s. H. for women who were able to attend lectures as guest auditors and subject to the permission of the teaching professor. However, they were unable to obtain a recognized degree.

Until women were admitted to study in the first decade of the 20th century, a few German women went abroad for a recognized degree. In Zurich women were admitted to medical studies from 1864, in London ( London School of Medicine for Women ) from 1874. For example, the first German dentist Henriette Hirschfeld-Tiburtius completed her studies in the USA. Hirschfeld-Tiburtius encouraged Franziska Tiburtius and Emilie Lehmus to go to Switzerland to study medicine. The three opened a practice together in Berlin in 1875. The first “regular” German female students began their studies between 1900 (medicine in Baden) and 1909. This was preceded by a decades-long discussion between the women's movement, the universities and ministries of education about the “qualifications” and “entitlement” of women to complete regular university studies .

In the acquisition policy of the Royal Library in Berlin until the beginning of the 20th century it was explicitly stated that books written by women were not to be acquired. As of 1990, the library's holdings were transferred to the Berlin State Library .

First women scientists in modern university operations

Reforms of the education systems and the emergence of women's rights movements led to the entry of women into universities in many industrialized countries in the second half of the 19th century. In the United States, suffragette Mary Lyon founded the first college for women in 1837. Encouraged by the American women's movement around Mary Lyon, Emma Willard and her sister Almira Lincoln Phelps , research institutions in the USA were among the first in the world to open up to female scientists. Initially, their activities were limited to teaching and auxiliary work for male scientists - a phenomenon that was intensified by the lack of reputation and the socialization at the time. From the middle of the century onwards, numerous private study circles and book clubs were formed, such as the Dana Society of Natural History of the Albany Female Academy , the Chautauqua Literary and Scientific Circle , the Society to Encourage Studies at Home or the Philadelphia Botanical Club , which either only accepted female members or in which women made up the majority of the members. After discovering a new comet, Maria Mitchell became the first woman to be admitted to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1848 . In 1865 she became the first female professor of astronomy in the USA. The American Philosophical Society counted from 1969 with her, Elizabeth Cary Agassiz and Mary Somerville a total of three female members.

Sofja Kowalewskaja became the world's first female professor of mathematics at Stockholm University in 1883 (photography around 1883).

European universities allowed degrees and doctorates for women from the 1860s onwards. In France between 1866 and 1882 a total of 109 degrees were awarded to women. Many Italian universities - a stronghold for female students and scholars in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance - had excluded women in the 18th and early 19th centuries and allowed them back in in the 1870s. In Berlin, Elsa Neumann was the first woman to obtain a doctorate in physics in 1899.

The British mathematician Ada Lovelace worked with Charles Babbage to develop plans for a calculating machine that was to perform mathematical arithmetic tasks using punched cards. Lovelace submitted a written plan of how the machine could compute the Bernoulli numbers using programming techniques still in use today, such as loops , branches, and recursion . It is considered to be the first computer program in the world.

In Russia, until the early 1860s, women benefited from relatively liberal university access that allowed them to attend courses regularly. This policy ended in 1863, and many female students subsequently completed their studies abroad. Russian women were among the first in the world to graduate in mathematics, medicine, chemistry, zoology, and other science subjects. The chemists Julia Lermontowa and Sofja Kowalewskaja were products of this system . Kowalewskaja went to Germany in 1869, where she studied and did her doctorate in Heidelberg, Berlin and Göttingen. Her main mathematical achievement is the partial confirmation of the theory of partial differential equations with the Cauchy-Kowalewskaja theorem and the solution of a special case of the problem of the rotation of solid bodies around a fixed point. Kovalevskaya became (apart from early modern Italy) the world's first female professor of mathematics and the first female member of the Russian Academy of Sciences .

20th century

In the 20th century, universities in almost every country were opened to women. After long struggles, they were given access to higher education and, at the same time, to an institution that had been permeated by male experiences and had emerged to the exclusion of femininity. Today's broad participation of women in science and research has not developed continuously and with different levels of intensity in relation to different subject groups and regions of the world. In general, women scientists held academic positions more frequently during the 20th century. However, their perspectives and possibilities remained limited for a long time.

Women's studies in the German-speaking area

Women's studies in Germany

In the German Empire between 1900 ( Baden ) and 1908 ( Prussia ) women gained the right to enroll as official students at universities. The legal basis was provided by the “General Provisions on Higher Girls' Schools and Secondary Education Institutions for Young Women”. However, according to the wording of Section 3 of the decree, women could remain excluded from individual courses until 1918. In addition, this initially did not entail the right to take the final examinations and obtain an academic degree. For example, women were not allowed to take a state law examination until 1922. The first female students were senior daughters of privileged parents. Daughters from working-class families, like their sons, very rarely studied.

The constitution of the Weimar Republic confirmed the right for women to study at university. However, social reservations about women studying remained and sons willing to study were encouraged more often by their parents than daughters willing to study, whose higher education was considered a luxury.

In 1933, under National Socialism , Jewish and politically unpopular students were excluded from the universities. Female students were obliged to do household chores at the same time and their share among the students was limited by law to a maximum of 10%. The National Socialist image of women required women to withdraw into the family environment, where they had to do care work for other family members, and outlawed women who worked and studied with it. A professional ban has been imposed on doctors and lawyers. The 10 percent clause was abandoned at the beginning of the Second World War , as there was a shortage of men in German universities due to compulsory military service. Women were encouraged to “substitute” for university places, which is why 32% of students in 1941/42 were women.

In the Federal Republic of Germany women are formally equal and can de facto acquire all academic degrees. Conservative role models continued to shape society in the Adenauer era and made it difficult for women to advance in academic professions. With the emergence of the student movements and the new women's movement , a series of educational reforms were initiated in the 1970s that made it easier for underprivileged groups to access studies.

In the German Democratic Republic , the constitution provided for the equality of men and women, which included the right of women to access university education. In the 1950s, legal measures began to promote professional qualifications for women. The measures meant that the proportion of female students in the GDR was always higher than that in the Federal Republic. The privileging of people from the working and peasant classes led to a decline in the proportion of women studying until the early 1950s, as these came primarily from the bourgeoisie. In the 1960s a new wave of advancement of women began. The impetus was the “ New Economic Course ” and the lack of skilled workers due to the refugee situation. New measures introduced were, for example, the possibility of distance, evening and part-time study courses as well as a leave of absence from studies for a limited period of time. In 1971 the proportion of women among students in the GDR was 45.6%. Thereafter, growth stagnated noticeably.

Women in academic positions

The following important information is missing from this section:
So far, only western women scientists have been treated in the following - there is no information on Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, India, China and Japan etc. a. - RMR ( discussion ) 08:17, 25 Feb. 2014 (CET)
Help Wikipedia by researching and pasting it .

Europe
Marie Skłodowska Curie is so far the only woman who has been awarded a Nobel Prize several times for her scientific achievements (photography around 1920).

Marie Curie and Henri Becquerel discovered the radiation capacity of certain substances and subsequently identified, isolated and characterized the elements radium and polonium . The Polish woman was awarded the Nobel Prizes for Physics and Chemistry in 1903 and 1911 .

The Austrian-Swedish nuclear physicist Lise Meitner was involved in the first physical-theoretical explanation of nuclear fission . Because of their persecution in Nazi Germany, however, she and her nephew were not named as co-authors in the publication . In 1945, Meitner's colleague Otto Hahn was awarded the Nobel Prize for Chemistry for the elaboration .

The British Royal Society of London only admitted female members after the Second World War.

Rosalind Franklin , British biochemist and specialist in X-ray structure analysis , made a major contribution to the elucidation of the double helix structure of DNA. After completing her studies, she specialized in crystal structure analysis and accepted a postdoc position in London. Using an X-ray of the DNA that Franklin succeeded in doing there, her colleague Maurice Wilkins and James Watson and Francis Crick , who adopted Franklin's findings without authorization and without their consent, were able to demonstrate the double helix structure of DNA and received the Nobel Prize for Medicine in 1962 for it .

The British radio astronomer Jocelyn Bell Burnell was the first to discover a neutron star as a student . In 1974, Antony Hewish , the head of the project in which Bell Burnell made her discovery, was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics for his role in the discovery of pulsars , together with the scientist Martin Ryle .

Germany

In Germany, the microbiologist Lydia Rabinowitsch-Kempner was the second Prussian woman to receive the title of professor at what was then Berlin University in 1912 . However, she did not get a teaching permit, since a postdoctoral qualification for women was prohibited by law in 1908. She was followed in 1913 by the doctor Rahel Hirsch - also without a teaching permit. The prohibition of the post-doctoral qualification for women was in force in Prussia until February 1920; apparently it was tacitly adopted at all German universities. Regulations relating to the public service in the German Empire also provided that women were only paid 70% of a man's wages with the same job and the same volume of work. These ordinances remained valid well into the Federal Republic.

After it was decided in the Weimar Republic in 1918 that women could also pursue an academic career, two chairs were filled with women scientists for the first time in 1923: Margarete von Wrangell was the first associate professor at a German university . Until her death in 1932, she headed an institute for research into phosphate fertilization in the field of plant nutrition. The Aereboe-Wrangell fertilization system developed jointly with Friedrich Aereboe made it possible to reduce the soil's phosphoric acid requirement by up to 60%. Also in 1923, the educational scientist Mathilde Vaerting was appointed associate professor. In addition to Wrangell and Vaerting, only Lise Meitner (1926), Charlotte Leubuscher (1929), Rhoda Erdmann (1923) and Paula Hertwig became extraordinary, non-civil servant professors in the Weimar Republic . In 1926, Wrangell and others founded the German Association of Women Academics to represent the professional interests of women scientists.

The mathematician Emmy Noether revolutionized the theory of rings, bodies and algebras. In 1933 she fled Germany (photograph around 1910).

From 1933, the number of employed female scientists fell drastically before it rose again slightly in the years of the Second World War . Until 1937 there were no further female habilitations, although no legal provisions against it were issued. Between 1937 and 1945, eleven female scientists completed their habilitation. The geneticist and botanist Elisabeth Schiemann had held an extraordinary professorship at Berlin University since 1931. She researched the history of cultivated plants at what was then the Botanical Institute in Berlin-Dahlem and lost her teaching license in 1940 after a denunciation and after a dispute about the conversion of her extraordinary to an unscheduled professorship.

The employment of women in academic positions remained an exception until the 1950s. At most German universities and research institutes, there were only one or two women in academic employment until the Federal Republic and the GDR were founded. At the Royal Prussian Academy of Sciences , women were not accepted as full members until 1964. Compared to other research institutions and universities, the Kaiser Wilhelm Society and the Berlin University, with the comparatively highest proportion of women among its academic staff, are an exception: Between 1919 and 1945 there were a total of 25 female lecturers at the Berlin University and in the 41 research institutes of the Kaiser Wilhelm Society, which employed a total of 254 women scientists until 1945, there were 14 department heads between 1917 and 1945 . Among the 47 private lecturers in the state were the mathematicians Emmy Noether (Göttingen) and Hilda Pollaczek-Geiringer (Berlin), the chemist Gertrud Kornfeld (Berlin) and the physicists Lise Meitner (Berlin), Hertha Sponer (Göttingen) and Hedwig Kohn (Breslau) .

In the 1950s, the GDR recruited women scientists from West Germany with the promise not to have any reservations about their career advancement. In fact, the proportion of female professors was hardly higher than 3% at the end of the decade. Only at the beginning of the 1960s did the state take measures to dismantle existing career obstacles out of economic and ideological interest. By emphasizing specific female connotations such as accuracy, instinct and empathy, attempts were made to integrate these into the scientific culture, thus promoting a gender-specific division of labor within the universities, lower pay for female scientists and their commitment to externally determined ancillary activities. In the 1970s women's committees were formed at universities, which initially criticized these developments, but then became increasingly opportunistic with the political regime. The Academy of Sciences of the GDR offered with an employment rate of 34% in the late 1960s, many scientists (for example, Rita Kuczynski ) a niche in which they could do research autonomously in part; however, the employment relationship does not allow promotion to higher scientific positions.

Christiane Nüsslein-Volhard is the only German scientist to date who has been awarded a Nobel Prize for her research on the genetic control of early embryonic development (1995). In addition, there is the physicist Maria Goeppert-Mayer , born and trained in Germany, who emigrated to the USA in 1930 and was the second and so far last woman to receive the Nobel Prize in physics in 1963 for her research on the shell model of the atomic nucleus.

United States

Nettie Stevens was an American geneticist . She was the first to discover - that is, before Edmund B. Wilson , to whom the discovery is often attributed - that the sex of an organism depends on its genes.

The Chinese-American physicist Chien-Shiung Wu demonstrated the principle of parity violation with the Wu experiment named after her and contributed to the development of the atomic bomb as part of the Manhattan project with studies on isotope separation through gas diffusion. Tsung-Dao Lee and Chen Ning Yang , who put forward the hypothesis of parity violation, received the Nobel Prize in Physics for it in 1957. Wu, whose experiment led to its empirical evidence, was not awarded the Nobel Prize.

In 1972, a resolution passed by Congress in the USA banned educational discrimination based on gender.

Other important American scientists:

Women scientists in the history of science

A historiography of women in science began as early as the Middle Ages, but did not acquire great importance in the respective mainstream of the history of science. As early as 1405, Christine de Pizan introduced a number of famous historical scholars in her famous Le Livre de la Cité des Dames . Stories about famous women of history and that time can also be found in Giovanni Boccaccio's De mulieribus claris from 1361 to 1362. The German Christian Friedrich Harleß published a work in 1830 about the scientific achievements women had made in science, medicine and geography. Finally, at the end of the 19th century, the women's movement took up the topic. In the course of her demand for free access to education for women, several works were written about women scientists, for example Alphonse Rebières Les Femmes dans la science or The Achievements of German Women in the Last Four Hundred Years in Scientific Areas by Elise Oelsner .

The tragic death of the ancient mathematician Hypatia was - also in a sexualized form - received in history far more extensively than her scientific work, which consequently has not been passed down. Painting by Charles William Mitchell , 1885

Until the 1970s, however, established science reflected only cautiously on the reception of women scientists in history. At its core, scientific and media publications often take up the assumption, which correlates with modernization- theoretical perspectives, that women have only been integrated into science in a serious way since around 1900. In the past centuries, however, the university was not the only center of science. According to the modern historian Monika Mommertz, while the traditional history of science excludes women and men doing research outside the universities, the gender history of science suffers from the dominance of biographically oriented studies, which also threaten to isolate themselves from the new international science research. Since the 1980s, interest in the history of women in science has increased significantly, so that, in addition to biographical works on individual female scientists, empirical surveys at universities, evaluations of official statistics and humanities studies on the subject have emerged.

Investigations into the causes of the neglect of women scientists in the history of science lead on the one hand to marginalization processes in history and on the other hand to the perspective of today's historical studies. The ability to reconstruct the history of female science outside of universities is severely limited, as in the past women published more frequently under male pseudonyms, posterity often ascribed their achievements to their male sponsors, and publications and manuscripts by female scientists of the pre-modern era had significantly less chance of being passed on than they did by men - and at the same time because the history of science is not satisfying these reconstruction tasks.

One explanation for the neglect of women scientists is the Matilda effect described by the science historian Margaret W. Rossiter . Accordingly, researching women were deprived of both the independence and the objectivity in obtaining scientific knowledge. Historiographers and historians of antiquity and the Middle Ages were often more interested in the chastity and lifestyle of historical female figures than in their intellectual achievements, so that the love stories of Aspasia , Lastheneia von Mantineia , Theano or Leontion received more attention than their scientific findings. Often their works have been denigrated over the centuries for the alleged immorality of their authors. The approach relates both to the historical response to researching women and to their reception in the current history of science.

The science historian Naomi Oreskes rejects the view expressed in biological arguments and by some feminist authors that there is a feminine style of doing science that is characterized by greater empathy and greater attention to contexts, but also by less objectivity. She argues that objectivity did not exist as a scientific ideal for most of the 19th and 20th centuries. She argues that mathematical and analytical activities were seen as women's work and as routine tasks when women did them. Instead, the image of the self-sacrificing scientist led to a devaluation of the scientific achievement of women, whose sacrifice for non-family affairs has long been ostracized.

Change in Scientific Practices

The Feminist Philosophy of Science takes a critical look with the claim to objectivity of science. Feminist science critics like Donna Haraway and Sandra Harding advocate the ideal of a science that critically examines its own perspective and recognizes and names the fragmentary character of knowledge.

Feminist sciences are questioning previous findings, for example in medical gender studies, biological determinism, archeology and established interpretations of philosophy and literary studies.

Interest groups, funding agencies and prizes

Professional associations and funding institutions were founded to represent the interests of women scientists. Some of the largest are mentioned here:

The funding of women scientists also includes the awarding of prizes for outstanding achievements. The prizes are partly gender-neutral, partly only given to women and reward achievements in various areas of science and women's research:

See also

Lists of well-known scientists:

literature

Overview literature

reference books

  • Elizabeth H. Oakes: International Encyclopedia of Women Scientists. Facts on File, New York 2002, ISBN 0-8160-4381-7 .
  • Magdolna Hargittai : Women scientists: reflections, challenges, and breaking boundaries , Oxford University Press, New York, NY 2015, ISBN 978-0-19-935998-1 .
  • Caroline L. Herzenberg: Women Scientists from Antiquity to the Present. To index. An international reference listing and biographical directory of some notable women scientists from ancient to modern times. Locust Hill Press, West Cornwall 1986, ISBN 0-933951-01-9 .

Individual studies

Essays

Web links

Individual evidence

  1. ↑ p. 7/8.
  2. ↑ p. 8.
  3. ↑ p. 74.
  4. ↑ P. 47/48.
  5. ↑ p. 64.
  6. ↑ p. 5.
  7. ↑ p. 83.
  8. ↑ a b p. 9.
  1. ↑ a b c d p. 5.
  2. ↑ a b c d e pp. 10-14.
  3. ↑ p. 4.
  4. ↑ p. 6.
  5. ↑ a b c d p. 7.
  6. ↑ a b p. 8.
  7. ↑ a b p. 21.
  1. ↑ a b p. 9.
  2. ↑ p. 57.
  3. ↑ p. 12.
  4. ↑ p. 105.
  5. ↑ p. 25.
  6. ↑ p. 112.
  7. ↑ p. 55.
  8. ↑ p. 87.
  9. ↑ a b p. 192.
  10. ↑ p. 15.
  • Other documents:
  1. ↑ Walther Schönfeld : Women in Western Medicine. From classical antiquity to the end of the 19th century. Stuttgart 1947.
  2. ↑ Christine Wennerás, Agnes World: Nepotism and Sexism in Peer-Review. In: Mary Wyer, Mary Barbercheck, Donna Giesman, Hatice Örün Öztürk, Marta Wayne (eds.): Women, Science, and Technology. A Reader in Feminist Science Studies. 2nd Edition. Routledge, London / New York 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-52110-9 , p. 50.
  3. ^ Martha S. West, John W. Curtis: AAUP Faculty Gender Equity Indicators. American Association of University Professors, 2006, p. 5; referenced therein: Digest of Education Statistics 2005. Table 227.
  4. ^ Martha S. West, John W. Curtis: AAUP Faculty Gender Equity Indicators. American Association of University Professors, 2006, p. 6.
  5. ↑ Hildegard Macha , Quirin J. Bauer, Sandra Struthmann: Slowed down: About the lack of women in science - backgrounds and perspectives. ( Memento of April 13, 2012 in the Internet Archive ) In: Research & Teaching . July 7, 2008, accessed on August 27, 2019 (from: Volume 15, No. 6, June 2008, pp. 372-375).
  6. ↑ Women are disadvantaged in the science system. ( Memento of November 10, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) Committee on Education, Research and Technology Assessment (hearing), June 11, 2012.
  7. ↑ a b c Women in the science system. Federal Ministry of Education and Research, January 7, 2011.
  8. ↑ a b c Ruth Becker: Gender equality at universities. In: BdWi study booklet. 8, December 2011, pp. 28-29. The data used in it come from: Federal Statistical Office: Students at universities, winter semester 2010/2011, summary overview, p. 6.
  9. ↑ a b c Ruth Becker: Gender equality at universities. In: BdWi study booklet. 8, December 2011, pp. 30-31.
  10. ↑ Data warehouse university area of ​​the Federal Ministry for Science, Research and Economy, unidata. Statistical Pocket Book 2013 , pp. 79 and 117.
  11. ↑ Data warehouse university area of ​​the Federal Ministry for Science, Research and Economy, unidata. Statistical Pocket Book 2013 , p. 116.
  12. ↑ a b Data warehouse university area of ​​the Federal Ministry for Science, Research and Economy, unidata. Statistical Pocket Book 2013 , p. 118.
  13. ^ A b Nicole Schaffer, Michael Dinges: Gender and Excellence. Measurement of excellence and performance assessment in the science system. In: Birgit Stark, Barbara Haberl (eds.): Gender and Excellence. Current developments in the Austrian science system, Vienna: Publishing house of the Austrian Academy of Sciences. 2009, pp. 23-26.
  14. ↑ Josephine Beoku-bed: African Women Pursuing Graduate Studies in the Sciences: Racism, gender bias, and Third World Marginality. In: NWSA Journal. 16, No. 1, 2004, p. 116. doi: 10.1353 / nwsa.2004.0026 .
  15. ↑ a b Josephine Beoku-bed: African Women Pursuing Graduate Studies in the Sciences: Racism, gender bias, and Third World Marginality. In: NWSA Journal. 16, No. 1, 2004, pp. 117f. doi: 10.1353 / nwsa.2004.0026
  16. ↑ Joyce Tang: Why Aren't There More Female Scientific Pioneers? In: dies .: Scientific Pioneers. Women Succeeding in Science . University Press of America, Lanham / Md. 2006, ISBN 0-7618-3350-1 , pp. 21-39.
  17. ↑ a b c d e Agnieszka Alhaber, Johanna Hess, Lisa Pfahl: Equality in the job - and at the changing table. Child care by both parents is essential for female scientists. In: WZB Mitteilungen . Issue 133, September 2011.
  18. ↑ Agnieszka Alhaber, Johanna Hess, Lisa Pfahl: A career with a child in science - egalitarian standards and traditional reality of family care arrangements for successful women and their partners. In: Alessandra Rusconi, Heike Solga (Eds.): Making a career together. The intertwining of professional careers and family in academic partnerships. Budrich, Opladen 2011, ISBN 978-3-86649-365-0 .
  19. ↑ Corinne A. Moss-Racusin, John F. Dovidio, Victoria L. Brescoll, Mark J. Graham and Jo Handelsman: Science faculty's subtle gender biases favor male students. In: PNAS . 109, No. 41, October 2012, pp. 16474-16479 . doi: 10.1073 / pnas.1211286109 . Supporting Information (PDF; 1.6 MB).
  20. ↑ Jutta Allmendinger , Thomas Hinz: The distribution of scientific goods. Publications, projects and professorships between application and approval. In: Journal for Women's Studies and Gender Studies . 20, 2000, pp. 18-29.
  21. ↑ Regarding the peer review process of the Swedish Medical Research Council, see Christine Wennerás, Agnes Wold: Nepotism and Sexism in Peer Review. In: Mary Wyer, Mary Barbercheck, Donna Giesman, Hatice Örün Öztürk, Marta Wayne (eds.): Women, Science and Technology. A Reader in Feminist Science Studies. 2nd Edition. Routledge, New York / London 2009, ISBN 978-0-415-96039-7 , pp. 50-56, which come to the same conclusion.
  22. ↑ Study: Sometimes it's just prejudice. In: The Standard . August 12, 2012. Female researchers are judged to be less competent. In: The Standard . September 18, 2012.
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