Female genital mutilation
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Female genital mutilation ( English female genital mutilation , in short FGM ), female circumcision (English female genital cutting , short FGC ) or female genital mutilation refers to the partial or complete removal or damage of the external female genitalia . These practices are mostly based on traditionjustified out. The main distribution areas documented by studies are western and north-eastern Africa as well as Yemen, Iraq, Indonesia and Malaysia. Because the topic is taboo in society, it can be assumed that it will be used much more widely. It is estimated that there are around 200 million circumcised girls and women worldwide and around three million girls, mostly under the age of 15, suffer genital mutilation each year.
FGM / FGC is performed on girls from infancy, in most cases before onset or during puberty . Without medical justification and for the most part under unsanitary conditions, without anesthesia and by non-medically trained personnel, it is often used with razor blades, broken glass, etc. Ä. Performed. It is usually associated with severe pain, can cause serious physical and psychological damage and often leads to death.
FGM / FGC has long been criticized by women's, children's and human rights organizations in many countries. Both international governmental organizations such as the United Nations , UNICEF , UNIFEM and the World Health Organization (WHO) and non-governmental organizations such as Amnesty International , Terre des Femmes or Plan International call against female genital circumcision and they classify as a violation of the human right to physical integrity one on which is to be raised with the International Day Against Female Genital Mutilation , which has been held annually on February 6th since 2003.
On the African continent, non-governmental initiatives have been working in all affected countries to end the practice of mutilation since the beginning of the 1980s, understanding genital mutilation as a violation of children's rights and violence against children and women. The largest network is the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices with 34 national committees in 30 African countries and 17 international partner committees in Europe, Canada, Japan, the USA and New Zealand.
The practice is worldwide in most states - including all states of the European Union - a criminal offense . Nevertheless, in many of these countries, including Germany, girls are increasingly threatened as a result of increased immigration . Terre des Femmes assumed that there were more than 13,000 girls in Germany in July 2017, that is 4,000 more than a year earlier, who are at risk of genital mutilation. It is estimated that up to 8,000 women are affected in Austria, and there are around half a million victims across Europe; most of them in France.
terminology
So far there is no consensus on a uniform terminology for the practices. The view of the practices as purely local and cultural customs has changed due to their assessment as human rights violations and is therefore viewed and discussed as a global problem. This was accompanied by a change in terminology, which is currently being discussed.
History of terminology
In the English-speaking linguistic area was female circumcision (German: Female genital cutting ) the dominant collective name . The so-called practices were known outside of their range before 1976 mainly among medical experts and anthropologists . However, the term circumcision is also used to denote male circumcision ( circumcision ). Its application to practices in which the external female sexual organs are wholly or partially removed or damaged has come under fire because circumcision does not do justice to the physical and psychological effects of the practices.
For the first time in 1974, as part of a campaign, supported by a network of women's and human rights organizations , the term now Genital Mutilation (Engl. Genital mutilation ) introduced into the public debate about circumcision practices of female genitalia. By renaming the practices the activist network broke the semantic connection to male circumcision ( male circumcision ), which is considered as personal medical, religious or cultural reasoned decision on. The renaming implied a semantic proximity to castration and explained the practices on a subject of " violence against women " and human rights violations . Early 1980 spread the term "female genital mutilation" (English. Female genital mutilation ) in public, the media and the international literature.
Female Genital Mutilation was adopted in 1990 by the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC) as a term for all African and international partner committees. At its sixth General Assembly in April 2005, the IAC in Mali published the “Bamako Declaration on the Terminology FGM”. The IAC criticized the use of the collective term Female Genital Cutting (FGC) by some UN organizations, which had been influenced by "special lobby groups", mainly from Western countries. The members of the IAC see the use of alternative designations - "Female Circumcision", "Female Genital Alteration", "Female Genital Excision", "Female Genital Surgery" and "Female Genital Cutting" - a politically motivated departure from the language rule " Female Genital Mutilation ”, which clearly takes a stand. They reaffirmed the demand to keep the term “Female Genital Mutilation” (FGM).
In 1991 the World Health Organization recommended that the United Nations adopt the term Female Genital Mutilation . The use of "mutilation" ( " mutilation ") underlines the fact that the practice is a violation of the rights of girls and women was. In this way, such a designation supports efforts to abolish it at national and international level. The term female genital mutilation replaced circumcision of female genitals as the more common name up until then and became the standard term in medical literature. For example, the use Bundesärztekammer the term female genital mutilation , the World Medical Association and the American Medical Association to use the English equivalent Female Genital Mutilation .
In the 1990s, parallel to the term FGM, the term "female genital cutting" (FGC) developed in the USA, a term that is seen as a more neutral term, especially when dealing with those affected. As a compromise, the term Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting - FGM / C for short - has become established in the English-speaking world .
The Germany-based women's rights organization Terre des Femmes has decided to use the term female genital mutilation in public relations . In a statement, however, she recommends using the term circumcision when dealing with those affected . In this context, circumcision is not a trivialization, but takes “the dignity of those affected in Germany” into consideration. This recommendation is also represented by the German Medical Association and the German Society for Gynecology and Obstetrics .
The compromise designation FGM / C , established in the English language, is used by the Children's Fund (UNICEF) and the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) to capture the meaning of the term mutilation at the political level while offering less judgmental terminology for the practicing communities.
Discussions about the terms
The term female circumcision or circumcision is rejected by the World Health Organization, among other things, because it suggests a comparison with the circumcision of men . Circumcision is considered by many experts to be trivializing euphemism considered and misleading because in practice part of the clitoris or the entire clitoris and, in the case of infibulation, the entire external genital is removed and therefore to more far-reaching interventions than the distance the foreskin in men.
The term Female Genital Mutilation or FGM is among others from the United States Agency for International Development criticized (USAID), since on the one hand, ignoring the cultural background of the practices and on the other hand can lead to sufferers as "mutilated" stigmatizing . People who associate abolitionist efforts with the colonial era could also perceive the designation FGM as derogatory and / or see it as an indication of cultural imperialism . Surveys have shown that those affected often do not refer to themselves as "genital mutilated", but rather as circumcised women and see "mutilation" as insulting and hurtful.
In the United States, the term female genital cutting (FGC) has emerged in the course of various debates . USAID decided in 2000 to use this term, which it received as a more neutral one. In its literal translation - “female genital cutting” - this term cannot be precisely translated into German. In addition, in general German usage, “Cutting” as well as “Circumcision” is rendered with circumcision. According to Fana Asefaw and Daniela Hrzán, the use of the English name FGC indicates that this is a new research paradigm that is characterized by a critically reflective and anti- racist approach to the topic, which also critically questions FGC practices in western culture . This paradigm shift is not reflected in the German term "female genital cutting".
Depending on the context, the various terms are used side by side by several actors. This corresponds to an accepted procedure and represents the concern to contain FGM practices as much as possible.
The PR Researchers Ian Somerville wrote in 2011 that both female circumcision and female genital mutilation produce a particular linguistic framework that influences the perception of the practices. With the term female genital mutilation , the discourse had shifted to the point that it was now about questions of violence against women and thus about human rights.
According to anthropology professor Christine Walley, both the term circumcision and the term mutilation are problematic. Circumcision suggests relativistic tolerance, while mutilation gives the impression of moral indignation. The concept of mutilation also carries an at least implicit assumption that the parents and other relatives of those affected are something like child abuse . According to other authors, this allegation is highly problematic for many Africans, even those working to end female genital cutting traditions. Walley, who for her part uses the term female genital operations , further criticizes that the term female genital mutilation overly generalizes the various forms of this practice in a monolithic sense regardless of the geographies, meanings, religions and politics involved and women who would advocate these practices of their own accord, would generally vilify them in the context of an excessive western-oriented feminism.
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The World Health Organization (WHO) presented in 1995 before a classification to distinguish between different types of female genital mutilation, in a joint statement by WHO, in 1997 , UNICEF and UNFPA was acquired. This classification was revised in 2008 and has since been supported by other organizations and programs of the United Nations, in addition to those already mentioned by OHCHR , UNAIDS , UNDP , UNECA , UNESCO , UNHCR and UNIFEM . The classification serves as a basis for understanding the subject of research in research and is intended to ensure the comparability of data collections. Such a grid always requires a simplification; in fact there are many variants that combine different interventions. Even within a region or ethnic group, there can be significant differences in the form of circumcision.
A Normal anatomy
B Clitoral hood and, if applicable, the clitoris were removed
C Clitoral hood and, if applicable, the clitoris and the inner labia were removed
D Clitoral hood and clitoris and the labia were removed and the vaginal opening was partially sewn shut
According to this, the following four types can be distinguished according to the extent of the change:
- Type I: partial or complete removal of the externally visible part of the clitoris ( clitoridectomy ) and / or the clitoral hood ( clitoral hood reduction ) .
- Type Ia: Removal of the clitoral hood
- Type Ib: Removal of the clitoral hood and glans
- Type II: partial or complete removal of the externally visible part of the clitoris and the inner labia with or without circumcision of the outer labia ( excision ) .
- Type IIa: removal of the labia minora
- Type IIb: removal of the labia minora and complete or partial removal of the glans of the clitoris
- Type IIc: removal of the small and large labia and all or part of the glans of the clitoris
- Type III (also infibulation ): Narrowing of the vaginal opening with the formation of a covering seal by cutting open the inner and / or outer labia and joining them together, with or without removing the externally visible part of the clitoris.
- Type IIIa: Covering by cutting open and joining the labia minora
- Type IIIb: Covering by cutting open and joining the large labia
- Type IV: This category covers all practices that cannot be assigned to one of the other three categories. The WHO gives examples of piercing , cutting (introcision) , scraping as well as the cauterization of genital tissue, burning out the clitoris or introducing corrosive substances into the vagina.
The various ritual interventions, which are summarized in the fourth category, differ widely in terms of their backgrounds and consequences and, overall, have been less researched than those of the other three types. Some practices, such as cosmetic operations in the genital area or restoration of the hymen, which are legalized in many countries and are not generally classified as genital mutilation, can also be subsumed under this classification. From the point of view of the WHO, it is considered important to give the definition of female genital mutilation broadly in order to close gaps that could justify the continuation of the practice.
The proportion of different types of intervention to one another could only be estimated so far. The largest amount of data is available on circumcised African girls and women older than 15 years. These show about 90 percent genital changes of types I, II and IV, and 10 percent of type III. Other estimates looked at girls younger than 16 years of age and found a higher proportion of the most serious type III circumcisions in this age group. It is believed that up to 20% of all circumcised girls had type III changes.
The most invasive practice is type III infibulation , also known as pharaonic circumcision . The girl's legs are tied together from the waist to the ankles for up to 40 days to allow the wound to heal. The skin over the vaginal opening and the exit of the urethra grows together and closes the vaginal vestibule . Just a small opening for urine, menstrual blood and vaginal secretions to escape is created by inserting a thin twig or rock salt into the wound. This disability creates additional pain and risk of infection. Further health risks and complications arise from the fact that the vulva has to be cut open again (medical term: defibulation ) in order to enable sexual intercourse. If the man fails to open the vagina through penetration, the infibulated vaginal opening must be widened with a sharp object. An additional, more extensive defibulation is often necessary for delivery . Uncircumcised pregnant women are sometimes given infibulation before delivery because it is believed that contact with the clitoris leads to miscarriage. In some areas, the birth is followed by renewed infibulation, reinfibulation or refibulation .
history
Ancient and Middle Ages
The origins of female genital circumcision could not be clearly determined in time or geography. Even in antiquity, scholars dealt with the topic of circumcision, which at that time was mainly known from ancient Egypt. Descriptions can be found in Galenus , Ambrosius of Milan and Aetius of Amida . On a papyrus from 163 BC. The circumcision of girls is mentioned in BC, the epoch of ancient Egypt . Mummies have also been found showing signs of circumcision. Male circumcision can also be dated back to this time. According to the Greek historian Strabo , circumcision was carried out on both sexes in Egypt, and Philo of Alexandria , who lived around the time of Christ, reports that "among the Jews only men, with the Egyptians, men and women are circumcised". The ancient authors assumed that women were circumcised for aesthetic reasons in order to correct or improve the appearance of the female genitals.
It is believed that circumcision spread from ancient Egypt across the African continent. The routes of distribution and their time course cannot be clearly reconstructed.
In the Middle Ages, descriptions of circumcision can be found in the Canon medicinae of Avicenna (980-1037) and Abulcasis (936-1013), although this was recommended for excessively pronounced genitals.
Modern Europe and North America
The European confrontation with the practice began at the time of colonialism in the late 19th century. It was at this time that the first descriptions appeared in early ethnography. The distinction between “clitoral” and “vaginal” orgasm proposed by Sigmund Freud resulted in a disdain for “clitoral sexuality”. According to Freud, clitoral sexuality had to be overcome in order to attain mature sexuality. The psychoanalyst Marie Bonaparte criticized Freud's idea of the necessary detachment of the clitoris as an erogenous guiding zone. In 1935 there was a meeting between the future Prime Minister of Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta , the anthropologist Bronislaw Malinowski and Marie Bonaparte. Through Malinowski she learned about female genital mutilation in Africa. With the support of Kenyatta, Bonaparte carried out field studies in East Africa in the following years , which dealt with the circumstances of circumcision and the consequences for women and represent the first scientific studies on the subject.
During the 16th, 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries, and through the 1970s, clitoridectomies and other surgical procedures such as cauterization and infibulation were performed on female genitalia in Europe and North America . This was done in order to "cure" supposed female "ailments" such as hysteria , nervousness , nymphomania , masturbation and other forms of so-called female deviance . The English gynecologist Isaac Baker Brown propagated clitoridectomy as a treatment method in 1866 in his work on the "curability of various forms of insanity , epilepsy , catalepsy and hysteria in women" . It was well known that the female libido could be irreversibly damaged by such interventions. In 1923 Maria Pütz wrote in her dissertation :
"In three of me specially by Professor Dr. In cases kindly left to Cramer, after removal of the clitoris and partial or complete excision of the small labia, complete healing occurred . Masturbation was no longer practiced, and even after several months of observation the condition remained unchanged. Despite these encouraging results, the Clitoridektomie in masturbation there are now a great many cases in which the disease can not be influenced by any surgical procedures [...] A second throw of the opponents is that by reducing the libido also design option would be lifted. This objection is also unjustified; for it is clear that frigid women who only perceive coitus as a burden and who do not enjoy sexual satisfaction nevertheless conceive and give birth to healthy children. "
Geographical distribution
According to estimates by the World Health Organization on the prevalence of types I – IV of the WHO classification, more than 200 million women and girls around the world have had their genitals circumcised (as of 2013); around three million girls worldwide are threatened by FGM every year.
Africa
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The main distribution areas are 28 states in western and northeastern Africa. In seven countries - in Djibouti , Egypt , Guinea , Mali , Sierra Leone , Somalia and in northern Sudan - the practice is widespread almost everywhere: over 90% of women between the ages of 15 and 49 are circumcised there. Infibulation (type III) is particularly widespread in Djibouti, Eritrea , Ethiopia , Somalia and Northern Sudan; more than half of the women in Djibouti and Northern Sudan and around 80% of women in Somalia are affected by this procedure.
The figures relate to certain countries because the data collection takes place within national borders. However, there can be considerable differences between individual regions of these countries. The ethnic affiliation is the main determining factor for the spread within border of often borders regions as well as the prevailing type of circumcision.
Asia
Outside Africa, Yemen is so far the only country with circumcision practice for which the prevalence has been statistically recorded: 22.6 percent of 15 to 49 year old girls and women are affected. Evidence suggests that female genital cutting is present in Syria and western Iran . The practice is also for various ethnic groups in Iraq , for northern Saudi Arabia and southern Jordan , for Bedouins in Israel , for the United Arab Emirates , for Muslim groups in Malaysia and for Indonesia (primarily on the islands of Sumatra , Java , Sulawesi , Madura , predominantly type I and IV). Circumcision is also documented for the Muslim Bohra in India . No data on the distribution are available for these countries.
Europe and North America
As a result of emigration from Africa in Europe and North America since the 1970s, the number of circumcised women and girls from regions of origin with circumcision rituals has increased. The estimates of how many migrant women were circumcised are relatively uncertain so far (as of 2008); In most cases, they are based on the compilation of data on the origin of migrant women with data on the statistical spread of circumcision practices in the regions of origin.
In 2005 there were around 60,000 women in Germany from countries where there is a tradition of circumcision; Non-governmental organizations believed up to 30,000 of them were affected or threatened. Terre des Femmes estimated in 2005 that at least 18,000 women in Germany are already affected and a further 5,000 to 6,000 girls are at risk. For Switzerland, UNICEF estimates the number of girls and women who are circumcised or at risk of being circumcised at around 6,700. In 2016, the number of affected women living in Germany was estimated at at least 47,000.
In 2006 the Austrian Federal Ministry for Health and Women carried out a study on genital mutilation together with the Medical Association and UNICEF. According to this, 14 percent of the resident gynecologists or paediatricians had treated a circumcised girl or woman at least once in their professional life. It was noticeable that the proportion outside the group of gynecologists was very low (only one pediatrician). Two doctors each in Vienna and in Styria stated that they had already been asked whether they would perform a genital cutting. 16 percent of the hospitals surveyed stated that they had treated girls or women who had been genitally mutilated. Three out of four patients are said to come from Somalia or Ethiopia. A visit was mainly made on the occasion of pregnancy or before delivery.
In the other European countries (as of 2008) there are only estimates for England and Wales, which are also based on data collected during gynecological examinations. According to these estimates, a total of around 66,000 migrant women were circumcised there; around 15,000 girls under the age of 15 were at risk of infibulation (type III) and another 5,000 girls were at risk of circumcision according to types I and II. There was circumcision tourism from France, where the intactness of the child's body is to be protected through mandatory screening in preschool and school, to England, where FGM has been banned since 1985, but tolerance ("ethnic sensitivity") towards this archaic tradition is greater is estimated.
It is also documented that some of the migrant women continue to practice circumcision in secret, despite legal prohibitions in the receiving countries. In France, Italy, Spain and Switzerland there were criminal trials in this connection. The interventions took place either in the host country or during a trip to a country of origin. There is no data collection on this phenomenon (as of 2008). See Legal Assessment . For the first time in US history, a criminal case under 18 USC 116 (female genital mutilation) began in April 2017 against a doctor named Jumana Nagarwala and a married couple (all members of the Shiite Dawudi Bohra ).
Australia
Female circumcision is traditionally found among some ethnic groups of the Aborigines , the Australian aborigines. Similar to the subincision in men, the operation took place as part of initiation rites. To what extent circumcision is currently practiced is unclear. While the UNHCHR claims in a working paper that the Pitta-Patta society in Queensland practices the IV incision , this view has been challenged by Australian scientists. Most of the circumcision practiced in Australia today is likely to occur within migrant populations from the African and Arab cultures.
Middle and South America
The phenomenon has been sporadically documented in America, for example for the Emberá -Chamí Indians in Colombia .
Criticism of dissemination statistics
Since data on FGM is only systematically recorded in a few African countries, dissemination statistics should be viewed with this reservation. It is also criticized that predominantly African FGM practices are included in the statistics. Asefaw & Hrzán argue that corrections to genitals in the context of cosmetic surgery, which for them also fall under the WHO definition of FGM, are not taken into account in statistics.
Affected demographics
In ethnic groups in which the circumcision of female genitals is a tradition, the vast majority of women are usually affected. The age of circumcision varies from group to group: some girls are circumcised in the first week of life, some not until puberty or when they get married. Most of the girls are between four and twelve years old at the time of the procedure. Often circumcision takes place at the beginning of puberty and is then part of an initiation rite that marks the transition to adulthood. Adult women sometimes undergo circumcision shortly before or after marriage. This is mostly due to the fact that the husband or mother-in-law does not consider the existing genital cutting to be sufficient.
The younger the girls are, the lower their level of knowledge on the one hand and the lower their chance of defending themselves against the intervention or even evading it on the other. According to UNICEF figures, female circumcision tends to find more support in rural African populations than in urban ones. The reason for this is the low access to schooling in rural areas, especially for women. This goes hand in hand with a stronger adherence to traditions and greater social control than in the big city. Social dependency and the lack of an economic perspective are therefore also the main factors that make it difficult to end the practices.
In contrast, social scientists - such as the anthropology professor and WHO employee Carla Makhlouf Obermeyer for the first time in 2003 - found in other studies that there were no differences in the frequency of implementation based on a different intellectual level. Only the way is different: In more educated circles the trend towards so-called medicalization, i.e. the implementation of circumcision in hospitals or by professional medical staff and under more hygienic conditions, can be observed. In general, over 90 percent of those affected hold on to the tradition and only about four percent do not want their own daughters to be circumcised. Some educated women choose to be circumcised in adulthood. However, extreme forms of circumcision (such as infibulation) are not chosen here.
Reasons for the practice of circumcision and mutilation
tradition
Tradition is believed to be the primary reason for this practice. Because circumcision has long been practiced on practically all women in the practicing group, they consider circumcision an integral part of their cultural world.
As L. Leonard reported in 1996 about the practice in Chad, circumcision (female circumcisionals) is celebrated as a solemn initiation rite in which a girl is the focus and is officially recognized as an adult woman. Circumcision was often accompanied by various rituals and instructions intended to impart the cultural knowledge of their community to the girl. Circumcision itself can therefore be seen as part of this transition to adulthood: the adolescent learns to endure pain and to be able to control their body. The presence of circumcision serves as a symbol that the woman has gone through this process, is an integral part of her culture and shares its values. According to SM James, female genital mutilation (James used the expression female circumcision / genital mutilation in 1998) symbolizes a new birth among the Kikuyu in Kenya, whereby the girl is not born as a child of her parents, but as a child of the entire tribe. The importance of circumcision as an initiation rite has declined significantly in recent years. Circumcision tends to be carried out at a younger age of the girl, especially in infancy, which is related to school attendance, increased education of young people and also to the prohibition of the practice in some countries. Younger girls have less knowledge about FGM and are accordingly less able to evade the practice or take legal action. According to Terre des Femmes, there are now an increasing number of clinics in Indonesia that offer delivery with FGM as part of a package right after the birth of a girl, including piercing the ears.
Social and economic reasons
Girls who are not circumcised run the risk of social exclusion. Circumcised genitals are considered a necessary requirement for marriage in the practicing communities. A study in Sudan found that, with increasing economic dependence on men, women are particularly careful to maintain their ability to marry and to please their husbands sexually and reproductively to prevent divorce. In times of economic uncertainty, parents very rarely risk leaving their daughters uncircumcised.
In a survey in Egypt, parents said that girls are spending increasing amounts of time to school and women are forced to work outside of the home due to economic conditions. Female genital cutting was seen as protection because accompaniment was not always possible. In addition, some parents stated that husbands have been migrant workers for many years and that circumcision protects women from dishonor by appeasing their sexual needs.
Medical myths
Sometimes there are dramatic, medically wrong ideas that connect certain problems with the uncircumcised condition.
In the event that circumcision is neglected, negative consequences for the health and fertility of the woman and also for the health of the sexual partner and the children born by her are assumed. According to these ideas, the clitoris is seen as an organ that can even kill the husband or child if it is touched during sexual intercourse or during childbirth. The supposed danger according exist in Egyptian terms such as "wasp", "sting" or "excess" to describe the clitoris.
There are also myths that female genitals can continue to grow without circumcision and that the clitoris can reach the size of a penis.
Aesthetic ideas
Because circumcision is an ancient tradition in the practicing communities, reduced or infibulated genitals are considered normal there. An uncircumcised vulva is therefore often viewed as unaesthetic. The reshaping of the genitals, according to a culturally shaped ideal of beauty, can be a reason for circumcision. The vulva should appear narrow and smooth, protruding skin areas are rated as unaesthetic. According to social and cultural scientist Kathy Davis, beautification, sublimity above shame, and the desire to conform are among the main motivations put forward by African women who advocate surgery on the female genitalia.
Regionally, there are different, traditionally anchored ideas: Some ethnic groups perceive the clitoris as a remnant of the male penis, so according to this idea, removing it strengthens the female aspects of women. Also protruding parts of the genitals such as the labia can be seen as unneeded, ugly remnants, the removal of which rounds off the body and thus makes it more beautiful and also more erotic.
- Sexual preferences - dry sex
So-called dry sex is particularly common in regions south of the Sahara . On the one hand, body fluids on or in the female genitals are perceived as repulsive and the noises and smells that occur during sexual intercourse are perceived as embarrassing due to the moisture. On the other hand, a swollen, dry vagina, which, due to its tightness, leads to additional friction during penetration even on a smaller penis, is said to increase the man's gain in pleasure. This preference in combination with the ideal of a rounded vulva closed by FGM leads to an increase in the entry possibilities for various infectious germs, including HIV , as injuries occur regularly in this way. A lack of lubrication due to the circumcised woman's limited sexual responsiveness or due to the practice of introducing astringent herbs or other substances into the vagina to dry it out, overrides the natural partial protection against infections in a supple, moist vaginal climate.
Suppression of female sexuality
Female genital mutilation can severely limit sexual desire and, among other things, make the affected woman unable to experience orgasm . Furthermore, it often makes sexual intercourse awkward and painful for women. The reduction of a woman's sexual response by removing the clitoris and labia minora are viewed positively in practicing cultures, as it is believed that the procedure reduces sexually active behavior that could harm family honor. In addition, infibulation is concrete evidence of virginity. Thus, circumcision can be viewed as a means of ensuring the woman's premarital virginity and her fidelity in marriage. With regard to the gender ratio, FGM tries to prevent a possible loss of control and power for the man, which can occur if he does not succeed in sexually satisfying his uncircumcised partner.
In the 1970s, feminist authors saw the control and suppression of female sexuality as an essential reason for female genital mutilation. A woman is reduced to her mere reproductive function.
This view has been questioned by some authors after some specialist publications since the 1990s had suggested a more differentiated approach. Proponents of the practice point out that female genital mutilation is usually practiced and demanded by women, while men in the practicing cultures often did not express a clear preference for circumcised women. From a psychoanalytical point of view, this phenomenon is attributed to the psychological trauma as a result of the intervention, which results in a lifelong attempt to avoid the pain stored in the pain memory . This results in development inhibitions u. a. regarding the ability to develop empathy . Loss of empathy due to psychological trauma usually occurs when one's own experience of suffering is inflicted on another person. In Somalia, for example, a majority of men and tribal elders are in favor of marrying a circumcised woman. They argue that circumcised women are less willful and easier to control, which Janna Graf attributes to the psychological trauma of women.
religion
A mention of female genital cutting was found in a Greek papyrus in Egypt, circa 163 BC. BC, found. The practices are thus older than Christianity and Islam. Yet it is often believed that this practice is rooted in Islam.
The religious communities that practice female genital cutting include primarily Muslims, but also Christians of various faiths, Ethiopian Jews and followers of traditional religions . In Sierra Leone, where 90 percent of all women are circumcised, mainly type II, circumcision is practiced by all Christian and Muslim ethnic groups with the exception of the Creoles . However, the practice goes back to pre-Christian and pre-Islamic times. In countries where female circumcision is common, uneducated believers in particular often assume that it is religiously prescribed. In Islam, depending on the interpretation, this is also the doctrinal opinion (see Occurrence in Islam ).
In general, there are religious leaders who speak out in favor of circumcision, those who don't speak out, and others who oppose it. A call by the Coptic Church in 2001 that circumcision was unchristian almost completely ended the practice among the Egyptian Copts. In Kenya , the traditionalist Mungiki group has become known in the media in connection with forced circumcision.
Occurrence in Islam
The Quran does not mention the circumcision of women or men. The Surah 95 , 4 reads: "We have indeed created man in the best form." It is used by hadithkritischen Muslims to mark the circumcision as fundamentally un-Islamic. Some minorities in Islam justify genital cutting by citing a few hadiths . However, this is often a certain form of intervention, the so-called "slight circumcision" ( Arabic الخفاض القليل, DMG al-ḫifāḍ al-qalīl ). With this type of circumcision, the externally visible part of the clitoral hood is removed. Few other scholars justified than chafd /خفض / ḫafḍ or chifad /خفاض / ḫifāḍ but also the partial amputation of the clitoris or even the clitoridectomy. More harmful forms such as infibulation are in no way legitimized by Islam, and there are no Islamic sources of law that mention circumcision of the small or large labia.
Sunni conception over the centuries
In Sunni Islam, attitudes towards female circumcision varied from permitted to prohibited . In some works of Islamic jurisprudence , such as in al-Fatawa l-Hindia , the circumcision of women is referred to as Sunnah or noble deed . However, female circumcision only found attention in countries where it was already rooted in pre-Islamic times. In other countries, opinions in favor of female circumcision have either been ignored or unknown to Muslims. Scholars who advocate female circumcision invoke inhibition of sexual needs rather than the canonical scriptures.
Circumcision is generally recommended for the Malikites , for the Hanafis as well as for some Hanbalites it is honorable (makruma), the Shafiites explicitly declare it to be a religious duty. The most frequently cited hadith in connection with the circumcision of women reproduces a discussion between Mohammed and Umm Habiba (or Umm ʿAtiyya) (the hadith of the circumciser). This woman was known as a circumciser of female slaves and was one of the women who immigrated with Mohammed. After discovering her, he is said to have asked her if she was still in her job. She is said to have answered in the affirmative and added: "On the condition that it is not forbidden and you do not tell me to stop". Mohammed is said to have replied: “But yes, it is allowed. Come closer so that I can teach you: When you cut, do not exaggerate (lā tunhikī) because it makes the face brighter (aschraq) and it is more pleasant (ahzā) for the husband ”. According to other traditions, Mohammed is said to have said: "Cut lightly and do not exaggerate (aschimmī wa-lā tunhikī) , because that is more pleasant (ahzā) for the woman and better ( aḥabb ) for the man". (Another translation: "Take away a little, but don't destroy it. That is better for the woman and is preferred by the man." - "Circumcision is a sunnah for men and makruma for women.") This hadith, however, is referred to as ḍaʿīf ( weak ) and is therefore probably not based on statements by Muhammad. Those who acknowledge this hadeeth interpret it differently. One view is that “is better for women and preferred by men” refers to “do not destroy”. Mohammed would then not have wanted to break with the pre-Islamic tradition, but himself preferred not to do so. Another interpretation assumes that it is a "Makruma", a voluntary, honorable act, the omission of which is not punished - in contrast to the Sunna , which is a custom that unites all Muslims and should be observed.
In 2008, al-Azhar University banned female circumcision .
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According to the studies analyzed as part of a review article from 2013, 52.7% of the interventions were performed by traditional obstetricians, 16% by doctors, 14% by older women, 6.1% by traditional healers, 5.8% by nursing staff , 2.1% done by barbers and 3.3% by family members. In the corresponding cultures, the profession of the circumciser is a respected activity that ensures a relatively high income for the circumciser's family. According to Melanie Bittner, it can be assumed that families with a higher socio-economic status will use medical staff for FGM more often. In addition, an urban milieu increases the chance of being informed about the dangers of FGM through health education projects and therefore, if at all, of having the intervention carried out by medically trained, which is legal in only a few countries.
Traditional techniques
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Tool used by former circumcisers from East Africa
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Left: Circumcision blade from Esperance, Southwest Australia (taken in the British Museum in 1905). Middle and right: Knife for circumcision from Groote Eylandt , Northern Australia (taken in 1925)
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Traditional circumcisions take place outside of hospitals in unsanitary conditions. In the traditional way, those affected are usually not anesthetized and are in such severe pain that they have to be held by several adults. It is documented that bearing the pain is seen as an important part of the ceremony in preparation for the role of wife and mother in the society of Rendille . (Special) knives, razor blades, scissors or broken glass are used as tools. Often several girls are circumcised with the same tool, increasing the risk of infection and the risk of transmitting diseases, from infectious and venereal diseases to HIV. Wound closure are acacia thorns , string, sheep gut, horsehair , raffia or iron rings used. Substances such as ash, herbs, cold water, plant sap, leaves or wound compresses made from sugar cane are supposed to stop the heavy bleeding that usually occurs when the external female genital organs are circumcised.
Medicalization
The term “medicalization” refers to a range of modifications to the procedure that are intended to reduce some of the negative health effects of circumcision. The term is based on a western understanding of medicine. The proportion of circumcision that takes place under such conditions varies in different countries.
Medicalization can take place through many different modifications and range from small to very extensive changes. One possibility is to additionally train circumcisers, for example in female anatomy . Alternatively, the operation can be performed by obstetricians, medical assistants, or nurses who have undergone scientific medical training. The highest degree of medicalization would be carried out by doctors. Furthermore, hygienic conditions both at the place of implementation and with the instruments used are decisive for the degree of medicalization. The administration of antibiotics and tetanus injections can significantly reduce the health risk of the procedure. Local or general anesthesia can replace traditional means of pain relief. If complications arise, access to medical care can be offered.
Egypt , Djibouti and Sudan are considered countries with a high degree of medicalization of circumcision. In Egypt, where 47.5 percent of circumcisions are performed by doctors, this medicalization is concentrated in urban areas. Reasons for this are, in addition to the higher availability of access to doctors, the urban environment, which increases the chance of being informed about the dangers of circumcision through educational projects. If the resulting additional costs have to be covered by the families themselves, poorer women have less chance of medicalization than those from wealthier classes.
Research has shown that, especially with the lighter forms of circumcision, complications and deaths can be greatly reduced through medical training and more hygienic conditions. In a study in northern Kenya , for example, it was shown that preventive tetanus vaccinations and prophylactic administration of antibiotics, as well as instructions to use new sterile razor blades for the procedure, could reduce the risk of short-term consequences by 70 percent. By anesthesia circumcision for those affected will be less painful.
The medicalization of circumcision is controversial in terms of its political and humanitarian benefits.
Health consequences
The consequences depend on the type of circumcision, the conditions under which it is carried out and the general health of the girl or woman. Infibulation is particularly serious.
Acute complications
Acute complications are usually due to inadequate hygienic and technical conditions. This can lead to high blood loss ( hemorrhage ), which, if not breastfed, can lead to shock . Germs can lead to local and generalized infections (e.g. HIV infection ), injuries to neighboring organs and death. Poor wound suturing can lead to scarring. Problems that can arise immediately after circumcision are sepsis , stenosis and the formation of fistulas or cysts . Complications such as urinary tract infections and bladder emptying disorders ( dysuria ) can also occur. In Africa in particular, a clinical operating environment is rarely available, so that complications that can lead to death often occur here.
Long term consequences
Restriction of sexual sensation
The clitoris has a high density of nerve endings and is therefore particularly sensitive to touch and receptive to sexual stimuli. The removal of sensitive clitoral tissue can lead to reduced sexual stimulability and the ability to experience an orgasm is accordingly restricted . The entire clitoris, however, is larger than the visible part and consists for the most part of structures that are covered by the outer labia.
The main negative effects on sex life were infibulation (type III circumcision). With a type III circumcision, the narrowing of the vaginal vestibule and scarring can lead to pain during vaginal intercourse , a so-called dyspareunia , or the possibility of penetration may be limited. A survey of 300 infibulated Sudanese women and 100 Sudanese men showed that it can take between three and four days, but also up to a few months, for the narrowed vaginal vestibule to dilate so that sexual intercourse can take place normally. In about 15 percent, widening through penetration does not succeed in the long term, so the couple (usually secretly) has to use an obstetrician to help. However, in recent decades it has become more and more fashionable in Sudan for women to have their vaginal vestibules narrowed again by sewing after giving birth. This has to do with the fact that the woman then appears virginal again. Some women also reported that if their vaginal vestibule is narrowed, their residual genitals are the most likely to experience pleasure.
The undistorted scientific recording of the effects of various circumcisions on sexuality is opposed by the fact that data in this regard can only be obtained from surveys. In the affected regions in particular, however, interviewing women is difficult because, for cultural reasons, they are not particularly inclined to speak openly with strangers about their sexual feelings and problems. Thus, many studies are based on the statements of a few test subjects, whose representativeness is questionable. The question of comparability is also pending: since the procedure often takes place before puberty, the majority of women affected only know sexuality from the perspective of the circumcised state. Furthermore, the assessment of both pain and sexual pleasure is influenced by the cultural background, the transfer of Western concepts is not easily possible. Accordingly, the studies on this topic come to very different results.
The social psychologist Hanny Lightfoot-Klein suspects that the physiological functions of infibulated women are damaged or severely reduced, but not abolished. This can be compensated for perceptually physiologically to a certain extent . The decisive factor is the fact that almost all of the women surveyed do not know uncircumcised sexuality and that many of the women surveyed live in a harmonious relationship. Many infibulated women would report that they can experience pleasure and even an orgasm. Others reported that as a result of pharaonic circumcision (infibulation) they could not feel the man.
A survey at the Research Center for Preventing and Curing Complications of FGM / C in Italy comes to a similar result . A total of 137 women who had been affected by various forms of genital mutilation took part in the study. 91 percent of the infibulated women stated in a structured interview that they perceive sex as pleasurable, and 8.57 percent regularly experienced orgasm. Of the group of women with lighter forms of circumcision, 86 percent said they found sex pleasurable, and 69.23 percent regularly experienced orgasm. The authors emphasize that even in infibulated women, at least rudimentary erogenous zones remained. If necessary, sexual therapy should be used to ensure that infibulated women who have not yet been able to experience orgasm learn this ability by changing their perception. According to this survey, the negative perception of FGM by Western women and men is not beneficial for individual female emigrants living in Europe, as this can lead to a negative attitude towards one's own body and its ability to orgasm.
A study conducted in the Edo region of Nigeria comparing 1,836 circumcised women with an uncircumcised control group found no significant differences between circumcised and uncircumcised women in the frequency of sexual intercourse, the experience of sexual arousal, and the frequency of orgasm. 71 percent of the circumcised women were circumcised according to type I, 24 percent according to type II, so there were predominantly milder forms of circumcision. The finding that the ability to orgasm in circumcised women is comparable to that of uncircumcised women could be due to the fact that the clitoris extends deep into the body and, depending on the procedure, only the outer part is removed. The psychologist Gillian Einstein speculates that after the circumcision a neurobiological restructuring takes place through processes of neuronal plasticity : the excitation function of the removed tissue is taken over by the surrounding structures.
In contrast, a study at the Maternal and Childhood Centers in Egypt showed that female genital mutilation has a negative impact on the psychosexual life of the women concerned. 250 patients from the clinics were randomly selected, interviewed and gynecologically examined; 80% of them were circumcised. The patients with FGM reported significantly more often dysmenorrhea (80.5%), dryness of the vagina during intercourse (48.5%), lack of sexual desire (45%), less initiative during sex (11%), less pleasure during sex Sex (49%), fewer orgasms (39%), and difficulty reaching orgasms (60.5%) than uncircumcised women. However, other psychosexual problems such as dyspareunia and loss of interest in foreplay did not achieve statistical significance . Another Egyptian study found that those affected with FGM type II and type III (removal of the clitoris and inner labia) had a significantly reduced ability to orgasm and reported significantly less sexual arousal and desire than the control group. Those affected with FGM type I (removal of the clitoral hood and frenulum) had lower scores than uncircumcised women, but these results were not significant. A connection between FGM and restricted sexual functions was also found in a study in which 130 Saudi Arabian women with FGM and 130 uncircumcised women took part. The women completed an Arabic translation of the Female Sexual Function Index and the scores for the two groups were compared. Women with FGM had significantly lower scores in the categories arousal, lubrication , orgasm, satisfaction and overall results. Only in the pain category were there no significant differences.
A systematic review and meta-analysis published in 2012 of 15 studies with a total of 12,671 participants from seven countries showed that circumcised women report more often about dyspareunia, the absence of sexual desire and less sexual satisfaction than women without FGM.
Birth complications
A study published by the World Health Organization in 2006, in which 28,393 pregnant women from six African countries took part, found connections between the degree of circumcision and the occurrence of complications during childbirth. For the study, data on caesarean sections , blood loss, length of hospital stay as well as birth weight, child and maternal mortality and the condition of children immediately after birth ("resuscitation rate") were collected. There were differences in all variables except for birth weight. The risk tended to be higher for circumcised compared to uncircumcised women. A significant deviation, however, was often only found for type II and type III circumcised women, while type I circumcised women did not differ significantly from uncircumcised women.
A connection between FGM and negative maternal-fetal effects was found in a study published in 2011. 4800 pregnant women, 38% of them with various types of FGM, were examined over a period of four years. The duration of hospitalization was longer for women with FGM than for women without FGM. Delayed births, caesarean sections, postnatal bleeding, early neonatal deaths, and hepatitis C infections were also more common in circumcised women .
In a further study in which 68 circumcised first-time immigrants from East Africa were compared with 2,486 uncircumcised Swedes, a Swedish university hospital with good obstetric care showed that circumcised women from Africa had a time advantage in the process of giving birth: the riskiest phase of childbirth , the expulsion phase , was 40% shorter (on average 35 minutes compared to 53 minutes for uncircumcised women) and long expulsion phases with an increased risk for the unborn child (more than 60 minutes) were five times as frequent among uncircumcised Swedes as among immigrants.
infertility
In a study of around 280 women who were examined at two hospitals in Khartoum in 2003 and 2004 , 99 were found to be sterile. These were compared with a control group of 180 women who were pregnant for the first time. There was an almost significantly increased risk for circumcised women of being infertile, with the anatomical extent of the mutilation being decisive for an influence on fertility. The finding contradicts the belief of many in practicing countries that genital mutilation promotes fertility in women.
Other health consequences
With infibulations, the narrowing of the vaginal opening often leads to a congestion of the menstrual blood, which (like the urine) can only flow out slowly and in drops. Such menstrual cramps lead to a potentiation of the tendency to infection, since menstrual blood and urine can accumulate for hours or days and thus the pH value of the vagina can shift to the alkaline, whereby infections are favored. Infibulated women thus represent a risk group and therefore require special attention in health care.
A study conducted on a Nigerian sample found that circumcised women were significantly more likely to suffer from abdominal pain, reproductive tract infections, and genital ulcers , and were more likely to report yellow vaginal secretions, than an uncircumcised control group .
A study of 5337 circumcised women in Mali and 1920 people in Burkina Faso showed that FGM is associated with a number of long-term complications. In contrast to most other studies that rely on self-assessments by individuals, this study used observations from healthcare professionals. Thereafter, the likelihood of complications increases with the extent of the mutilation. Many of the complications, such as keloids , bleeding, and vaginal thickening, are due to the scarring caused by the mutilation. Circumcised women also have a significantly higher risk of tearing the perineum during delivery because the tissue has lost its elasticity due to the scarring. FGM is also related to symptoms that suggest genital infections.
Whether and in what way circumcision can influence the transmission of sexually transmitted diseases is controversial. While some studies found increased HIV rates among circumcised women, other studies found no association or even reduced infection rates. Demographic or behavioral factors can also act as moderating factors to explain complex relationships.
In 2005, UNICEF , the women's rights organization Terre des Femmes and the German Professional Association of Gynecologists (BVF) organized a survey among gynecologists on the situation of circumcised girls and women in Germany. For this purpose, a questionnaire was attached to the association magazine “Frauenarzt” in the January 2005 issue and invited to participate. 493 responses were received, which corresponds to a response rate of 3.73 percent. The survey showed, among other things, that around 15 percent of the circumcised patients of those gynecologists who took part in the survey complained of chronic pain.
Surgical reconstruction
With the methods of plastic surgery , the consequences of circumcision can be partially reversed. Structures that were previously removed, such as the external part of the clitoris or the labia, are re-modeled from existing tissue. The goal of clitoral reconstruction is to remove the painful and insensitive scar tissue that has formed after circumcision and to expose uncarried clitoral structures. A new clitoral glans (“Neoglans”) is formed from this. A cohort study examined the development of 866 circumcised women who underwent reconstructive surgery between 1998 and 2009. Most women reported decreased discomfort and improvements in sexual sensation one year after reconstruction. Deinfibulation - i.e. the reverse operation of an infibulation - can result in new psychosocial burdens for the woman. The gynecologist Sabine Müller explained this to Deutschlandfunk :
“Of course you can always offer de-infibulation, the opening of the vagina, but you have to give very good advice beforehand about what will happen; for example this woman will have a urine stream again. This could be very uncomfortable and stigmatize for you, because: Your relatives and friends do not have a urine stream. For example, if you went to two toilets next to each other, in a public area, and then one could hear the other, and then the woman whose urine stream you can hear would be infinitely ashamed. For many women, this is a very strong motivation not to let them do it. "
Awareness campaigns and efforts to eliminate them
As early as the early 20th century, colonial administrations tried to combat female circumcision as a pagan ritual , although the approach depended on the respective colonial power. For example, while the French colonial administration tolerated circumcision, the British fought against it early on, in Kenya since the 1930s and in Sudan since the 1940s. Anthropological reports from the colonies have existed since then, but for a long time the topic played practically no role in the consciousness of the European public. In the course of the women's movement, which gained strength in the 1970s and as a result of the sexual liberation of the 1960s, the view of female sexuality and the female orgasm changed. The importance of the clitoris was increasingly emphasized in relation to the vagina, and sexual pleasure was emphasized in relation to the reproductive function of sexuality. With the increasing emphasis on the importance of the clitoris for female sexuality, it became a political symbol, a “ metaphor for the self-determination of women”. The practice, which until then had been regarded as exotic and marginal, now became a central concern of feminism ; Understood as a frontal attack on female sexuality, female circumcision became the epitome of patriarchy and oppression. A broader public became aware of the issue in 1994 through a report by feminist Fran P. Hosken - later known as the "Hosken Report" -. The previous almost complete disregard was followed by extensive and sometimes strongly emotional reporting in the media as well as numerous books (for example, the autobiography Desert Flower by Waris Dirie 1998) that condemned female circumcision. As a result of the reporting - and in turn intensifying it - activism began to act against the practice , which was initially supported by women's and human rights groups as well as smaller NGOs . Politicians increasingly took up the issue, large supranational organizations such as the WHO or the UN advocated the fight against female circumcision, and in most western countries circumcision was sometimes made subject to severe punishment. On an initiative of the non-governmental organization Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC) from 2003 , February 6th was declared the "International Zero Tolerance Day Against Mutilation of Female Genitalia" in order to draw attention to the topic regularly and worldwide to make and to promote the abolition of the practices.
In the meantime, almost all active parties in the western cultural area have taken a negative stance on female genital mutilation and are in favor of its abolition. The points of criticism made include:
- the negative health consequences for the women affected as well as increased infant mortality at birth;
- the various psychosomatic consequential damages, e.g. B. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder;
- unsanitary and medically irresponsible approach during the mutilation with increased risk of infection and bleeding up to and including death;
- the oppression of women through sexual control, i.e. the restriction of their ability to experience sexual pleasure;
- generally a violation of human dignity and the right to physical integrity by a medically necessary intervention without the consent ( informed consent ) of those affected.
Waris Dirie, who acted as a UN special envoy against the circumcision of female genitals between 1997 and 2003 , completely rejects justifications based on culture , tradition or religion . She describes the practice of circumcision as genital mutilation ("female genital mutilation"), torture ("torture") and crime ("crime").
International organizations such as UNICEF and the World Health Organization have been striving for the complete abolition of female genital cutting since the 1990s. Numerous local organizations and initiatives in countries with a tradition of circumcision, as well as school authorities, are also working towards this goal, mainly by informing not only practitioners but also the population about the negative effects of circumcision. This has led to various ethnic groups and village communities declaring the practice to be abolished. Female genital cutting has also been banned by law in a number of African countries; however, the implementation of these bans varies from country to country and is often incomplete.
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Another approach is to create alternative career opportunities for traditional circumcisers. However, despite such programs, some circumcisers return to their previous occupation because it is highly regarded, well paid and still in demand.
On December 20, 2012, the UN General Assembly unanimously passed a resolution calling on member states to step up their efforts for a complete end to female genital mutilation.
Prohibition by means of Islamic legal opinions
Several initiatives try to outlaw the practice of female and female circumcision by means of Islamic legal opinions ( fatwas ). For example, on November 22 and 23, 2006 , Rüdiger Nehberg initiated an international conference of Islamic scholars at al-Azhar University in Cairo. The scholars decided that female genital cutting was inconsistent with the teaching of Islam:
"The genital cutting of women is an inherited bad habit (...) without a basis in the Koran or an authentic tradition of the Prophet (...). Therefore, the practices must be stopped based on one of the highest values of Islam, namely not to be allowed to harm people without cause (...). Rather, this is viewed as a criminal aggression against the human race (...). The legislative organs are called upon to declare this cruel bad habit as a crime. "
In individual cases, however, the decision about circumcision should be left to the doctors. The association TARGET e. V von Rüdiger Nehberg has summarized the results of the conference in the book Das goldene Buch . This is intended to inform prayer leaders and religious leaders and to encourage them not to approve of the circumcision of the female genitalia.
In 2005, Islamic scholars in Somalia - where infibulation is practiced almost everywhere - published a fatwa directed against circumcision of girls. In March 2009, Nehberg and Tarafa Baghajati visited the Qatar- based Islamic legal scholar Yusuf al-Qaradawi , who is considered the most important contemporary authority on Sunni Islam. In a fatwa drawn up by the legal scholar, the genital mutilation of girls is described as the “work of the devil” and is forbidden because it is directed against the ethics of Islam.
Group psychotherapy approach according to Möller / Deserno
Based on the thesis that initiation rituals have both a conflict-avoiding function in the context of the social structure and a restrictive or destructive effect with regard to individuality and subjectivity, according to Möller and Deserno , psychoanalysts and professor of psychology, projects should to eliminate female genital cutting, address the parameters of conflict avoidance and individual restriction / destruction. In addition to extensive accompanying research on the previous projects themselves and evaluation of how circumcision is processed psychologically, discussion groups should be initiated by women and men in order to initiate a joint discussion of female genital mutilation. The key point here is the gender relationship, in which the mutually dependent dimensions of production, institution such as tribal order or religion and intergenerational relationship and the genital mutilation anchored in them become clear. This reflection is intended to help make the gender ratio, which the authors consider unequal, negotiable. As an orientation for the design of the groups, the concept developed by Dan Bar-On for overcoming the Middle East conflict between Israelis and Palestinians is recommended.
Effects
According to UNICEF figures, in 14 of 15 countries surveyed, the proportion of 15 to 49-year-old women surveyed who support the continuation of circumcision is lower than the proportion of those who are themselves circumcised. Especially in Burkina Faso - where the state has made efforts to abolish it - the proportion of women who support circumcision (17%) is significantly lower than the proportion of those who are circumcised (77%). Only in Niger are more women (9%) in favor of circumcision than are affected by it themselves (5%). However, non-approval / rejection of the practice does not always mean that the women concerned actually do not have their daughters circumcised.
Another study found that in nine out of 16 countries ( Ethiopia , Benin , Burkina Faso, Eritrea , Kenya , Yemen , Nigeria , Tanzania and Central African Republic ), the proportion of circumcised women in younger age groups (15-25 year olds) is lower than in older ones Women, indicating a decline in practice; in the remaining seven countries ( Egypt , Ivory Coast , Guinea , Mali , Mauritania and Sudan ) there are hardly any differences by age group.
In Ethiopia, according to a study by local non-governmental organizations, the prevalence nationwide fell from 61% to 46% between 1997 and 2007. It decreased most in the regions of Tigray , Oromiyaa and in the south as well as in the urban regions of Addis Ababa and Dire Dawa , while in the regions of Somali and Afar - where infibulation is common - hardly any decrease can be observed. For 29 ethnic groups, 18 of them in the southern region, the decline is around 20%. In Togo , according to a study by the government and the UN, the circumcision rate fell by half between 1996 and 2008 and is now 7%.
In such studies, which are based on surveys, it should be noted, however, that respondents may make false statements and withhold circumcision, especially if they actually have to expect prosecution for this. The decline may therefore be less severe than surveys suggest.
The Senegalese village of Malicounda Bambara gained worldwide attention when the residents declared the abolition of circumcision in 1997. Since then, about 2,657 villages in Senegal, Guinea and Burkina Faso have made similar declarations. However, some residents of these villages are supposed to continue the practice.
Other research and data suggest that the elimination efforts contributed to medicalization , but not to the elimination of the practice. For example, the Maasai in Kenya - where circumcision takes the form of clitoridectomy as part of an annual ritual - for the most part adhere to this tradition, but now use a different cutting tool for every single girl in order to avoid the risk of infection through multiple use. Only 14 percent of the trimmers should use blades multiple times. Infibulation is also partly replaced by lighter forms of circumcision. The proportion of interventions carried out by medically trained personnel and under hygienic conditions has increased significantly in Egypt, Guinea, Kenya, Nigeria, North Sudan and Yemen. UNICEF attributes this trend towards medicalization largely to the fact that campaigns against female circumcision emphasized the health risks. She takes the view that any circumcision, including medicalization, constitutes a violation of human rights that is incompatible with the dignity of women and that campaigns should take up this aspect more intensively.
The trend observed in various countries towards lowering the age of circumcision may also be due to the endeavors to do so. Traditionally, circumcision was essentially performed during puberty or not until adulthood. In the meantime, girls are increasingly being circumcised as early as infancy, even if a later point in time is traditionally customary - so circumcisions can be kept secret from the authorities. In addition, older girls, especially if they have received schooling and education, are more likely to oppose the intervention.
Existential threats in the areas of proliferation, such as extreme poverty and wars, contribute to the fact that both awareness of the problem of circumcision and campaigns and termination strategies take a back seat. Surveys of women and men showed that under such conditions the topic is neither morally nor scientifically of great interest.
criticism
Since the beginning of the abolitionist efforts during the colonial period , these have been embedded in a discourse of the cultural superiority of Europe and part of the “civilization” of Africa. Original efforts to abolish it were often justified on religious grounds, circumcision was condemned as a pagan ritual and converts had to renounce it, including circumcision. A survey of Protestant pastors among the Sara , an ethnic group in Chad, showed that the mission's fight against circumcision is still carried out today in the sense of the eradication of local customs and religious practices. Accordingly, the efforts to get rid of the population were often viewed by the African side as unjustified interference in their own culture. In addition to existing motives for circumcision, this became an expression of one's own cultural identity, and the advocacy of circumcision became part of anti-colonialism .
After a ban was enacted in Sudan in 1945, two women were brought to justice for the first time the following year. The negotiation was followed by violent anti-colonial protests, whereupon the colonial administration severely restricted the implementation of the ban. Circumcision became an anti-colonial symbol and an expression of northern Sudan's national identity. In 1956 the Ngaitana movement emerged in Kenya after the all-male town council of Meru unanimously passed a ban on genital cutting under pressure from the colonial administration. As a result, girls and women who were previously uncircumcised were circumcised in order to protest against heteronomy and to express their physical autonomy. The Ngaitana became part of the political Mau Mau movement , which led to the Kenyan independence movement. Its leader, later President Jomo Kenyatta , emphasized the cultural importance of circumcision.
Some authors argue that circumcision is seen as a positively assessed part of one's identity. It is also pointed out that circumcision does not have to lead to a restriction of female sexuality. The criticism of efforts to abolish it is directed against the depiction of the health risks and the effects on the sexuality of women, which is perceived as exaggeratedly negative. Female circumcision is not necessarily advocated, but the discourse on the subject is criticized.
Today the counter-movement exists in both the African and Western countries concerned. It is worn by prominent women of African descent who are themselves circumcised; for example the Kenyan Wairimu Njambi, who teaches at Florida Atlantic University , or Fuambai Ahmadu from the University of Chicago , who originally comes from Sierra Leone. The latter founded the organization African Women Are Free to Choose (AWA-FC) in 2008 , which has set itself the task of objectifying what they consider to be highly negatively distorted reporting on the topic.
Legal assessment
International legal framework
A negative attitude towards the circumcision of female genitals can be derived from Article 3 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights - the right to security of the person . Article 30 of the Declaration can be used as a prohibition in the event that it is interpreted as an act of worship in the exercise of religious freedom in accordance with Article 18 of the Declaration.
Since 1990, the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child has obligated the signatory states to “take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from any form of physical or mental violence, harm or abuse [...] as long as it is is in the care of the parents or one of the parents, a guardian or other legal representative or another person who is caring for the child. ”as well as“ to take all effective and appropriate measures to reduce traditional customs that are beneficial to the health of the children are harmful. "
According to Art. 13a of the Arab Charter of Human Rights , “cruel and degrading treatment” must be combated as a criminal offense. The charter has been in force since March 15, 2008.
Article 2 letter d of the Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam declares physical integrity a guaranteed right. The state has to protect this right and it may only be broken within the framework of Sharia law , for example to impose corporal punishment. Article 6 of the declaration also guarantees women a right to dignity.
European Union and other European countries
In the states of the European Union , the intrusion as a violation of physical integrity is a criminal offense ; in Belgium , Denmark , Great Britain , Italy , Norway , Austria , Sweden and Spain , there are also special laws against female genital mutilation . Criminal trials are known from France , Italy and Spain. More recently, flight from circumcision has been increasingly recognized in European countries as a reason for asylum or as a reason for recognition of refugee status ( see also: Gender-specific persecution ).
Germany
Criminal law
The 47th Criminal Law Amendment Act of September 24, 2013 included the new Section 226a of the Criminal Code (StGB; mutilation of female genitals ) with the following wording in the Criminal Code:
“(1) Anyone who mutilates the external genitals of a female person is punished with imprisonment for not less than one year.
(2) In less serious cases, imprisonment from six months to five years can be recognized. "
According to this paragraph, the person performing the mutilation is liable to prosecution in any case. Section 223 of the Criminal Code, which has also been implemented, is superseded by Section 226a of the Criminal Code; with Sections 224, 225, 226 of the Criminal Code, unity is possible. Parents of the circumcised daughter may make inciting , aiding and abetting or complicity under Section 226a of the Criminal Code punishable. Also, indirect perpetration is concerned. The maximum penalty in the case of the first paragraph according to Section 38 StGB is 15 years.
Motivated purely cosmetic procedures, such Intimpiercings or cosmetic surgery in the genital area (for example, the labia reduction ) should be excluded from the scope of criminal law.
Since 2015, according to § 5 No. 9b StGB, acts committed abroad can also be punished regardless of the law of the place of the crime if the perpetrator is German at the time of the act or if the act is directed against a person who is domiciled or resident at the time of the act habitual residence in Germany. Until 2015, parents who took their child abroad in order to have the genitals mutilated there with the help of a third party were only liable to prosecution in the Federal Republic of Germany if either the victim or the perpetrator was a citizen of the Federal Republic of Germany and the act was also threatened with punishment at the scene of the crime ( Section 7 StGB ). It was therefore possible that parents living in Germany had their children genital mutilated in a country (e.g. Sudan ) that did not criminalize genital mutilation without any criminal consequences in Germany.
Until 2013, according to German law, female genital mutilation only complied with the criminal offense of dangerous bodily harm ( Section 224 of the Criminal Code ), and whether female genital mutilation could also be classified as serious physical injury ( Section 226 of the German Criminal Code) was not conclusively clarified. An increase in the range of punishment was possible if (especially in the case of the genital mutilation of underage women or girls) there was also mistreatment of those under protection according to Section 225 StGB in ideal competition .
An effective (i.e. justifying ) consent must be excluded. If a doctor surgically opens the infibulated genitals of a woman for childbirth and then sews it up again (refibulation) , he is liable to prosecution. It remains to be clarified whether medical confidentiality may be broken in favor of protecting girls at risk, as has been the case so far.
In connection with the discussion about the regional court ruling on the circumcision of a four-year-old for religious reasons, Federal Family Minister Kristina Schröder spoke out in favor of legally ruling out female genital mutilation in Germany, as this is a crime.
In July 2013, genital mutilation was passed as a criminal offense by the Bundestag. In 2009, “a bill that should record the mutilation of female genitals as serious bodily harm” was still rejected by the Bundestag . In the following year, the Bundesrat decided to "introduce a draft law to the Bundestag whose central concern is the insertion of a section 226a [StGB] (genital mutilation)". Section 226a (1) of the Criminal Code should read: "Anyone who mutilates the external genitalia of a woman by circumcision or in any other way will be punished with imprisonment for no less than two years". The justification for the draft law did not provide for a difference between the forms of genital mutilation according to the WHO classification.
According to Bernhard Hardtung ( Munich Commentary on the Criminal Code ), such a regulation was "not necessary from a criminal law doctrinal point of view [...]", since mutilation already includes the criminal offense of dangerous bodily harm using a weapon or another dangerous tool according to Section 224 (1) No. 2 StGB is covered. At the hearing of the experts in the legal committee, Bernhard Hardtung criticized that a special penal norm that covers all forms of female circumcision would be linked to the sex of the victim and not to the injustice differences between female and male circumcision . This is unconstitutional because of a violation of the principle of equality and the prohibition of discrimination in Article 3 of the Basic Law , since the light forms of female circumcision are comparable in their degree of injustice to male circumcision . The Hessian Justice Minister Jörg-Uwe Hahn ( FDP ), on the other hand, spoke out in favor of a separate criminal offense, since the existing regulations are not sufficient for effective victim protection.
The Ministry of Justice under Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger presented a draft law in May 2013, according to which female genital cutting should be considered a separate criminal offense. At least one and a maximum of 15 years should be threatened in the law. The bill stated that the mutilation was "a serious interference with the physical integrity", "which must be dealt with seriously as a human rights violation." With the law that was passed before the federal election in autumn 2013 created a separate criminal offense for female genital mutilation. Previously, according to the Criminal Code, punishment as dangerous bodily harm with up to ten years' imprisonment was provided. The women's rights organization Terre des Femmes assumes that around 6,000 women and girls are threatened in Germany and demanded that genital mutilation be included in the catalog of foreign crimes, since otherwise families would travel abroad to circumcise their daughters and these crimes could not be punished, even if they did the victims were resident in Germany.
Family justice
The Senate of the Federal Court of Justice , which is responsible for family law, confirmed a decision on December 15, 2004, according to which the mother of a 14-year-old daughter of Gambian nationality may be prevented from letting the child travel to Gambia . This was justified by the fact that around 80 to 90 percent of all women in Gambia were circumcised and the mother did not give the impression that she herself clearly opposed circumcision. The mother had emphasized that she wanted to let her daughter decide for herself, which was judged to be dubious given the girl's age. These are understandable signs that the mother herself is not able to recognize or even avert the immense dangers of circumcision for the physical and psychological well-being of the child.
The Federal Court of Justice referred the further decision as to whether in a specific case this partial withdrawal of the right to determine the right of residence is sufficient or whether further measures (such as a "supervisory guardianship" or an obligation to regularly check with a pediatrician) are necessary Case back to the preliminary ruling higher regional court .
On September 14, 2008, the Bad Säckingen family court revoked the right to determine the residence of their daughter from another family by means of an injunction, although the family refused any circumcision. The decision was confirmed on November 20, 2008 and justified solely with reference to the generally high number of circumcised women in the parents' home country, Ethiopia, where the daughter was supposed to visit her grandparents. The Karlsruhe Higher Regional Court later overturned the judgment. Accordingly, it is not permissible to restrict the right to determine residence solely on the basis of a reference to an abstract danger; rather, there should be specific indications of a hazard. Since this would not be the case, the prerequisites for a restriction of the right to determine residence would not exist.
Constitutional law
If the right of upbringing of the parents or freedom of religion must be weighed against the right to physical integrity and human dignity, the latter takes precedence over the former. In the justification for the law on the extent of personal care in the event of a male circumcision , however, the federal government took the opposite position.
Medical professional law
If the act is committed by a doctor or with his help, he can also be prosecuted under professional law. The German Medical Association has taken a clear position on this. The organization also supports the Terre des Femmes initiative to include female genital mutilation in the ICD classification in Germany .
Austria
In Austria, the mutilation of female genitals is considered deliberate bodily harm with serious permanent consequences. In criminal law there are special norms on the illegality of genital mutilation and the statute of limitations .
The ineffectiveness of the consent is specifically regulated in Section 90 StGB . Paragraph 3 of which reads:
"A mutilation or other injury to the genitals that is likely to cause lasting impairment of sexual sensation cannot be consented to."
As a result of the Criminal Law Amendment Act 2006, the statute of limitations according to Section 58 (3) (3) StGB was also extended for cases of genital mutilation as an offense “against sexual integrity and self-determination”, as for other sexual offenses . Thus, for offenses against minors, the normal period of limitation only begins when the victim reaches the age of 28.
Since 2012, genital mutilation has also been criminally prosecuted in Austria under Section 64 (1) 4a of the Criminal Code if the act took place abroad, but certain conditions are met: for example, if either the perpetrator or the victim is usually in Austria or the Austrian Have citizenship.
Switzerland
In Switzerland , the offense of female genital mutilation is explicitly recorded in Article 124 of the Criminal Code. People who carry out genital mutilation abroad also make themselves liable to prosecution under this law, regardless of whether the act is legal in the country concerned. The woman's consent to the above Action is not critical to criminal liability. Cosmetic procedures and piercings are not covered by the law.
Great Britain
The Prohibition of Female Circumcision Act 1985 was introduced into Parliament by Wayland Young and passed on July 16, 1985. The Female Genital Mutilation Act 2003 (2003 c. 31) prohibits UK citizens from mutilating female genitalia outside of the UK. He increased the maximum sentence from 5 to 14 years.
Other countries
In numerous other western countries there are special laws relating to "genital mutilation". There are also separate laws in Australia and the USA . In the USA, a court recognized the threat of circumcision as a reason for asylum (see Kasinga / Kassindja case). In other countries, female genital cutting is not legally regulated and practiced legally or is prohibited and is still carried out.
Main distribution areas
In some countries where circumcision is traditionally widespread, there are legal bans, for example in Egypt (complete ban since 2007), Benin (since 2005), Burkina Faso (1997), Djibouti (1995), Ivory Coast (1998), Eritrea ( 2007), Ghana , Guinea (1969), Senegal (1999), Niger , several states of Nigeria , Tanzania , Togo , Chad , Uganda (2009) and the Central African Republic . Before Sudan imposed a ban in 2020, only infibulation was prohibited.
The laws are enshrined in the Criminal Code and provide severe sanctions for those who break the ban. However, according to the GTZ (now GIZ ), the state bodies only ensure compliance with the law in a few countries and cases. There is also a lack of popular support. In many main distribution areas, large parts of the population have no relation to a modern (national) legal system. National laws are often unknown at the local level, and the attitudes of traditional authorities are far more important to the population. People do not identify with national legislation and therefore do not feel obliged to comply with it. Hadja Kitagbe Kaba, an activist from West African Guinea , told Deutschlandfunk in February 2012 :
“The laws or police control do nothing. This circumcision has been forbidden for me since 1969. For 40 years. But 90 percent are circumcised. And this year 100 percent - all girls in my region are circumcised. "
Although the Egyptian government tightened the legal situation regarding female genital mutilation again in 2008 and is now threatened with a prison sentence of three months to two years and a fine of 900 US dollars, the circumcision of girls and women is still allowed in Egypt if “medically necessary "To make. In 2007 Sierra Leone's parliament refused to criminalize the practice.
Suggestions for compromise solutions in dealing with migrants and attempts at implementation
Most Western governments as well as international organizations oppose any form of female circumcision. This prohibition is reflected in the respective criminal law. There is no differentiation according to the degree of the operation and the age of the girl or woman.
In 2000, the American anthropologist Richard Shweder pleaded for a - in his opinion - fair and “culturally sensitive” compromise solution. Its goal is a rapprochement between different cultures through agreement on different cultural values. He argued that male circumcision was tolerated in the "western culture" and was officially carried out by doctors. This approach is justified by culturally and religiously anchored values, the change of which is not justifiable. He considers the violation of the physical integrity of the child, regardless of gender, to be acceptable as long as no serious negative consequences are to be expected. Unequal treatment between the sexes or cultures is not justifiable beyond medical reasons. A change in the clitoris or the infibulation should, however, be strictly rejected due to the expected consequences. In the case of adult women as well as men, any intervention is justifiable provided that informed consent is given. If necessary, voluntariness and maturity should be checked by means of a psychological report. If a woman wishes to have the procedure under these conditions, she could be given the opportunity to do so in a hygienic and professional setting.
The lawyer at the UK University of Buckingham Morayo Atoki proposed a change in the law for Great Britain in 1995. The most important requirement for the circumcision of girls, in addition to the strict medical regulation of the operation, is a personal declaration of consent. Circumcision should be legal from the age of 16. According to British family law , this is the minimum age for competent and legally valid consent to medical interventions.
The Italian lawyer Maria Caterina La Barbera (2009) considers a legal differentiation between the different types of circumcision to be appropriate. Legally, a differentiation should be made between lighter forms, which do not differ significantly from practices commercially available in the West, such as cosmetic surgery in the genital area or genital piercings, and more severe forms such as infibulation. The latter should remain banned.
The American professor of anthropology Mwenda Ntarangwi spoke in 2007 for a rapprochement between cultures and positions. He suggests that women who have been circumcised should enter into a “dialogue” with school and university students and encourage open discussion. The discussion with affected women, perceived as victims, who, contrary to expectations, approved the circumcision, could lead to new insights into a complex cultural topic and more understanding for the other position.
In 1992 the Ministry of Health in the Netherlands wanted to legalize the perforation of the clitoral hood by doctors on minors. After massive public protest, the ministry withdrew its draft. Among other things, the chairman of the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC) stated that the legalization of the so-called “Dutch Compromise” would set a “dangerous precedent” and reaffirm the “subjugation of women”.
In 1996, Harborview Medical Center , a Seattle hospital , offered the opportunity to make a small incision on the clitoral hood, called a genital nick or ritual nick . The doctors described the procedure as "symbolic". No tissue is removed, the wound does not need to be sutured and there is little or no scarring. The operation is associated with fewer risks than male circumcision. The procedure should be performed by trained professionals using local anesthesia on girls at least 11 years old. The child's motives should be checked beforehand in a one-on-one conversation without the parents 'participation and the parents' consent should be obtained after the information has been provided. The aim was, among other things, to prevent the illegal execution of further circumcisions on girls outside of a hospital while still creating an option to preserve the cultural tradition. When the so-called "Seattle Compromise" became known, massive protests arose. Opponents of the proposal argued that legalizing the procedure would allow circumcision traditions to continue and that it would often not be possible to determine the extent to which girls' consent is genuine or due to social pressure. Many opponents misunderstood the nature of the proposed procedure: they believed it involved a real circumcision and not just a symbolic cut in the clitoral hood. Some opponents were also concerned that parents would soon be demanding more extensive procedures and doctors performing them once they got used to other forms of female genital cutting. Meserak Ramsey and others were concerned that even discussing female genital cutting legitimized a "barbaric practice". Under pressure from opponents, led by the House of Representatives and women's rights activist Patricia Schroeder and Meserak Ramsey and Mariama Barrie-Diamond, who were infibulated as children, the hospital stopped this practice. In 1998, US law professor Doriane Lambelet Coleman rated the Harborview proposal as being less harmful to the health, welfare and safety of girls than male circumcision was harmful to the health, welfare and safety of boys. With the Harborview proposal there is for the first time a form of FGM comparable to male circumcision.
A decision taken in 2003 at the Careggi Hospital in Florence to allow light forms of circumcision on adult, consenting women led to similar reactions. The reason was the request made by several African women to a clinician to have them circumcised. The proposal was approved by the Ethics Council after long discussions . This led to criticism in the media and opposition from numerous NGOs . The implementation of the regulation was subsequently abandoned. In 2010 there was renewed debate over the legalization of the ritual nick when the American Academy of Pediatrics , a professional association of physicians in the field of pediatrics , identified the practice as a possible alternative to a complete rejection of circumcision:
"However, the ritual nick suggested by some pediatricians is not physically harmful and is much less extensive than routine newborn male genital cutting. There is reason to believe that offering such a compromise may build trust between hospitals and immigrant communities, save some girls from undergoing disfiguring and life-threatening procedures in their native countries, and play a role in the eventual eradication of FGC. "
Controversy
reporting
The American sociologist Lisa Wade carried out media analyzes in the 15 highest-circulation US newspapers (including Boston Globe , San Francisco Chronicle , New York Times , Washington Post , USA Today ) for the period from 1992 to 2005. She noticed an increasing interconnection between political activism and journalistic reporting. Appropriate framing and selective presentation would generate “distanced outrage” in the reader, coupled with a “feeling of moral superiority”. Usually, a judgmental attitude towards the practice and the practitioner would be adopted, a critical or neutral position would be avoided. If opposing positions are shown, these would usually be de-legitimized. A one-sided presentation of the issue of circumcision as a purely intra-African, cultural problem creates an "extraterritorialization", whereby the problem is seen in the lack of clarity of the others.
- “Media actors build consensus and, once they do, they can work with activists to advocate for public policies. Without consensus, reporter advocacy would have seemed inappropriate. Under the right discursive conditions, however, condemning FGCs and defending its victims was simply good journalism. These findings suggest that even reporters at high-prestige newspapers, who are most bound by expectations of neutrality, can engage in issue advocacy. "
- “Journalists create consensus and, once it is reached, can work with activists to support public issues. Without the consensus, the reporters' partisanship would have seemed inappropriate. Under the right conditions of discourse, condemning female genital cutting and defending its victims has been simply good journalism. The findings suggest that even reporters in highly respected newspapers, from which a high degree of balance is expected, can become advocates for a cause. ”(Lisa Wade)
Methodological quality of existing studies
According to Carla Obermeyer (Obermeyer: 1999, 2003, 2005), meta-analyzes have shown that the majority of those studies that were supposed to prove the negative health effects of circumcision had been methodologically inadequate. None of the studies published between 1997 and 2005 on the subject could show statistically significant effects. In the majority of cases, the study was carried out without a suitable control group , information about the type of data collection was not given, high proportions of unsatisfied or incorrectly completed questionnaires were not mentioned, interviewers were not trained or were not blinded to the respective condition , or confounding variables would not be pursued further. The long-term health consequences (urinary tract infections, complications during childbirth, painful coitus, etc.), as proven, would allegedly relate to infibulation (type III according to WHO); However, this strongest form only accounts for 15–20 percent of the total frequency, depending on the region.
Linda Morison et al. In 2001, however, found in a large-scale field study in The Gambia , which made a comparison with an uncircumcised and comparable control group, no or only slight deviations in numerous health parameters.
Pros and cons of medicalization
Most of the procedures are carried out under unsanitary conditions, without anesthesia and by non-medically trained personnel. There is consensus on the dramatic health risks of this practice. Nevertheless, it can sometimes be heard that the appropriate countermeasure is not a ban on circumcision, but rather its implementation by medical specialists in clinics or at least under sterile conditions ( medicalization ). However, it is precisely this step that is prevented by legislation in many countries, which means that the intervention is only possible outside the medical framework because of the threat of punishment.
Opponents of medicalization are, for example, the WHO, Amnesty International , Doctors Without Borders and the Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children (IAC). In addition to the legal situation and the ethical obligation of medical professionals (" Hippocratic Oath ", Geneva Declaration of the World Medical Association ), the most frequent argument is that medicalization would hinder or make it impossible to completely abolish the practice, because legitimization does not represent an intermediate step towards abolition, but rather contribute to further establishment by reducing the risk. A study on Egypt showed that, despite increasing medicalization, the circumcision rate is falling. Nevertheless, according to Melanie Bittner from the Center for Transdisciplinary Gender Studies, the corresponding specialization of health workers could have a counterproductive effect with regard to the abolition of circumcisions. For healthcare professionals, a decline in circumcision would mean a loss of income from an economic perspective. And personal pursuit of profit could thus become a reason why medical professionals are less clearly in favor of abolition. The African-American law professor Isabelle Gunning objects to medicalization that it continues to completely ignore the effects of the interventions on the sexuality of women.
Comparison with male and boy circumcision
Since 2007, WHO and UNAIDS have recommended their member states to include voluntary, medically performed circumcision in informed men capable of giving consent as part of a comprehensive package of measures in the fight against the spread of HIV in African high-risk areas. According to the WHO, circumcision has been shown to reduce the risk of HIV among heterosexual men in Africa by 60 percent. However, circumcision is not suitable as a population-based preventive measure in Europe, since the spread of HIV among heterosexuals is relatively low.
The GIC indicates that FGM covers all practices in which the external genitalia of a girl or a woman or be completely removed in part, and that there are serious health consequences for those affected. Compared to male circumcision, female genital mutilation is the "much more difficult intervention in the physical integrity ".
According to the medical ethicist Janna Graf, it is almost inevitable that as an opponent of FGM one must also be an opponent of MGM. It could not be the case that one advocates strengthening the rights of girls and women and at the same time ignores the violation of the rights of boys and men. The right to physical integrity must apply in its entirety, regardless of gender, religion, origin, race, age or skin color. Irmingard Schewe-Geringk, CEO of Terre des Femmes, describes “the integrity of children is a human right that must apply to everyone”. She warned that legal permission for ritual circumcision of boys could also have consequences for girls, because there are comparable circumcision practices. Some parents will then find it difficult to understand why this is forbidden and punishable, but the circumcision of boys is allowed. When she was committed to a law against female circumcision, Terre de Femmes was not yet aware of the dimensions of the intervention in boys.
In Germany, female genital mutilation is a criminal offense. The circumcision of male newborns, on the other hand, can be carried out in most western countries (with the exception of Sweden) without any real threat of punishment for the guardian or the doctor. The criminal lawyer Hardtung considers "the easy forms of female circumcision in their severity of injustice comparable to the circumcision of boys". Religious and cultural motives are cited as justifications for circumcision . In Germany, the circumcision of male newborns, children and adolescents as part of parental custody has been permitted by law since December 12, 2012, on condition that it is carried out “according to the rules of medical practice”.
Individual opinions
In addition, individual opinions are represented by some specialist authors who reject a moral and criminal differentiation between circumcision and female genital mutilation.
Comparison with aesthetic intimate surgery in western cultures
The surgical modification of the female genitalia as cosmetic surgery is becoming increasingly widespread in Europe. Mostly the inner labia and sometimes the clitoral hood are reduced or the hymen is restored, the latter in order to preserve family honor in traditional Islamic families. The pubic mound is less often involved. Tightening and constriction of the vagina , the main motive of which is the promise created by the media to increase sexual pleasure and the ability to orgasm , are also in demand.
With the labia reduction the clitoris is not changed. The removal of the inner labia and clitoral hood (→ clitoral hood reduction ) is anatomically comparable, however, with the circumcision forms type Ia and IIa. Although there may be medical indications for the reduction of the labia, the procedure is usually justified with personal, aesthetic ideas. In Western countries, aesthetic intimate surgery is only permitted on adults who are capable of giving their consent.
It is sometimes argued that circumcision practices and aesthetic genital surgery differ in terms of voluntariness, the patient's creative power with regard to the desired change, the hygienic circumstances of the operation, and effects on sexuality. However, these dichotomous positions are increasingly being called into question.
The complex differences and similarities between the two interventions are the subject of current cultural studies research. Since certain points of criticism, which are used as the basis for efforts to abolish genital circumcision, apply equally to Western cosmetic surgery, the charge of double standards is raised and the abolition movement names the problem that, against the background of a growing demand for labioplasty in the West allegations directed against Africa lose credibility.
There is increasing resistance to the trend towards cosmetic surgery on female genitals. The German Society for Gynecology and Obstetrics e. V. notes, for example, that “risk assessments and complication rates of these operations are missing, are not known or are being played down”, and advises against such interventions.
Adult female circumcision with their consent
First circumcision
While the criminality of circumcision on underage girls is undisputed in Western countries, there are different attitudes to the question of the extent to which an adult, responsible woman can voluntarily and independently consent to the intervention. This question arises initially in relation to adult women with a migration background who live in western countries and who want to have the procedure carried out on their own body and under sterile medical conditions by specialist staff. Although it is generally possible to consent to bodily harm, in the case of serious bodily harm it is only permitted in the case of a "higher moral value" (for example a kidney donation).
In addition, for a long time the question of the existence of serious bodily harm had not been fully clarified: In the case of amputation of the outer part of the clitoris, this is controversial; according to Swiss experts from 2004, serious physical injury cannot be assumed for the clitoral hood and labia (cf. Concerning the cutting off of the labia, this would probably be denied because it is not a matter of comparably important erogenous zones ”). However, the question of the value of a desired circumcision for the woman is difficult to assess from the outside, as is the voluntariness. In some western countries, the prohibitions on the intervention in any form have also been extended to adult women, or there is a requirement to do so. It is assumed that a "[...] legal claim to the integrity of her genitals" cannot be sold by any woman, so legally effective consent to circumcision is not possible. Reasons such as tradition and religion are not permitted in this case.
Reinfibulation
Reinfibulation (or refibulation) refers to the re-closing of an infibulation after a birth. Reasons are, for example, the fear of the big scar, the reactions of the family or a deeply anchored self-image as just infibulated pure and complete woman. These wishes and fears are to be met very sensitively by medical staff on the basis of cultural knowledge and respect for the biographical background of women. Although the legal and moral assessment of reinfibulation in western countries does not show this wish, reinfibulation is legal in some states of the USA, in Switzerland reinfibulation is carried out on patient request. The American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists does not give a clear recommendation for or against an implementation. Reinfibulation is not permitted under German law. The German Medical Association speaks out against reinfibulation "if this would clearly lead to a health hazard for women."
The fact that reinfibulation of adult women is punishable in some European countries is perceived by a few African women living in Europe as well as a few feminists as problematic in its absolute nature. In those countries where reinfibulation is legally permitted, intensive advice and information on all risks is required.
Help for FGM victims (Germany)
The Desert Flower Center of the Waldfriede Hospital in Berlin was opened in September 2013 under the patronage of Waris Dirie as the first center in the world to provide holistic care and treatment for FGM victims . It is headed by Roland Scherer, the medical director of the hospital, chief physician of the Center for Intestinal and Pelvic Floor Surgery and President of the Desert Flower Foundation (DFF) Germany ; The medical coordination and consultation is carried out by the senior physician Cornelia Strunz, specialist in surgery and vascular surgery and general secretary of the German DFF. Women with genital mutilation receive medical and psychosocial help and support there, for which it was awarded the Louise Schroeder Medal by the State of Berlin in 2016 .
Further Desert Flower Centers have been opened by the DFF in cooperation with the Karolinska Clinic in Stockholm (Sweden) and the Hôpital Delafontaine in Paris (France).
For those seeking help in Germany with an estimated 48,000 women and girls affected by genital mutilation, the Federal Ministry of Health has a helpline on 08000 116 016 as well as a website in different languages, in easy language and barrier-free.
literature
Anthropology and social sciences
German
- Anna Kölling: Female Genital Mutilation in Discourse: Exemplary Analyzes of Appearances, Patterns of Justification and Combat Strategies . LIT Verlag Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-8258-1821-0
- Charlotte Beck-Karrer: They are lionesses. Conversations with Somali women and men about female circumcision. Feminist Science Association, Bern 1996, ISBN 3-905561-03-4 .
- Hanny Lightfoot-Klein: The Cruel Ritual. Sexual mutilation of African women . From the american. Engl. By Michaela Huber. Fischer, Frankfurt 1992, ISBN 3-596-10993-0 .
- Janne Mende : Patterns of justification for female genital mutilation. To convey cultural relativism and universalism . transcript-Verlag, Bielefeld 2011, ISBN 978-3-8376-1911-9 . PDF full text of the introduction
- Eiman Okroi: Female genital mutilation in Sudan - Female genital mutilation. Akademos-Wiss.-Verl., Hamburg 2001, ISBN 3-934410-29-4 .
- Annette Peller: Encrypted Bodies - Disciplined Bodies. Female genital cutting. Ritual wounding as a status symbol. Weissensee-Verlag, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-934479-60-X .
- Terre des Femmes (ed.): Cut into the soul. Female genital mutilation - a fundamental violation of human rights. Mabuse Verlag 2003, ISBN 978-3-935964-28-9 .
- Rolf Preuß: "Circumcision in Word and Image", Stephenson-Verlag, FRG 1988 (on the spread of male and female circumcision in the world and its history)
- Ingrid Braun: "Materials to support action groups against clitoral circumcision", Verlag Frauenoffensive München, 1979, ISBN 978-3-88104-059-4
English
- Ylva Hernlund, Bettina Shell-Duncan, Ed .: Transcultural Bodies: Female Genital Cutting in Global Context. Rutgers University Press, 2007, ISBN 978-0-8135-4026-9 .
- Semra Asefa: Female Genital Mutilation: Violence in the Name of Tradition, Religion, and Social Imperative. In: Stanley G. French, Wanda Teays, Laura M. Purdy (Eds.): Violence Against Women: Philosophical Perspectives. Cornell University Press, 1998, ISBN 978-0-8014-8452-0 .
- Jessica Horn: Not Culture But Gender: Reconceptualizing Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting. In: Ellen Chesler, Wendy Chavkin: Where Human Rights Begin. Rutgers University Press, 2005, ISBN 978-0-8135-3657-6 .
English essays
- Bettina Shell-Duncan From Health to Human Rights: Female Genital Cutting and the Politics of Intervention. American Anthropologist 110 (2), 2008.
- Christine J. Walley: Searching for "Voices": Feminism, Anthropology, and the Global Debate over Female Genital Operations . In: Cultural Anthropology. Vol. 12, No. 3. (August 1997), pp. 405-438. PMID 12293482 , doi: 10.1525 / can.1997.12.3.405 .
Law and Politics
- Ulrike Bumke: On the problem of women-specific reasons for flight - illustrated using the example of genital mutilation . In: Neue Zeitschrift für Verwaltungsrecht (NVwZ) 2002, pp. 423–428.
- Marie-Anne Caroline Pichler: Problems of female genital mutilation under international criminal law: Prerequisites for prosecution in Austria . VDM Verlag Dr. Müller, Saarbrücken 2010, ISBN 3-639-24354-4 .
- Mirko Möller: The mutilation of female genital organs . In: Journal for Legal Policy (ZRP), 2002, pp. 186–187.
- Stefan Trechsel , Regula Schlauri: Female genital mutilation in Switzerland: legal opinion . (PDF; 331 kB) Zurich 2004 (on behalf of UNICEF Switzerland).
- Marion Rosenke: The mutilation of female sexual organs - criminal law considerations de lege lata and de lege ferenda. In: Journal for Legal Policy (ZRP), 2001, pp. 377–379.
- Dirk Wüstenberg: Increased penalties for ritual female genital mutilation? . In: Journal for the entire medical and health law (ZMGR), 2012, pp. 263–267.
- Dirk Wüstenberg: Child welfare endangerment with genital mutilation. In the magazine: Family Partnership Law 2012, pp. 452–455.
- Sandra Mauer: The woman as a special object of protection of criminal law norms: A legal comparison between the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany. Chapter female genital mutilation. Logos Verlag, Berlin 2009, ISBN 978-3-8325-2339-8 . P. 183 f., Female Genital Mutilation , p. 242 f.
English
- Anika Rahman, Nahid Toubia : Female Genital Mutilation: A Practical Guide to Worldwide Laws & Policies: A Guide to Laws and Policies Worldwide. Zed Books 2000, ISBN 978-1-85649-773-2 .
- Fareda Banda: Women, Law and Human Rights: An African Perspective. Hart Publishing, Oxford 2005, ISBN 978-1-84113-128-3 .
- Asbjorn Eide, Wenche Barth Eide: The Right to Health: Article 24. (Commentary on the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.) Brill Academic Publication 2006, ISBN 978-90-04-14733-1 , p. 46 f . ( partially visible )
- Berhane Ras-Work: LEGISLATION TO ADDRESS THE ISSUE OF FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION (FGM) (PDF; 131 kB), May 21, 2009 ( United Nations expert paper on the status of FGM legislation in African countries)
Medicine, History and Ethics of Medicine
- Janna Graf: Female Genital Mutilation and Practice in Germany: Background - Positions on Ethics - Medical Experience. 2012, DNB 102370708X (Dissertation University Erlangen-Nürnberg, 2012, 322 pages with graphic representations, 30 cm, full text online PDF, free of charge, 322 pages, 2835 KB).
- Andreas Frewer, Stephan Kolb, Kerstin Krása (eds.): Medicine, ethics and human rights. V & R Unipress, Göttingen 2009, ISBN 978-3-89971-698-6 .
- Christine Binder-Fritz, Christian Dadak (ed.): The female genital mutilation from an ethnomedical point of view. , in: Sexuality, Reproduction, Pregnancy, Birth (= MCW-Block , Volume 15), Facultas, Vienna 2009, ISBN 3-7089-0535-0 , p. 273 f.
- Fana Asefaw: Female genital cutting: Background, health consequences and sustainable prevention. Helmer, Königstein im Taunus 2008, ISBN 978-3-89741-268-2 (Dissertation Humboldt University Berlin 2007, 140 pages with graphic representations, Kt, 21 cm).
- Marion Hulverscheidt: Female genital mutilation: Discussion and practice in medicine during the 19th century in German-speaking countries (= Mabuse-Verlag Wissenschaft , Volume 63), Mabuse, Frankfurt am Main 2002, ISBN 3-935964-00-5 (Dissertation University of Göttingen 2000, 189 pages with illustrations and graphic representations, 21 cm).
- Herrmann, Dettmeyer, Banaschak, Thyen: Child abuse. Medical diagnostics, intervention and legal basics . Chapter 6.6 .: Female Genital Mutilation (FGM). 2nd edition, Springer Verlag, 2010. ISBN 978-3-642-10205-9 (The standard work deals with medical and legal aspects)
- Julius Rosenbaum : History of the lust epidemic in antiquity together with detailed studies of the Venus and phallic cults, brothels, Νούσος ϑήλεια of the Scythians, paederasty and other sexual excesses of the ancients as contributions to the correct explanation of their writings . 7th edition, H. Barsdorf, Berlin 1904, p. 342 f. (with references)
Films and radio broadcasts
- Moolaadé. Spell of hope. Feature film drama, Senegal, France, Burkina Faso , 2004, 119 min., Director: Ousmane Sembène , production: arte France, German first broadcast: July 13, 2010, summary by arte, review by critic.de
- Not with my daughter! Female circumcision in Europe. Documentation, Germany 2006, 40 min., Director: Valentin Thurn, first broadcast: February 6, 2007, synopsis by arte with video
- The day I'll never forget (OT: The Day I Will Never Forget. ) Documentary, Great Britain, 2002, 90 min., Director: Kim Longinotto
- Desert Flower , OT: Desert Flower , feature film / drama, Germany-Austria-France 2009, 121 min. Director: Sherry Hormann
- Laura Koppenhöfer: Scars that nobody sees . In: SWR2 Context of February 9, 2012 (radio interview with Fadumo Korn )
- When trees carry dolls. Short film, Germany 2010, 15 min., Director: Ismail Sahin, table of contents and working aids for use in schools and youth work (PDF; 4 MB), accessed on June 27, 2012
Web links
- Female mutilation / cutting. A Statistical Exploration 2005. UNICEF (extensive collection of statistical data, PDF; 1.4 MB)
- Genital Mutilation in Girls and Women. (PDF; 195.6 kB) Federal Ministry for Family, Seniors, Women and Youth , June 25, 2005, accessed on February 2, 2010 ("This online brochure is intended for doctors and advisors.").
- F. Diaby-Pentzlin, E. Göttke (Ed.): Einnitte - Materialband zu Female Genital Cuttings (FGC) , Eschborn, December 1999. (The subject of FGM is discussed in German and English-language articles in the context of ethnology, physicality and women's rights In addition to experience reports, background information and strategies for overcoming the practice are presented.) (PDF)
- Female Genital Mutilation: Five Questions - Five Answers World Population Foundation , accessed March 31, 2015
- EMMA dossier, January / February 2009: Genital mutilation - In the middle of us - with a chronology for Germany from March 1977 to June 2008
- Spektrum .de: Legal cropped October 28, 2019
Individual evidence
- ↑ a b Cf. 1995 World Health Organization (WHO) Classification of FGM In: The FGC Education and Networking Project.
- ↑ a b German Society for Technical Cooperation (GTZ): What is female genital mutilation?
- ↑ a b Serban-Dan Costa ; Manfred Kaufmann , Serban-Dan Costa, Anton Scharl (eds.): 39.5 Circumcisions ("Female Genital Mutilation") and surgical correction In: Die Gynäkologie , 2nd edition, pp. 601–602; Springer 2006. ISBN 3-540-25664-4
- ^ State of the World's Children 2015: Reimagine the Future: Innovation for Every Child . (PDF) UNICEF , November 2014, pp. 90–95
- ^ In Germany - tens of thousands of victims of genital mutilation , Frankfurter Allgemeine, February 2, 2017, accessed July 26, 2017
- ↑ February 6th: International Day Against Female Genital Mutilation. Website of the Federal Agency for Civic Education from February 6, 2018
- ^ IAC National Committees , Inter-African Committee on Traditional Practices, accessed July 26, 2017
- ↑ Genital mutilation - more than 13,000 girls in Germany threatened Frankfurter Allgemeine, July 18, 2017, accessed July 26, 2017
- ↑ "Female genital mutilation has long been present in Austria" diepresse.com, accessed on March 7, 2018
- ↑ a b c d e f Janna Graf: Female genital mutilation and the practice in Germany. Background - positions on ethics - medical experiences (PDF; 2.9 MB). Dissertation, Friedrich-Alexander-University Erlangen-Nürnberg 2012.
- ^ A b Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink: Activists Beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics . Cornell University Press, Ithaca 1998, ISBN 978-0-8014-3444-0 , p. 20.
- ↑ a b Stanlie M. James: Female Genital Mutilation In: Bonnie G. Smith (eds.) The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History , Volume 4, Oxford University Press 2008; P. 259. ISBN 978-0-19-514890-9 .
- ↑ a b Anika Rahman, Nahid Toubia, Center for Reproductive Law & Policy: Female Genital Mutilation: A Practical Guide to Worldwide Laws & Policies . Zed Books, London 2000, ISBN 978-1-85649-772-5 , p. X.
- ↑ Bamako Declaration on the Terminology FGM (PDF; 103 kB).
- ↑ a b WHO: Eliminating female genital mutilation (PDF; 2.2 MB). 2008, p. 22.
- ↑ a b c Carla M. Obermeyer: Female Genital Surgeries: The Known, the Unknown, and the Unknowable ( Memento from September 21, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 2.6 MB). In: Medical Anthropology Quarterly 13, No. 1, 1999, pp. 79-106. PMID 10322603 .
- ↑ a b Martha Craven Nussbaum: Judging Other Cultures: The Case of Genital Mutilation . In: Sex and Social Justice . Oxford University Press, 1999, ISBN 978-0-19-511032-6 , pp. 119-120.
- ↑ a b German Medical Association: Genital Mutilation, Recommendations for dealing with patients after female genital mutilation ( Memento from June 10, 2008 in the Internet Archive ).
- ^ World Medical Association: WMA Statement on Female Genital Mutilation .
- ^ Council on Scientific Affairs, American Medical Association: Female Genital Mutilation
- ↑ Terre des Femmes : Statement by TERRE DES FEMMES on the use of the term “female genital mutilation” (PDF; 63 kB).
- ↑ Isabell Utz-Billing et al., German Society for Gynecology and Obstetrics (ed.): Recommendations for dealing with patients after female genital mutilation , 2013.
- ↑ World Health Organization: Eliminating female genital mutilation (PDF; 2.2 MB). 2008, pp. 11, 22.
- ↑ a b c Heribert Kentenich and Isabell Utz-Billing: Female genital mutilation: Lifelong suffering . In: Deutsches Ärzteblatt 103 No. 13, 2006, pp. 842–845.
- ↑ a b c UNICEF (ed.), In cooperation with Terre des Femmes and the professional association of gynecologists e. V .: Cuts in body and soul: a survey on the situation of circumcised girls and women in Germany (PDF; 322 kB). Cologne 2005.
- ^ Australian Medical Association: Female Genital Mutilation - 1994 ( Memento July 22, 2012 in the Internet Archive ). Retrieved July 7, 2012.
- ↑ a b Christoph Zerm, AG FIDE e. V .: Female genital circumcision - dealing with those affected and prevention: German recommendations for members of the health system and all other potentially involved professional groups (PDF; 1.8 MB). P. 5.
- ↑ Aldo Morrone, Jana Hercogova and Torello Lotti: Stop female genital mutilation: appeal to the international dermatologic community ( Memento of December 29, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 286 kB). In: International Journal of Dermatology 41, No. 5, 2002, p. 254.
- ↑ a b c USAID Policy on Female Genital Cutting (PDF; 20 kB). United States Agency for International Development , September 1, 2000.
- ^ A b c d e C. Walley (1997): Searching for "Voices": Feminism, Anthropology, and the Global Debate over Female Genital Operations. In: Cultural Anthropology , 12 (3), pp. 405-438. PMID 12293482
- ↑ a b c d e f g h i j k Sandra D. Lane, Robert A. Rubinstein: Judging the other: responding to traditional female genital surgeries (PDF; 1 MB). In: The Hastings Center Report 26 No. 3, 1996, pp. 31-40.
- ↑ a b Stefan Trechsel and Regula Schlauri: Female Genital Mutilation in Switzerland - Legal Opinion ( Memento from October 20, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 331 kB). Swiss Committee for UNICEF (ed.), 2004.
- ↑ a b c d Fana Asefaw, Daniela Hrzán: Female Genital Cutting - An Introduction (PDF; 126 kB), p. 10 f.
- ↑ See also Deutsches Ärzteblatt (2006): Quote: The expression “female genital mutilation” better describes the irreversibility and severity of the intervention and is also used by the United Nations in all official documents. Nevertheless, affected patients should be spoken of as “circumcision” so as not to additionally stigmatize them with the choice of words. Heribert Kentenich, Isabell Utz-Billing: Female genital mutilation: Lifelong suffering . In: Deutsches Ärzteblatt . tape 103 , no. 13 . Deutscher Ärzte-Verlag , March 31, 2006, p. A-842 / B-716 / C-692 .
- ^ Ian Somerville: Managing public affairs and lobbying: persuasive communication in the policy sphere (PDF; 323 kB). In: Danny Moss, Barbara DeSanto (Eds.): Public Relations: A Managerial Perspective . SAGE Publishing, London 2011, ISBN 978-0-7619-4857-5 , pp. 27-28.
- ^ Claire C. Robertson: Getting beyond the Ew! Factor: Rethinking US Approaches to African Female Genital Cutting . In: Stanlie M. James, Claire C. Robertson (Eds.): Genital cutting and transnational sisterhood: Disputing US polemics . University of Illinois Press, Urbana 2002, ISBN 978-0-252-02741-3 , pp. 54-86 .
- ↑ Female genital mutilation. Report of a WHO technical working group, Geneva, 17. – 19. July 1996 . Geneva 1996; WHO (1997): Female genital mutilation. A Joint WHO / UNICEF / UNFPA Statement , Geneva 1997.
- ^ WHO, Department of Reproductive Health and Research: Eliminating female genital mutilation. An interagency statement - OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO . Geneva 2008, ISBN 978-92-4-159644-2 .
- ↑ WHO 2008, Eliminating FGM , p. 23.
- ^ A b Melissa Parker: Rethinking female circumcision . In: Africa: Journal of the International African Institute . 65, 1995, pp. 506-524.
- ↑ WHO 2008, Eliminating FGM , classification p. 23 ff .; Overview and synopsis of changes p. 24.
- ↑ WHO 2008, Eliminating FGM , p. 26.
- ↑ WHO 2008, Eliminating FGM , p. 28.
- ↑ a b WHO 2008, Eliminating FGM , p. 5; the information is based on: P. Stanley Yoder and Shane Khan: Numbers of women circumcised in Africa: The Production of a Total (PDF; 289 kB). DHS Working Papers 2008/39, March 2008, p. 14.
- ↑ a b c Frequently Asked Questions on Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting . United Nations Population Fund, Retrieved July 28, 2012.
- ^ WHO, E. Banks, O. Meirik, T. Farley, O. Akande, H. Bathija, M. Ali: Female genital mutilation and obstetric outcome: WHO collaborative prospective study in six African countries . In: Lancet . 367, No. 9525, 2006, pp. 1835-1841. doi : 10.1016 / S0140-6736 (06) 68805-3 . PMID 16753486 .
- ↑ S. Elmusharaf, N. Elhadi, L. Almroth: Reliability of self reported form of female genital mutilation and WHO classification: cross sectional study . In: BMJ . 333, No. 7559, 2006, p. 124. doi : 10.1136 / bmj.38873.649074.55 . PMID 16803943 . PMC 1502195 (free full text).
- ↑ "Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or Female Genital Cutting (FGC): Individual Country Reports" ( Memento from January 12, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 195 kB). US Department of State, June 1, 2001, p. 14.
- ↑ a b Comfort Momoh: Female Genital Mutialtion . Redcliffe Publishing, Oxford 2005, ISBN 978-1-85775-693-7 , pp. 22, 24 f.
- ^ G. Pieters, AB Lowenfels: Infibulation in the horn of Africa . In: New York state journal of medicine . 77, No. 5, 1977, pp. 729-731. PMID 265433 .
- ↑ WHO 2008, Eliminating FGM , p. 11.
- ↑ a b WHO 2008, Eliminating FGM , p. 35.
- ↑ a b c Lucia Marianne Hanslmaier (2008): The problem of female genital mutilation in Europe. Diploma thesis, University of Vienna. Faculty of Social Sciences full text
- ↑ R. Skaine: genital mutilation Female: Legal, cultural and medical issues . McFarland, Jefferson, NC, USA 2005, ISBN 0-7864-2167-3 .
- ^ Mary Knight: Curing Cut or Ritual Mutilation? Some Remarks on the Practice of Female and Male Circumcision in Graeco-Roman Egypt. In: Isis. Vol. 92, No. 2 (June 2001), pp. 317-338. Full text
- ↑ Shaye JD Cohen: Why Aren't Jewish Women Circumcised ?: Gender and Covenant in Judaism . University of California Press, 2005, ISBN 0-520-21250-9 .
- ^ SR Huebner (2009): Female Circumcision as a Rite de Passage in Egypt. Continuity through the Millennia? In: Journal of Egyptian History , 2, 1 (2), pp. 149-171 doi: 10.1163 / 187416509X12492786609249
- ^ M. Epprecht (2010): The Making of 'African Sexuality': Early Sources, Current Debates. In: History Compass , 8 (8), pp. 768-779 doi: 10.1111 / j.1478-0542.2010.00715.x
- ^ Lisa Appignanesi , John Forrester: The women of Sigmund Freud . dtv Munich 1996, 2nd edition; Cape. 11: Marie Bonaparte and Freud's French court , pp. 451–478
- ^ BF Frederiksen (2008): Jomo Kenyatta, Marie Bonaparte and Bronislaw Malinowski on Clitoridectomy and Female Sexuality. History workshop journal, 65, pp. 23-48 doi: 10.1093 / hwj / dbn013
- ^ Norbert Finzsch: "We Know the Lesbian Habits of Kleitoriaxein [...] Which Justify the Resection of the Clitoris": Cliteridectomy in the West, 1600 to 1988. Gender Forum: An Internet Forum for Gender Studies 67 (2018): 9-28 . [1]
- ^ Philippe Ariès, Georges Duby (Ger. 1999, French. 1987): The lonely vice. History of private life. Vol. 4, pp. 462-464. Augsburg: Weltbild (Bechtermünz); cited in Internet publication for general and integrative psychotherapy , web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ↑ Marion Hulverscheidt: Female genital mutilation: Discussion and practice in medicine during the 19th century in German-speaking countries , dissertation, Georg-August-Universität Göttingen, 2000. Published as a book by Mabuse-Verlag, Frankfurt am Main, 2002. ISBN 3- 935964-00-5 review online
- ^ A b Anna Kölling: Female genital mutilation in discourse . Lit Verlag, Berlin 2008, ISBN 978-3-8258-1821-0 , pp. 5, 14.
- ↑ Sheehan, E. (1981): Victorian clitoridectomy: Isaac Baker Brown and his harmless operative procedure. Med Anthropol Newsl., Aug; 12 (4): pp. 9-15, PMID 12263443
- ↑ Amnesty International: What is female genital mutilation? . September 30, 1997.
- ↑ The Oxford Encyclopedia of Women in World History: Volume 4. Oxford University Press 2008, p. 261: "As recently as the 1960s physicians in the United States and the United Kingdom were performing genital cutting - usually clitoridectomies - as a" treatment " for hysteria, lesbianism, and masturbation, to "cure" nonorgasmic women, and for other so-calle female deviance. "
- ^ Isaac Baker Brown: On the Curability of Certain Forms of Insanity, Epilepsy, Catalepsy, and Hysteria in Females. , Hardwicke 1866. Full text
- ↑ Elizabeth Sheehan: Victorian Clitoridectomy: Isaac Baker Brown and his Harmless Operative Procedure . In: Medical Anthropology Quarterly 12, No. 4, 1981, pp. 9-15. doi: 10.1525 / maq.1981.12.4.02a00120 .
- ↑ Maria Pütz: About the prospects of an operative therapy in certain cases of masturbation of young female individuals . Euskirch, University of Bonn, dissertation, 1923.
- ↑ The state of the world's children 2019 (PDF) October 2019, accessed on July 8, 2020 (English, Table 11, pp. 232-235).
- ↑ Female genital mutilation (FGM). Data on WHO website, accessed December 31, 2019.
- ↑ Prevalence figures according to The state of the world's children 2019 (PDF) October 2019, accessed on July 8, 2020 (English, Table 11, pp. 232-235).
- ^ Individual Country Reports ( Memento of January 13, 2008 in the Internet Archive ). US Department of State, June 1, 2001.
- ↑ terre des femmes: Indonesia
- ↑ Eliminating female genital mutilation - An interagency statement - OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO WHO (2008), PDF 2,11, p. 29, engl. Accessed July 19, 2017
- ↑ P. Stanley Yoder, Shane Khan: Numbers of women circumcised in Africa: The Production of a Total (PDF; 289 kB) In: USAID Demographic and Health Research Paper No. 39, 2008 (p. 13 f., 19), web link last accessed on January 29, 2010.
- ↑ a b Eliminating female genital mutilation - An interagency statement - OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO WHO (2008), PDF 2,11, p. 4, engl. Accessed July 19, 2017
- ↑ UNICEF (2008): Changing a harmful social convention: Female genital mutilation / cutting , Unicef 2008², p. 5 f ( full text (PDF; 708 kB), web link last accessed on January 29, 2010)
- ↑ Eliminating female genital mutilation - An interagency statement - OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO WHO (2008), PDF 2,11, p. 29, engl. Accessed July 19, 2017
- ^ A b Nicholas Birch: Female circumcision surfaces in Iraq In: The Christian Science Monitor , August 10, 2005.
- ^ Wadi eV: Female Genital Mutilation in Iraq: An empirical study in Kirkuk Province , 2012.
- ↑ Berivan A. Yasin, Namir G. Al-Tawil, Nazar P. Shabila, Tariq S. Al-Hadithi: Female genital mutilation among Iraqi Kurdish women: a cross-sectional study from Erbil city In: BMC Public Health , 2013, 13 : 809. doi: 10.1186 / 1471-2458-13-809 .
- ↑ Eliminating female genital mutilation - An interagency statement - OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO WHO (2008), PDF 2.11, p. 30 (with further evidence), engl. Accessed July 19, 2017
- ^ Sara Corbett: A cutting tradition In: The Times Magazine , January 20, 2008. Web link last accessed January 29, 2010.
- ↑ UNHRC: Indonesia: Report on Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or Female Genital Cutting (FGC) , web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ↑ Harinder Baweja: India's Dark Secret . Hindustan Times, 2015 (?)
- ↑ Indian women who are fighting to stop genital mutilation . BBC News, December 23, 2015
- ^ Astrid Prange: Culture shock in practice, results of the survey on the situation of circumcised girls and women in Germany. In: UNICEF, Terre des Femmes, professional association of gynecologists (ed.): Cuts in body and soul, a survey on the situation of circumcised girls and women in Germany , Cologne no year (2005), pp. 4–8, full text ( PDF; 322 kB), web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ↑ a b UNICEF (2008), Changing , p. 4
- ↑ a b c German Bundestag: Answer of the Federal Government to the minor question from the MPs Sibylle Laurischk, Karl Addicks, Burkhardt Müller-Sönksen, other MPs and the FDP parliamentary group on May 8, 2006, on the subject of “Protection of women and girls from the Mutilation of female genitals " , printed matter 16/1391, p. 2. ( full text (PDF; 184 kB), web link last accessed September 29, 2008)
- ↑ Terre des Femmes : TDF publishes EU studies on genital mutilation , press release, 2005. TDF publishes EU studies on genital mutilation ( Memento from December 11, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ tagesspiegel.de May 8, 2020
- ↑ a b c d e f g Bettina T. Kölbl and Robert Schlögel: Genital mutilation in Austria - a survey among resident gynecologists and paediatricians as well as among hospitals. (PDF) (No longer available online.) Federal Ministry for Health and Women , 2006, pp. 11–14 , archived from the original on November 29, 2011 ; accessed on February 5, 2010 (study commissioned by the Federal Ministry in cooperation with UNICEF Austria and the Austrian Medical Association , Vienna).
- ↑ Efua Dorkenoo, Linda Morison, Alison Macfarlane (FORWARD 2007): A Statistical Study to Estimate the Prevalence of Female Genital Mutilation in England and Wales , London 2007 ( summary of the results ( Memento of 25 September 2008 in the Internet Archive ); download of the entire study (PDF), web link last accessed on January 29, 2010)
- ↑ Conditional prison sentences for the circumcision of the daughter , in: Neue Zürcher Zeitung , June 26, 2008
- ↑ a b c Franziska Gruber, Katrin Kulik, Ute Binder ( Terre des Femmes ): Study on female genital mutilation (FGM = Female Genital Mutilation) , Tübingen, October 2005. On behalf of Feleknas Uca , MEP. PDF full text , web link last accessed on June 25, 2012.
- ↑ In the middle of Europe ( Memento of December 11, 2008 in the Internet Archive ), information page on the Arte theme evening FGM - The Mutilation of Daughters , broadcast on February 6, 2007, web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ↑ The Norwegian broadcaster NRK 2007 documented the circumcision of Somali girls on “vacation trips” from Europe to Hargeysa ( Somaliland ) : Somaliland now center for illegal female cutting , afrol news, June 26, 2007, web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ^ Detroit Emergency Room Doctor Arrested and Charged with Performing Female Genital Mutilation. (PDF) The United States Department of Justice . Office of Public Affairs, April 13, 2017, accessed January 1, 2018 .
- ↑ Detroit's female genital mutilation case takes a big legal hit (December 14, 2019)
- ↑ Judge Dismisses Another Charge Against Indian American Physician Jumana Nagarwala in Female Genital Mutilation Case (March 27, 2020)
- ^ A b c Ashley Montagu: Coming into Being Among the Australian Aborigines. The procreative beliefs of the Australian Aborigines , Routledge 2004, ISBN 978-0-415-33058-9
- ↑ a b UNHCHR : Fact Sheet No. 23, Harmful Traditional Practices Affecting the Health of Women and Children. (PDF; 148 kB)
- ↑ Australia's Breach of its Obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to Protect the Rights of Women. (PDF; 273 kB)
- ↑ Helen Pringle: The Fabrication of Female Genital Mutilation: The UN, Walter Roth and Ethno-Pornography in Australia. ( Memento of May 12, 2016 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 214 kB) In: Australasian Political Studies Association Conference , University of Adelaide, September 29 to October 1, 2004.
- ↑ United States Department of State : 2009 Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - Colombia , March 11, 2010.
- ^ AP: Egyptian man forces his wife to be circumcised .
- ↑ See UNICEF: Female mutilation / cutting. A Statistical Exploration. , 2005; P. 21.
- ↑ a b c d e f g Fana Asefaw: Female genital cutting , FGC . Dissertation, Freie Universität Berlin , Department of Human Medicine, 2007, web link last accessed on June 23, 2012.
- ^ A b N. Sullivan (2007): "The Price to Pay for our Common Good": Genital Modification and the Somatechnologies of Cultural (In) Difference. In: Social Semiotics , 17 (3), pp. 395-409. doi: 10.1080 / 10350330701448736
- ^ A b L. Leonard (1996): Female circumcision in southern Chad: Origins, meaning, and current practice. In: Social Science & Medicine. 43 (2), pp. 255-263. PMID 8844929 .
- ↑ SM James (1998): Shades of othering: Reflections on female circumcision / genital mutilation. In: Signs , 23 (4), pp. 1031-1048.
- ↑ Margret Steixner: The Circumcision of Femininity - Processes of Understanding a West African Tradition in the Light of Its Origins and Contexts ( Memento from December 29, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 160 kB), Diploma thesis at the Leopold-Franzens University Innsbruck, April 1997, Summary online
- ↑ Franziska Gruber, Katrin Kulik, Ute Binder (Terre des Femmes 2005): Study on female genital mutilation (FGM = Female Genital Mutilation) , Tübingen 2005 full text (PDF; 2.5 MB), p. 8.
- ↑ Genital Mutilation - Deep Cut , Michaela-Maria Müller, SZ, May 29, 2015, accessed July 19, 2017
- ^ Ellen Gruenbaum: The Movement against Clitoridectomy and Infibulation in Sudan: Public Health Policy and the Women's Movement . In: Medical Anthropology Quarterly 13, No. 2, 1982, pp. 4-12, doi: 0.1525 / maq.1982.13.2.02a00020 .
- ↑ a b c d UNFPA: Frequently Asked Questions on Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting: In which countries is FGM / FGC banned by law?
- ↑ Lane, Rubinstein 1996, p. 33.
- ^ A b c Carlos D. Londoño Sulkin: Anthropology, liberalism and female genital cutting. In: Anthropology Today 5, No. 6, 2009, pp. 17-19. doi: 10.1111 / j.1467-8322.2009.00700.x
- ^ REB Johansen (2002): Pain as a counterpoint to culture: toward an analysis of pain associated with infibulation among Somali immigrants in Norway. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 16 (3), pp. 312-340 doi: 10.1525 / maq.2002.16.3.312
- ^ A. Kennedy (2009): Mutilation and Beautification. Australian Feminist Studies, 24 (60), pp. 211-231 doi: 10.1080 / 08164640902852423
- ^ MC la Barbera (2009): Revisiting the anti-Female Genital Mutilation Discourse. diritto e question i pubbliche.
- ^ M. Malmström (2009): Just like couscous: Gender, agency and the politics of female circumcision in Cairo. University of Gothenburg, School of Global Studies, Social Anthropology.
- ↑ A. van der Kwaak (1992): Female circumcision and gender identity: A questionable alliance? Social Science & Medicine, 35 (6), pp. 777-787.
- ↑ a b c Morayo Atoki (1995): Should female circumcision continue to be banned? Feminist Legal Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 223-235 doi: 10.1007 / BF01104114
- ↑ Kathy Davis, Simone Weil: Loose Lips Sink Ships. In: Feminist Studies February 28, 2002, pp. 7–37. From Pretty Woman: Genital Plastic Surgery and the Production of the Sexed Female Subject , web link last accessed January 29, 2010
- ↑ a b c d Richard A. Shweder : What about "female genital mutilation"? And Why Understanding Culture Matters in the First Place ( Memento from September 21, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 2.5 MB) In: Daedalus. Vol. 129, No. 4, The End of Tolerance: Engaging Cultural Differences (Fall, 2000), pp. 209-232.
- ↑ http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/sci_tech/features/health/sexwise/trad_pract.shtml
- ↑ http://www.salon.com/1999/12/10/drysex/
- ^ A b c d Doriane Lambelet Coleman: The Seattle Compromise: Multicultural Sensitivity And Americanization . (PDF) In: Duke Law Journal , 47, 1998, pp. 717-783.
- ^ A b Lisa Wade (2011): Separating the heat from the light: Lessons from 30 years of academic discourse about female genital cutting. In: Ethnicities . doi: 10.1177 / 1468796811419603
- ^ F. Ginsburg (1991): What Do Women Want ?: Feminist Anthropology Confronts Clitoridectomy. In Medical Anthropology Quarterly , 5 (1), pp. 17-19.
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- ^ A b Senta Möller, Heinrich Deserno: Circumcision as a gender trauma Human rights and psychoanalytical aspects of genital circumcision of women. In: Journal of Psychotraumatology, Psychotherapy Science and Psychological Medicine. Issue 1, 2008.
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- ↑ Anika Rahman, Nahid Toubia, Center for Reproductive Law & Policy: Female genital mutilation: a guide to laws and policies worldwide G - Reference, Information and Interdisciplinary Subjects Series , p. 209; Zed Books 2000. ISBN 978-1-85649-773-2
- ↑ Eliminating female genital mutilation - An interagency statement - OHCHR, UNAIDS, UNDP, UNECA, UNESCO, UNFPA, UNHCR, UNICEF, UNIFEM, WHO WHO (2008), PDF 2,11, p. 6, engl. Accessed July 19, 2017
- ↑ IRIN News: Kenya: Rights activists decry Mungiki circumcision threat , web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
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- ↑ Bosworth / van Donzel: The Encyclopaedia of Islam. KHITAN
- ↑ Rigmor C. Berg, Eva Denison: A Tradition in Transition: Factors Perpetuating and Hindering the Continuance of Female Genital Mutilation / Cutting (FGM / C) Summarized in a Systematic Review . In: Health Care Women Int. 2013 Oct; 34 (10): 837-895. doi: 10.1080 / 07399332.2012.721417 , PMID 23489149 , PMC 3783896 (free full text): "There are four Islamic law schools, of which three regard FGM / C as recommended and one, the Shafi'i law school, regards FGM / C as compulsory "
- ^ Sunan Abu Dawud, Book 41, No. 5251
- ↑ Amyn Sajoo A Companion to Muslim Ethics IBTauris 2012 ISBN 978-0-85773-520-1 (English)
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- ↑ Bettina Shell-Duncan, Walter Obungu Obiero, Leunita Auko Muruli: Women Without Choices: The Debate over Medicalization of Female Genital Cutting and Its Impact on a Northern Kenyan Society . In: Bettina Shell-Duncan, Ylva Hernlund (Ed.): Female “Curcumcision” in Africa. Culture, Controversy, and Change . Lynne Rienner, 2000, ISBN 1-55587-871-7 , pp. 117 ( online ).
- ↑ Christos Iavazzo, Thalia A. Sardi, Ioannis D. Gkegkes: Female genital mutilation and infections: a systematic review of the clinical evidence . In: Archives of Gynecology and Obstetrics . 287, No. 6, June 2012, pp. 1137-1149. doi: 10.1007 / s00404-012-2708-5 PMID 23315098
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- ^ OA Adelaja: Final report on position of female circumcision in Nigeria. In: News - Women's International Network. Volume 7, Number 3, 1981, p. 41, ISSN 0145-7985 . PMID 12348684 .
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- ^ Gillian Einstein: From body to brain: considering the neurobiological effects of female genital cutting. In: Perspectives in Biology and Medicine 51, No. 1, 2008, pp. 84-97. PMID 18192768 . PDF full text ( memento from November 1, 2013 in the Internet Archive ).
- ↑ Mohammed H. El-Defrawi, Galal Lotfy, Khadiga F. Dandash, Amany H. Refaat, Moustafa Eyada: Female Genital Mutilation and its Psychosexual Impact. In: Journal of Sex & Marital Therapy . 27, No. 5, 2001, pp. 465-473. doi: 10.1080 / 713846810 , PMID 11554208 .
- ^ Saeed Mohamad Ahmad Thabet and Ahmed S. M. A. Thabet: Defective sexuality and female circumcision: The cause and the possible management . In: Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology Research . 29, No. 1, 2003, pp. 12-19. doi: 10.1046 / j.1341-8076.2003.00065.x , PMID 12696622 .
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- ↑ Emmanuel Monjok, E. James Essien, Laurens Holmes: Female Genital Mutilation: Potential for HIV Transmission in sub-Saharan Africa and Prospect for Epidemiologic Investigation and Intervention. African Journal of Reproductive Health, Vol. 11, No. 1, April, 2007, pp. 33-42 PMID 17982946
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- ^ A b Astrid Springer: Displaced, secretive, taboo In: Deutschlandfunk - " Background ", February 5, 2012.
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- ^ Robert B. Edgerton (1989): Mau Mau: An African Crucible . In: The Free Press , New York.
- ^ Kaitlin Noss: Knowledge is Made for Cutting: Genealogies of Race an Gender in Female Circumcision Discourse. Thesis at the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education, University of Toronto. Full text (PDF; 701 kB)
- ^ Fran Hosken (1993): The Hosken Report: Genital and Sexual Mutilation of Females. (PDF; 68 kB) In: Women's International Network News , Lexington, MA.
- ↑ a b Susanne Oppermann, Jana Wagemann: African Perspectives: Criticism and Requirements in Dealing with Female Genital Cutting In: Center for transdisciplinary gender studies at the Humboldt University in Berlin (ed.): Female Genital Cutting. The difficulty of positioning yourself , Berlin 2005 (Bulletin Texte 28), web link last accessed on June 27, 2012.
- ↑ Charlotte Feldman-Jacobs: Commemorating International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation ( Memento of February 13, 2010 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ Thoraya Ahmed Obaid ( UNFPA ): Statement on the International Day Against Female Genital Mutilation
- ↑ World Health Organization (WHO): International Day of Zero Tolerance to Female Genital Mutilation , press release.
- ↑ Waris Dirie on the “stop-fgm-now.com” campaign page : “Female Genital Mutilation has nothing to do with culture, tradition or religion. It is a torture and a crime. "
- ↑ Examples are the Sabiny in Uganda , the village of Mbemi in Cameroon or 2,657 villages in Senegal, Guinea and Burkina Faso
- ↑ a b IRIN News: Benin-Togo: Can microcredit turn FGM / C cutters to new trades?
- ↑ Birgit Gärtner: UN issues resolution against female genital mutilation , Heise online, Telepolis, January 4, 2013
- ↑ “Will Genital Mutilation Ever End? In Cairo, Islamic scholars decide on a ban ”, NZZ , November 24, 2006, web link last accessed on November 13, 2010
- ↑ TARGET : Islam outlaws female mutilation ( memento of October 13, 2007 in the Internet Archive ), November 24, 2006, web link last accessed on November 13, 2010
- ↑ a b German Society for Technical Cooperation (GTZ) GmbH: Female genital mutilation in Egypt ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , January 2009.
- ^ Dpa : Clergymen in Somalia issue fatwa against mutilation In: Doctors newspaper , November 2, 2005, web link last accessed on January 29, 2010.
- ↑ Tarafa Baghajati: Is the end of female genital mutilation in sight in 2020? In: Islamische Zeitung , February 14, 2011.
- ↑ Tarafa Baghajati: Female circumcision: Is the end of a harmful tradition? In: Die Presse , February 4, 2011.
- ↑ Yusuf al-Qaradawi writes fatwa “Female genital mutilation is a work of the devil” ( Memento from September 11, 2011 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 25 kB)
- ↑ Senta Möller, Heinrich Deserno: Circumcision as a gender trauma , human rights and psychoanalytic aspects of female genital cutting. (PDF; 6.1 MB) full text, p. 85.
- ↑ UNICEF: Female mutilation / cutting. A Statistical Exploration 2005 , p. 18.
- ↑ IRIN News: Burkina Faso: Dial SOS Circumcision and stop girls being cut
- ↑ a b UNICEF (2008): Changing , p. 7
- ↑ IRIN News: Ethiopia: More parents saying no to FGM
- ↑ See Society for Technical Cooperation : Female Genital Mutilation in Burkina Faso ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- ↑ IRIN News: Senegal: FGM continues 10 years after villagers claim to abandon it. , August 10, 2007.
- ↑ IRIN News: Kenya: FGM among the Maasai community of Kenya
- ↑ Female genital mutilation in Eritrea - Regional declarations, national approaches and international standards (dissertation) ( Memento of October 7, 2009 in the Internet Archive ) (pp. 71–76; PDF; 1.9 MB), IRIN News: Sudan: It takes more than a law to stop the cut
- ↑ See GTZ country reports on Kenya ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , Mali ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , Senegal ( Page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- ^ J. Boddy: Body politics: continuing the anticircumcision crusade. In: Medical Anthropology Quarterly. Volume 5, Number 1, 1991, pp. 15-17.
- ↑ "Ngaitana" means "I circumcise myself."
- ↑ Lynn Thomas: Politics of the Womb: Women, Reproduction, and the State in Kenya University of California Press, 2003, ISBN 0-520-23540-1
- ↑ Lynn Thomas: "Ngaitana (I will circumcise myself)": The Gender and Generational Politics of the 1956 Ban on Clitoridectomy in Meru, Kenya. In: Gender & History. Vol. 8, No. 3, 1996, pp. 338-363 doi: 10.1111 / j.1468-0424.1996.tb00062.x .
- ↑ a b F. Ahmadu, R. Shweder (2009): Disputing the myth of the sexual dysfunction of circumcised women: An interview with Fuambai S. Ahmadu by Richard A. Shweder. In: Anthropology Today , 25 (6), pp. 14-17. doi: 10.1111 / j.1467-8322.2009.00699.x
- ↑ Wairim Ngaruiya Njambi (2004): Dualisms and female bodies in representations of African female circumcision In: Feminist Theory. Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 281-303. doi: 10.1177 / 1464700104040811
- ↑ Fuambai Ahmadu: Rites and Wrongs: an Insider / Outsider Reflects on Power and Excision In: Bettina Shell-Duncan, Ylva Hernlund (Ed.): Female "Circumcision" in Africa: Culture, Controversy, and Change , Lynne Rienner Publishers 2001, ISBN 978-1-55587-995-2 .
- ↑ Stanlie M. James, Claire C. Robertson (Eds.) (2002): Genital Cutting and Transnational Sisterhood: Disputing US Polemics. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 0-252-02741-8 ( page number missing )
- ^ A New Debate on Female Circumcision In: The New York Times , 2007.
- ↑ Statement by African Women Are Free to Choose (AWA-FC), Washington DC, USA . In: The Patriotic Vanguard, Sierra Leone News Portal , February 21, 2009.
- ↑ Universal Declaration of Human Rights in full text
- ↑ Journal for Psycho-Trauma Catalog, Psychotherapy Science, Psychological Medicine, 6.JG (2008) Issue 1 from p. 74 (PDF; 6.1 MB)
- ↑ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) GmbH ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice.
- ↑ Legal opinion by Schlauri, human rights aspects ( memento of October 20, 2007 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 331 kB)
- ↑ Child Rights Convention Art. 19 (1)
- ↑ Child Rights Convention Art. 24 (3)
- ↑ Arab Charter of Human Rights PDF full text
- ↑ Cairo Declaration of Human Rights in Islam PDF full text in German
- ↑ Scientific Services of the German Bundestag: The criminal offense of female genital mutilation (Section 226a StGB) , January 29, 2018; Pp. 4-5.
- ^ Lackner / Kühl: Criminal Code, Commentary. 26th edition, Munich 2007 ISBN 3-406-52295-5 , § 226 Rn. 4th
- ↑ a b c Dirk Wüstenberg: Genital mutilation and criminal law . In: Der Gynäkologe 2006, pp. 824–827.
- ^ Kroeger: Overcoming female genital mutilation in Germany - legal policy dimensions. ( Page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. In: Ending Female Genital Mutilation: Experiences from Africa and Europe - Perspectives for Germany , Conference on December 12th and 13th, 2006, Berlin.
- ↑ a b L. Beck, G. Freundl (2009): Circumcision of the external female genital. In: Der Gynäkologe , Vol. 42, No. 4, pp. 282–284. doi: 10.1007 / s00129-008-2306-6
- ↑ Controversial legal situation. Chancellor warns of a ban on circumcision , Spiegel online July 16, 2012
- ↑ Interview with Family Minister Schröder “Of course , criticism of my person hits me” , Spiegel online, August 1, 2012.
- ↑ Parliament: Criminal liability for genital mutilation ( Memento of December 3, 2013 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ a b c Hardtung in: Munich Commentary . 2012, p. 1012.
- ↑ BT-Drs. 16/12910.
- ↑ BR-Drs. 867/09. (PDF; 57 kB) (No longer available online.) Federal Council, February 12, 2010, p. 7 , archived from the original on October 7, 2013 ; Retrieved December 10, 2012 .
- ^ Hardtung in: Munich Commentary. 2012, p. 955.
- ↑ Legal Committee - Wednesday, April 24, 2013, 11 a.m. - StrÄndG ( Memento from May 5, 2013 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ Bernhard Hardtung: Statement on the preparation of the public hearing in the legal committee on the draft bills BT-Drucksachen 17/1217, 17/12374 and 17/4759. (PDF; 410 kB) (No longer available online.) Bundestag, April 23, 2013, archived from the original on June 17, 2013 ; Retrieved May 21, 2013 .
- ^ Hahn: Genital mutilation: effective victim protection through a separate criminal offense. In: Journal for Legal Policy . Munich 2010, pp. 37–40.
- ↑ Up to 15 years in prison for genital mutilation
- ↑ a b Federal Court of Justice, judgment of December 15, 2004, file number XII ZB 166/03 ; summarized: Federal Court of Justice, press release 14/2005 of January 27, 2005 , web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ↑ Court wants to protect child against circumcision In: Badische Zeitung , web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ^ Higher Regional Court of Karlsruhe: Decision of May 25, 2009, Az. 5 UF 224/08 In: NJW 2009, 3521.
- ↑ Federal Court of Justice, judgment of December 15, 2004, file number XII ZB 166/03 , pp. 7–9 of the original decision , web link last accessed on January 29, 2010
- ↑ Draft law BT-DS 597/12 (PDF; 362 KB), p. 14: "In the internal relationship between parents and child, therefore, decide on an interference with the physical integrity - albeit with increasing age of the child, taking greater account of its ideas Ultimately the principle is the parents. "
- ↑ a b Genital Mutilation. Recommendations for dealing with patients after female genital mutilation. (No longer available online.) German Medical Association, archived from the original on June 10, 2008 ; Retrieved on September 20, 2011 (as of November 25, 2005, last change March 27, 2009).
- ↑ German Medical Association supports ICD diagnostic key female genital mutilation. ( Memento of December 29, 2014 in the Internet Archive ), press release of the German Medical Association of March 8, 2013
- ↑ Tradition and violence against women: Female genital mutilation FGM / C. (PDF) Federal Ministry for Health and Women (Austria), April 2017, accessed on March 7, 2018 .
- ↑ Inquiry from the MPs Mag. Johann Maier and comrades to the Federal Minister for Women, Media and Public Service regarding “Registration databases for forced marriage and genital mutilation”. In: 505 / J XXIV.GP. Republic of Austria - Parliamentary Administration, December 18, 2008, accessed on February 2, 2010 .
- ↑ Section 64, Paragraph 1, Item 4a. (PDF) In: Austrian Criminal Code (StGB). Retrieved March 7, 2018 .
- ↑ Swiss Criminal Code Article 124, "Mutilation of female genitals"
- ↑ often cited as 1985 c. 38
- ↑ .legislation.gov.uk: full text (English)
- ↑ www.legislation.gov.uk
- ^ B. Mathews (2011): Female genital mutilation: Australian law, policy and practical challenges for doctors. In: Med J Aust , 194 (3), pp. 139-141. PMID 21299489
- ↑ KM Salamat (1996): In Re Fauziya Kasinga: Expanding the Judicial Interpretation of Persecution, Well-Founded Fear, and Social Group to Include Anyone Fleeing General Civil Violence. In: Howard LJ , 40, 255.
- ↑ Africa portal: End of female circumcision in Benin , April 2005.
- ↑ jdl, dpa, AP: Eritrea forbids circumcision of women In: Der Spiegel , April 5, 2007.
- ↑ Franziska Gruber, Regina Kalthegener ( Terre des Femmes ): Statement by Terre des Femmes e. V. - Human rights for women at the public hearing in the Committee for Family, Seniors, Women and Youth on the subject of "Combating Genital Mutilation" on September 19, 2007 (PDF; 330 kB)
- ↑ BBC News, December 10, 2009: Uganda bans female genital mutilation
- ↑ DER SPIEGEL: Sudan prohibits genital mutilation - nine out of ten girls affected - DER SPIEGEL - politics. Retrieved July 10, 2020 .
- ↑ German Society for Technical Cooperation : National legislation against female genital mutilation ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. (PDF; 825 kB).
- ↑ German Society for International Cooperation : Female Genital Mutilation and Legislation ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , January 2011.
- ↑ German Society for Technical Cooperation : Female Genital Mutilation and Legislation ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. , July 2009.
- ↑ BBC News: Sierra Leone bans child brides not FGM , June 8, 2007.
- ^ La Barbera, Maria Caterina: Revisiting the anti-Female Genital Mutilation Feminist Discourse. In: Diritto & Questioni Pubbliche. 9, 2009, ( full text ; PDF; 260 kB)
- ↑ Ntarangwi, Mwenda (2007): "I have changed my mind now": US Students' Responses to Female Genital Cutting in Africa. In: Africa Today. Vol. 53, No. 4, pp. 87-108. Abstract
- ^ A b c Lisa Wade: The Politics of Acculturation: Female Genital Cutting and the Challenge of Building Multicultural Democracies . In: Social Problems 58, No. 4, 2011, pp. 518-537. doi: 10.1525 / sp.2011.58.4.518
- ^ Elizabeth Heger Boyle: Female Genital Cutting: Cultural Conflict in the Global Community . Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore 2005, ISBN 978-0-8018-8263-0 , p. 113. Limited preview in Google Book Search
- ↑ USA: Rites and wrongs: Is outlawing female genital mutilation enough to stop it from happening here? ( Memento of December 11, 2008 in the Internet Archive ) In: The Female Genital Cutting Education and Networking Project. Retrieved August 9, 2012.
- ^ Anna Elisabetta Galeotti: Relativism, Universalism, and Applied Ethics: The Case of Female Circumcision. ( Memento of November 3, 2014 in the Internet Archive ) (PDF; 160 kB) In: Constellations 14, No. 1, 2007, pp. 91–111. doi: 10.1111 / j.1467-8675.2007.00424.x .
- ↑ E. Leye, RA Powell et al. a .: Health care in Europe for women with genital mutilation. In: Health care for women international. Volume 27, Number 4, April 2006, pp. 362-378, ISSN 0739-9332 . doi: 10.1080 / 07399330500511717 . PMID 16595367 .
- ^ Ritual genital cutting of female minors. In: Pediatrics. Volume 125, Number 5, May 2010, pp. 1088-1093, ISSN 1098-4275 . doi: 10.1542 / peds.2010-0187 . PMID 20421257 .
- ^ Doctors Seek Compromise On Female Genital Cutting - Interview with Dena Davis (Cleveland-Marshall College of Law, Cleveland State University ) on National Public Radio
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- ↑ Lisa Wade (2009): Defining Gendered Oppression in US Newspapers. In: Gender & Society , 23 (3), pp. 293-314. doi: 10.1177 / 0891243209334938 PDF full text ( Memento from October 8, 2011 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ Lisa Wade (2011): The function of balance in US news coverage of uncontested issues: The case of female genital cutting. In: Journalism . doi: 10.1177 / 1464884911431537
- ↑ a b Lisa Wade (2011): Journalism, advocacy and the social construction of consensus. In: Media, Culture & Society , 33 (8), pp. 1166-1184. doi: 10.1177 / 0163443711418273 PDF full text ( Memento from June 27, 2013 in the Internet Archive )
- ^ Carla M. Obermeyer (2003): The Health Consequences of Female Circumcision: Science, Advocacy, and Standards of Evidence . In: Medical Anthropology Quarterly 17 (3), pp. 394-412. PMID 12974204
- ^ Carla M. Obermeyer (2005): The consequences of female circumcision for health and sexuality: An update on the evidence. In: Culture, Health & Sexuality , September – October 2005; 7 (5), pp. 443-461. PMID 16864215
- ↑ Linda Morison, Caroline Scherf, Gloria Ekpo, Katie Pain, Beryl West, Roseland Coleman, Gijs Walraven: The Long-Term Reproductive Health Consequences of Female Genital Cutting in Rural Gambia: A Community-Based Survey. In: Trop Med Int Health 8, August 6, 2001; Pp. 643-53. PMID 11555430 PDF full text ( Memento from July 10, 2012 in the Internet Archive )
- ↑ WHO: WHO and UNAIDS announce recommendations from expert consultation on male circumcision for HIV prevention (English).
- ^ Male circumcision for HIV prevention, WHO 2012
- ↑ “… a meta-analysis by the Cochrane Library [had] been able to show that the procedure known by doctors as circumcision effectively inhibits the spread of the HI virus. The review summarized studies with more than 11,000 men. ”In: Werner Bartens: HIV Prevention Cuts Against Aids , Süddeutsche Zeitung May 17, 2010
- ^ Cochrane HIV / AIDS Group: Male circumcision for prevention of heterosexual acquisition of HIV in men , October 7, 2009
- ↑ HIV transmission , Federal Center for Health Education
- ↑ German Society for International Cooperation (GIZ): Male circumcision ( page no longer available , search in web archives ) Info: The link was automatically marked as defective. Please check the link according to the instructions and then remove this notice. . January 2011.
- ↑ Rie / aerzteblatt.de: Circumcision: Child protectors call for a moratorium. In: aerzteblatt.de . September 13, 2012, accessed February 2, 2015 .
- ↑ German Bundesrat : Rationale In: Draft of a… Criminal Law Amendment Act - criminal liability for mutilation of female genitals (… StrÄndG) , German Bundestag printed matter 17/1217, March 24, 2010, p. 6. PDF full text
- ↑ Bernhard Hardtung: Statement on the public hearing ( memento of June 17, 2013 in the Internet Archive ) in the Legal Committee of the German Bundestag on the draft bills BT-Drucksachen 17/1217, 17/12374 and 17/4759 on April 24, 2013 (PDF; 410 KB).
- ^ Bundestag allows circumcision of boys , Zeit Online, December 12, 2012
- ^ Richard A. Shweder: When Cultures Collide: Which Rights? Whose Tradition of Values? A Critique of the Global Anti-FGM Campaign. Originally prepared for Joint Princeton University / Central European University Conference on “Universalism and Local Knowledge in Human Rights” (October 24-25, 2003), Princeton, New Jersey. PDF full text
- ↑ Kirsten Bell: Genital Cutting and Western Discourses on Sexuality In: Medical Anthropology Quarterly 19 (2), pp. 125-148; 2005. Full text .
- ↑ Sami A. Aldeeb Abu-Sahlieh (1995): Islamic Law and the Issue of Male and Female Circumcision In: Third World Legal Studies. Vol. 13, Article 4, p. 101. PDF full text
- ^ A b V. Braun: In Search of (Better) Sexual Pleasure: Female Genital 'Cosmetic' Surgery. In: Sexualities. Volume 8, No. 4, 2005, pp. 407-424 doi: 10.1177 / 1363460705056625 , PDF full text
- ^ Sylvia Unterdorfer, Maria Deutinger, Michaela Langer, Claudia Richter: Wahnsinnig schön: Beauty addiction , youth madness & body cult , Goldegg-Verlag, ISBN 3-901880-14-3 . PDF excerpt ( memento of July 5, 2010 in the Internet Archive ).
- ^ A. Kennedy (2009): Mutilation and Beautification. In: Australian Feminist Studies , 24 (60), pp. 211-231. doi: 10.1080 / 08164640902852423
- ↑ Beate Hausbichler: Choice and compulsion to the “genital ideal ”: Genital surgery and genital mutilation: Researchers investigate these two practices in Brazil, Africa and England In: dieStandard.at , June 25, 2008.
- ↑ Gbemisola Olujobi: Designer Vaginas: Is Female Circumcision Coming Out of the Closet? In: Truthdig , July 2, 2009.
- ↑ Laura Fitzpatrick: Plastic Surgery Below the Belt In: Time Magazine , November 19, 2008.
- ^ Vienna Program for Women's Health (Ed.): Guidelines for Female Genital Surgery. Consensus paper . November 2009 (PDF; 395 kB)
- ↑ Regina Walter: Intimate surgery: "I don't know whether a penis is beautiful" . In: The Standard . September 14, 2012
- ↑ German Society for Gynecology and Obstetrics e. V .: Statement of the DGGG on intimate surgery , Berlin, July 13, 2009. PDF full text
- ↑ See also Ada Borkenhagen, Elmar Brähler, Heribert Kentenich: Intimate surgery: A dangerous trend. In: Deutsches Ärzteblatt. Volume 106, No. 11, 2009.
- ^ Fight against female genital mutilation - Swiss television.
- ^ A b c d C. Ibe, C. Johnson-Agbakwu (2011): Female Genital Cutting: Addressing the Issues of Culture and Ethics. In: The Female Patient ; 36 (8), pp. 28-31. PDF full text
- ↑ C. Thierfelder, M. Tanner, CM Bodiang (2005): Female genital mutilation in the context of migration: experience of African women with the Swiss health care system. In: European journal of public health ; 15 (1), pp. 86-90. PMID 15788809
- ↑ L. Manderson (2004): Local Rites and Body Politics. In: International Feminist Journal of Politics , Vol. 6, No. 2. doi: 10.1080 / 1461674042000211272
- ↑ L. Rosenberg, K. Gibson, JF Shulman: When Cultures Collide: Female Genital Cutting and US Obstetric Practice. In: Obstetrics & Gynecology. Volume 113, Issue 4, 2009, pp. 931-934 PMID 19305341
- ↑ Julia Beißwenger: Genital Mutilation - Help in Germany . Südwestrundfunk , manuscript for the broadcast of October 10, 2016 of the SWR2 Wissen series , accessed on June 9, 2017 (PDF).
- ↑ The DFC Waldfriede team introduces itself . DFC Waldfriede website, accessed on June 9, 2017.
- ↑ Heidi Friedrich: Genital mutilation: "An operation does not fix the mental injuries" . In: Zeit Online , February 7, 2017, accessed on June 9, 2017 (interview with Cornelia Strunz).
- ↑ Heike Korzilius: Genital Mutilation: Help for Girls and Women . In: Deutsches Ärzteblatt , Vol. 112, No. 13, March 27, 2015, pp. A-570 – A-572, accessed on June 9, 2017 (PDF).
- ^ Louise Schroeder Medal 2016 . Berlin House of Representatives , March 9, 2016, accessed on June 9, 2017.
- ↑ The Desert Flower Center . Desert Flower Foundation website, accessed June 9, 2017.
- ↑ https://www.hilfetelefon.de/gewalt-gegen-frauen/genitalverstuemmelung.html
- ↑ https://www.hilfetelefon.de/das-hilfetelefon/beratung/beratung-in-17-sprach.html
- ^ Table of contents from NDR ( Memento from September 27, 2008 in the Internet Archive )
