Julius Döpfner

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Julius Döpfner, end of July 1964

Julius August Cardinal Döpfner (born August 26, 1913 in Hausen near Bad Kissingen ; † July 24, 1976 in Munich ) was Bishop of Würzburg and Berlin and Archbishop of Munich and Freising and from 1958 Cardinal of the Roman Catholic Church. During the Second Vatican Council from 1962 to 1965 he became "one of the most formative figures of the Catholic Church".

Origin and education

parents house

Julius August Döpfner was the fourth of five children of the house servant Julius Matthäus Döpfner (1876–1923) and his wife Maria Döpfner, b. Büttner (1875–1934) was born in Hausen near Bad Kissingen (Lower Franconia) into an almost penniless Rhön farmer family and grew up in very simple circumstances. Döpfner's siblings were Maria Anna Döpfner, married. Metz (1905–1983), Otto Joseph Döpfner (1909–1979) and Paul Alfons (1919–2007). In 1906, Julius Matthäus and Maria Döpfner had a son named Julius who died the following year.

Döpfner describes his father as a noble and deeply religious man and his mother as "a strong woman who, as a widow, devotedly looked after her children". When his father Julius Matthäus Döpfner died on November 11, 1923 as a result of an abdominal operation, he is said to have made the Hausen chaplain August Martin promise on his deathbed that he would enable little Julius to become a priest, which his mother apparently knew nothing about.

His mother Maria Döpfner was the sister of a Hausener carpenter. She kept an extensive diary in which she described the poverty of the family and her own common illnesses as well as that of her husband on February 15, 1927. As Döpfner himself noted in retrospect, there was a certain seriousness of experience about his otherwise happy and unforgettable childhood. He described the religious experiences in his parents' home, parish and diocese as formative.

Second station of the Hausener Kreuzweg

In front of Döpfner's birthplace was the second station ("Jesus takes the cross on his shoulders") of the Stations of the Cross running through the town (today the Stations of the Cross is completely in the Hausener cemetery ), which Döpfner later used to choose his episcopal motto "Praedicamus Crucifixum "(" We preach the crucified ") ( 1 Cor 1.23  EU ) inspired. Döpfner's birthplace was later demolished and replaced by today's property at Kardinal-Döpfner-Straße 27.

schooldays

On the advice of the local chaplain Martin and his teachers, Döpfner was sent to the Augustinian grammar school in Münnerstadt in 1924 . The ten-year-old walked from Hausen to Münnerstadt to take the entrance exam and passed it. Despite the poor conditions in which he grew up, he brought home good school reports.

Due to his desire to be a priest to want it changed in 1925 - after a year in Münnerstadt - to the Episcopal minor seminary Kilianeum to Würzburg and laid in 1933 at the high school on Rennweger ring the high school as the class from. At the Kilianeum, Döpfner's theological and pastoral orientation was strongly influenced by Regens Kilian Joseph Meisenzahl. Through Meisenzahl, Döpfner got to know the controversial Würzburg theologian Herman Schell , whose personality impressed Döpfner.

At this time a detailed correspondence began between Döpfner and his school friend Georg Angermaier, which existed from 1932 to 1944 and in which Döpfner described in detail his theological views.

In February 1933 Döpfner passed his Abitur as the best in his class. His graduation speech already revealed critical tones against the National Socialists , who had come to power the month before . Teacher Josef Borst, the head of Döpfner's Abitur class, felt compelled to defuse Döpfner's final speech.

Education

Wurzburg

In October 1933 Döpfner began studying theology at the University of Würzburg . Here he studied church history with Sebastian Merkle , a friend of Herman Schell , as well as philosophy with Hans Meyer and the private lecturer Hans Pfeil, an opponent of the religious currents of National Socialism . In Würzburg, Döpfner became a member of the Catholic student association K.St.V. Normannia Würzburg in KV. At the celebration of their 100th anniversary on July 16, 1976 in Würzburg, he gave the festive sermon.

Germanicum in Rome

After one semester, he moved to the Collegium Germanicum of the Pontifical Gregorian University in Rome on a scholarship . At the Germanicum, Döpfner was mainly influenced by the Jesuit priest Ivo Zeiger . Döpfner was critical of the Jesuit leadership style of uniformity and subordination; he believed that the modern world would depend on confident individuals.

Döpfner's external resistance to the study conditions at the Germanicum subsided with the death of his mother in 1934. As he wrote to his college friend Angermaier, an elementary bond with his parents at home was now severed, “without the infinitely tender love of this root cause suffering or stunted ". Among other things, it was his family's willingness to make financial sacrifices that made him feel obliged to bring his studies to a happy conclusion despite all his concerns.

Döpfner compensated for his conflicts with the Germanicum with his ties to his homeland and his love for nature. Up until his time as a cardinal, he used to go hiking in the mountains and by the sea and spend his holidays in his home town of Hausen.

Döpfner wrote numerous letters to the pastor Karl Hockgeiger, who was a friend of his, in which he described his time at the Germanicum in detail.

During his studies he was aware of his decision to become a priest. Instead of a “scientific” priest, he wanted to become a “deeply educated” priest who would also be involved in his work in a human, priestly and organizational way.

priest

In the Church of Il Gesù in Rome he received the sacrament of ordination on October 29, 1939 through Auxiliary Bishop Luigi Traglia . On November 1, 1939, he celebrated in the same church, on the grave altar of St. Ignatius of Loyola his primacy . As a primary picture he chose excerpts from the Isenheim Altarpiece by Matthias Grünewald , and as a primary saying his later episcopal motto “Praedicamus crucifixum”.

On July 7, 1940, Döpfner celebrated his homeland prime in Hausen with an announcement of July 6, 1940 in the local Saale newspaper . The reception took place before the Hausener Klosterscheune the convent Hausen instead.

In 1941 he received his doctorate in theology on "Nature and the supernatural under John Henry Newman ", which he had already dealt with extensively during his studies .

From 1941 to 1944 Döpfner was a chaplain in Großwallstadt , Schweinfurt and Gochsheim . Pastoral care in direct contact with the faithful was very important to him. From 1944 to 1945 he was prefect at the episcopal boys' seminar Kilianeum in Würzburg.

On March 16, 1945 Döpfner witnessed the bombing raid on Würzburg on March 16, 1945 ; all his possessions burned. In his function as Prefect of the Kilianeum, Döpfner had to witness how the two Kilianists Theo and Hans Ricke and their mother, who had come to the Kilianeum on the day of the bombing of Cologne because she felt safe in Würzburg, were killed in the bombing. After the bombing, Döpfner personally helped with the clean-up work in Würzburg, supplied the population with food and negotiated with the US occupation forces.

In August 1945 he was appointed sub-rain at the Würzburg seminary . As a sub-rain, Döpfner also personally looked after the students who suffered from their post-war experiences. Döpfner reacted with pride to the offer of the dean of the faculty to do his habilitation because, as he said, the way to a professorship was not immediately open to former Germanic students.

In 1947 at the latest, Döpfner became a member of the worldwide priestly community Unio Apostolica , which was sponsored by Bishop Matthias Ehrenfried in the Diocese of Würzburg. In 1948 Döpfner became diocesan director of the Unio Apostolica Döpfner remained loyal to the priestly community during his time as Bishop of Berlin and Munich.

Bishop of Würzburg (1948–1957)

Döpfner's coat of arms as Bishop of Würzburg

On August 10, 1948, Pope Pius XII appointed Döpfner as the successor of Matthias Ehrenfried, who died on May 30, 1948, as Bishop of Würzburg . It was speculated that Father Ivo Zeiger SJ, Döpfner's former rector at the Germanicum, had an influence on the decision. The consecration by the Archbishop of Bamberg , Joseph Otto Kolb , took place in the Neumünster Church in Würzburg on October 14, 1948, as the Würzburg Cathedral was still destroyed by the bombing of Würzburg . Co- consecrators were the then Bishop of Eichstätt and later Curia Cardinal Joseph Schröffer and the Bamberg Auxiliary Bishop Artur Michael Landgraf . At 35, Döpfner was the youngest Catholic bishop in Europe . His episcopal motto was: "Praedicamus crucifixum" ("We proclaim [Christ] the crucified") and comes from 1st Corinthians ( 1 Cor 1.23  EU ). In his inaugural service in the Holy Cross Church , Döpfner emphasized his connection to his homeland and his Franconian fellow men. In his first pastoral letter of October 24, 1948, Döpfner justified the choice of his episcopal motto as a response to the increasing number of people who had strayed from the Christian path; at the same time he wanted to be the diocese's first bearer of the cross. Since the Bishop's Palace was destroyed in the bombing of Würzburg on March 16, 1945 , Döpfner initially lived in the Oberzell monastery of the Zell sisters .

In 1952, as bishop, he excommunicated the later church critic Karlheinz Deschner because he had married a divorced woman. At a major event organized by the ADAC and the German Catholic Youth in Würzburg on July 19, 1953 in honor of St. On the other hand, he blessed Christophorus over 1,000 automobiles and motorcycles and in the following years he campaigned for the ecumenical movement until his death . The diocesan synod organized by Döpfner took place from October 11-14, 1954 .

The reconstruction of Würzburg ("Housing is cathedral construction")

Julius Döpfner's tenure began in a completely destroyed city in which only about 53,000 people lived at the end of the war. In all of Lower Franconia there was a need for 394,000 people, and in 1950 there was still a shortage of 80,000 apartments. On January 6, 1949, under the chairmanship of Bishop Döpfner and at the invitation of Caritas Director Robert Kümmert , it was decided to dissolve the Würzburg housing aid and to found a cooperative in the form of the St. Bruno Factory. It was named after St. Bruno of Würzburg . Döpfner put the project under the motto "Housing construction is cathedral construction, housing care is pastoral care, and thus the heartfelt care of your bishop". Criticism of the motto “Housing is cathedral construction” came from Cardinal Michael von Faulhaber , among others . On the occasion of Döpfner's 40th birthday in 1953, the Würzburg Catholic Sunday newspaper praised Döpfner's efforts. By the time Döpfner left for Berlin in 1957, more than 2,000 apartments had been built under the St. Bruno Factory. In 1958 Döpfner received honorary citizenship from the city of Bad Kissingen because of his services to social housing (St.-Bruno-Werk) .

In addition, Döpfner devoted himself to the reconstruction of destroyed churches both in Würzburg (where only the Marienkapelle was undamaged) and in the rest of the diocese of Würzburg. During his tenure, 48 churches were rebuilt and 43 new churches were built. In 1948 Döpfner appointed the master builder Hans Skull to head the Episcopal Building Office. The first thing that was rebuilt under the skull was the St. Laurentius Church in Würzburg / Heidingsfeld . The churches of Kleinostheim and Stockstadt followed . The parish church of St. Anton in Schweinfurt and the village church in Frankenheim / Rhön , the parish church of Niederwerrn, were newly built . The St. Kilian Church in Schweinfurt, the Trinity Church in Gemünden am Main , a chapel in Eltmann and the parish and monastery church of St. Alfons in Würzburg were rebuilt. The pilgrimage church in Hessenthal , the parish church in Kleinheubach and the church of the Holy Family in Würzburg-Heidingsfeld were expanded .

With the help of other architects, new churches such as St. Josef in Schweinfurt-Oberndorf (Fritz Lill from Cologne), St. Elisabeth in Würzburg-Zellerau ( Michael Niedermeier from Würzburg) and Maria Hilf in Schweinfurt (Peter Krammer from Schweinfurt) were built.

All the restored and new churches were consecrated personally by Döpfner. The reconstruction of the Würzburg Cathedral was particularly close to his heart. A specially appointed cathedral building commission was created under his chairmanship. He did not want the cathedral to be rebuilt as a museum, but as a place of worship for a living church. and thus unconsciously anticipated a view of the Second Vatican Council . In the same spirit, he wanted to overcome the division between the priest who carried out the liturgy and the uninvolved community in church design.

Strengthening faith and contact with believers

Döpfner believed that he had recognized that more and more believers needed a conscious decision to believe. From this, in his opinion, arose the need for the church to reflect more on the lay apostolate. For this reason, at Döpfner's express request, the Würzburg Cathedral School was founded on September 27, 1950 as an academy for adult education in the Diocese of Würzburg. The cathedral school developed into a model for many other dioceses. Lay people should be encouraged to share responsibility and cooperation by deepening their knowledge of the faith. The cathedral school program was designed personally by Döpfner.

Döpfner was equally concerned with the work of the priests. For this reason he held several - well-attended - retreat courses .

Döpfner also promoted youth work and therefore supported the Association of German Catholic Youth ( BDKJ) as much as possible . When the Volkersberg monastery came into the possession of the Würzburg diocese in 1955 , it was converted into a training and education center for Catholic youth.

Döpfner sought direct contact with people and preached to athletes, workers, farmers and winegrowers. In his discussion of the social issue, he advocated the Sunday off and against illegal work. Even before he became the representative of the Fulda Bishops' Conference for refugees and expellees in 1953, Döpfner spoke out in favor of improving the situation of refugees and expellees.

The dean's office Meiningen , which was part of the diocese of Würzburg at the time, belonged to Thuringia and thus to the former GDR area , was also close to Döpfner's heart. The political situation made it difficult to take care of the believers living there. Döpfner's predecessor, Bishop Matthias Ehrenfried, reported on February 4, 1948 that both residents and priests from the Meiningen deanery had difficulty issuing a passport. New churches and chapels could only be built under the most difficult conditions, for example in Lauscha and Camburg . In addition, the new parishes of Bad Liebenstein , Camburg, Eisfeld , Gräfenthal , Römhild , Unterwellenborn and Wernshausen as well as the offices of Bettenhausen , Heldburg , Lauscha, Lehesten, Ober Maßfeld , Schalkau , Themar and Wasungen were established during Döpfner's tenure as Bishop of Würzburg . As Döpfner later said in “My Franconian Years”, it was particularly important to him to visit the Thuringian diaspora in the first few weeks after taking office. For example, during his first visit from November 11, 1948 to November 26, 1948 - four weeks after his episcopal ordination - he donated 1,100 confirmations. Döpfner later fondly remembered this trip. Döpfner continued these visits throughout his tenure. As he wrote to the Apostolic Nuncio Aloysius Muench on November 30, 1955 , the situation burdened him with spying, food rationing, youth consecration and the harassment and indoctrination of the people. At the same time he noticed the resulting growth in religious and worship life. The believers felt that Döpfner not only exercised a jurisdiction, but also a protective function.

Bishop Döpfner at the 1st Lower Franconian Catholic Day on 1./2. September 1951 in Aschaffenburg

In 1951 Catholic days were held in Ochsenfurt and Schweinfurt . There was no Catholic Day in Würzburg, since 1952 was about to celebrate the 1200th anniversary of the recovery of the remains of the Franconian apostles Kilian , Kolonat and Totnan by Bishop Burkard . After each of the well-attended Catholic Days, for which high-level speakers could be won, resolutions were passed on marriage and family, against divorce and abortion, and on the private and public showing of family spirit.

On the occasion of the Kilian year 1952, the bones of the Franconian apostles were brought back to Würzburg in 1949 from Gerolzhofen , where they came during the Second World War . The Kilian anniversary is one of the highlights of Döpfner's tenure as Bishop of Würzburg. It was opened with a pontifical mass on the first day of Pentecost, reached a climax in St. Kiliansoktav and ended on October 12, 1952 with the Burkardus Festival (the Sunday before Burkardi).

With the aim of “conveying a lively diocesan awareness”, Döpfner led the Würzburg diocesan synod from October 11-14, 1952. In a pastoral letter to the Synod, Döpfner described the pastoral efforts of the priest for people today as the only major subject of discussion at the Synod. The participants included the deans of the 38 deaneries, the professors of the theological faculty, the provincial and religious superiors, the Würzburg city pastors as well as the religious teachers and youth chaplains. For the first time, knowledgeable lay people (twelve lay people, including two women) were involved in the preparatory work for a synod. Almost all questions and problems of modern pastoral care were dealt with. The theologian Georg Langgärtner saw the result of the synod "in the preparation of the diocese for the following council and in the ability to withstand the storms of the post-conciliar years". Further contents were the new examination regulations of the theological faculty for a contemporary and future-oriented theological curriculum. Resolutions on church buildings and church art and charity as a mandatum magnum of the church.

The "Ochsenfurt case"

In 1953, the "Ochsenfurt case" attracted national attention. On June 28, 1953, the new sugar factory in Ochsenfurt was to be opened and blessed by the church. According to tradition, Döpfner agreed that due to the majority of the Catholic population in the region, only the representative of the Catholic Church should perform the blessing. Accordingly, when he learned in Ochsenfurt of the planned participation of the Protestant dean of Würzburg Wilhelm Schwinn (1905–1974), he refused a joint ceremony with the dean. On the way to the sugar factory, mounted Protestants tried to blow up Döpfner's train; the police had to resolve the situation.

According to a declaration by the Bishop's Ordinariate in Würzburg on June 28, 1953, Döpfner only learned of the Protestant dean's participation on the morning of the planned sugar factory consecration and announced that he would leave Ochsenfurt immediately in the event of an consecration by Schwinn. According to the ordinariate, the program was not completed until the day before the consecration and had not been sent to Döpfner. According to the Evangelical Lutheran Dean's Office, Döpfner received the program two weeks before the consecration.

The "Ochsenfurt case" received a lot of attention in the press. Both the Ordinariate and the Dean's Office tried to limit the damage. The Würzburger Katholische Sonntagsblatt raised the question of whether the ecumenical efforts should have been in vain, not in terms of church law but in terms of Christian brotherhood. The press agreed that the question of parity between the two denominations in Bavaria had become acute again.

The Bavarian CSU feared a loss of votes in the federal election in 1953 and feared that it would be able to run fewer Protestant candidates in the Bundestag in the future. After the intervention by Federal President Theodor Heuss , Federal Chancellor Konrad Adenauer sent the Ministerial Director Hans Globke from the Federal Chancellery, who was experienced in delicate diplomatic situations, to meet with Döpfner. The press saw this as confirmation of the political impact of the incident.

On August 9, 1953, Döpfner himself wrote a letter of reconciliation to Schwinn from his Swiss vacation spot. Döpfner emphasized that he was far from offending the Protestant Christians, the Protestant Church and thus also Schwinn's person. It pained him that his actions were taken this way. The incident made him aware of the need for a fraternal encounter.

As church historian Klaus Wittstadt explains, one cannot assume that Döpfner was against ecumenism. Döpfner made this clear several times, as in his sermon at the end of the octave of the world prayer, his New Year's Eve sermon from 1952, a sermon on the octave of the world prayer from 1957 and his pontifical mass on Kilian Sunday 1955.

As Agathe Schwinn, the daughter of Dean Wilhelm Schwinn, explained in 2014, after a brief conversation with Döpfner, her father realized that due to the Catholic majority in the population, the ordination was reserved for Döpfner and that Schwinn should not have come. Both before and after the incident, according to Agathe Schwinn, the two men were intimately friends.

The incident was triggered by a simple communication problem. According to this, Dean Schwinn had attended the laying of the foundation stone for the sugar factory in 1951 in civilian clothes, which corresponded to interdenominational conventions. At the inauguration in 1953, the director of the sugar factory had informed the Catholic clergyman from Ochsenfurt, Josef Braun, that he wanted the same procedure for the inauguration and had wrongly assumed that his message would be Dr. Holitz, the organizer of the inauguration, would reach. The latter, in turn, had apparently assumed that the Catholic and Protestant clergy from Ochsenfurt had already discussed the relevant procedure among themselves.

As the cathedral capitular Theodor Kramer noted, the effects of the Döpfner incident never quite let go. This is shown by a description of the incident in "Meine Fränkische Jahre" (My Franconian Years), where Döpfner described it shortly before his death as the most difficult test of his Franconian years and emphasized that his image after the incident in no way corresponded to his intentions. On May 8, 1957, he made a written remark to Pope Pius XII. , firmly relieved that the reserve of Protestant Christians against him had clearly decreased.

Bishop of Berlin (1957–1961)

Cardinal Döpfner's coat of arms as Bishop of Berlin
Memorial plaque in St. Hedwig's Cathedral

On January 15, 1957, Pius XII appointed him. as Bishop of Berlin , on March 10th Döpfner said goodbye to Würzburg with a heavy heart and on March 25th he was enthroned in Berlin.

Ecumenism

During his tenure as Bishop of Berlin Döpfner tried to promote ecumenism and was able to successfully dispel corresponding concerns that had existed against him since the “Ochsenfurt case”. In this context he established intensive and successful contact with Otto Dibelius , the Protestant bishop of Berlin. Both men shared the same view of the political situation. In this sense, Döpfner also took a public position on Dibelius' anti-regime "authoritarian writing" that the Christian should obey God rather than man in demands that go against the Christian conscience. Otto Dibelius and Julius Döpfner became friends, as Döpfner emphasized in his memoirs.

GDR government

Internally, the GDR authorities had doubts about Döpfner even in the run-up to the enthronement, since the diocese of Würzburg was a partner in the Würzburg publishing house , which was critical of socialism , and because Döpfner worked closely with the Eastern priesthood as the representative for pastoral care for refugees.

Döpfner's critical attitude was also significant in his function as chairman of the Berlin Ordinarienkonferenz (BOK), which was founded in 1950 as an association of Catholic bishops, auxiliary bishops and jurisdictions against the anti-church course of the GDR government. Walter Ulbricht set his anti-church course primarily with the appointment of regime-compliant Werner Eggerath as State Secretary for Church Affairs on February 21, 1957. A meeting between Döpfner and GDR Prime Minister Otto Grotewohl on March 28, 1957 brought no rapprochement.

In the so-called “Döpfner Decree” of November 26, 1957, Döpfner emphasizes the role of the BOK chairman as the sole interlocutor with the GDR authorities and that everything must be avoided that could lead to a split in the Catholic Church in Germany. Although the GDR continued on its course, an agreement like the one that the Evangelical Church had concluded with the GDR government was out of the question for Döpfner; Instead, he stuck to his minimum demands, such as the facilitation of religious instruction or the end of state propaganda against the Catholic Church.

There was a scandal when Döpfner complained in a Lenten pastor's letter in the edition of the St. Hedwigblatt of January 25, 1958 that parents delegated the educational work of their children too much to other institutions such as schools and churches. The SED saw this as a criticism of the situation in the GDR and banned the St. Hedwigsblatt. It was only allowed to appear again when it printed a letter from Fritz Beyling , the head of the press office at the Prime Minister of the GDR, in which the latter rejected Döpfner's remarks. Since mid-May 1958, Döpfner was refused entry into the GDR areas outside Berlin.

After the death of the chairman of the CDU in the GDR Otto Nuschke , who had campaigned for the normalization of relations between the church and the GDR government, the GDR government had an easier time. In connection with the “Lange Decree” of February 12, 1958, religious instruction was pushed out of schools; in return, the youth consecration gained greater importance. In response to the ban on religious instruction, Döpfner initiated the BOK resolution of July 1958 to use all means to encourage parents to teach their children about the faith.

Döpfner himself noted in a BOK report on the period from mid-April to the end of June 1958 and in a pastoral letter of May 4, 1958, on the one hand an aggravated political situation, but on the other hand also an increasing participation of the faithful in youth confession days, Corpus Christi processions as well as services and reception of the sacraments .

Under the impression of the political conditions in his diocese, Döpfner initially reacted with concern to the decision that the Catholic Day should take place in Berlin from August 13th to 18th, 1958, but devoted himself to this task full of vigor. The guiding principle of his speeches and sermons during the Kirchentag, in which around 60,000 Catholics from the GDR took part despite all the difficulties, was the unifying community of believers in faith and with Jesus Christ. The GDR authorities saw the Christian community feeling of the Catholic believers as a threat to their socialist idea, which prompted them to take a stronger anti-church course. Döpfner himself continued his thoughts on the Catholic Day by implementing the plans of his predecessor Wilhelm Weskamm to build a church and to have the church “ Maria Regina Martyrum ” built near the Plötzensee to commemorate the martyrs for freedom of belief and conscience 1933-1945 . Döpfner laid the foundation stone on November 12, 1960 and consecrated the church on May 4, 1963 .

Döpfner realized that because of his isolation in Berlin and the isolation of the East German parts of the West German dioceses, he would have to move his residence to East Berlin. Bishop Otto Spülbeck von Meißen had already requested this internally in March 1959. Döpfner suggested to Nuncio Aloysius Muench that he set up apostolic administrations in the event of increasing isolation of the East German dioceses and that he would move to East Berlin. The nuncio expressed serious reservations about the proposal. Instead, on May 4, 1959, Alfred Bengsch was appointed auxiliary bishop in Berlin, who lived in the eastern part of the city. For Döpfner, however, this solution was only of a temporary nature. In a comprehensive report to Cardinal Secretary of State Domenico Tardini on May 27, 1959, he insisted on his proposal to move to East Berlin. Otherwise he could no longer exercise his function as BOK chairman in the event of a further development of the isolation; nor would the GDR see him as a negotiating partner anymore. The situation worsened when Bengsch discovered a listening device in his apartment and a "detective" informed him that the GDR state would continue to exist for a long time and that Döpfner was to blame for his pastoral letter. According to historian Bernd Schäfer, the situation for the Catholic Church began to become fragile, as the state organs of the GDR not only ignored protests by the Church, but also tightened their course unmoved. On April 7, 1959, Bishop Piontek stated that if you are at the mercy of an overpowering opponent, it would be wiser to remain silent when the time comes. In June 1961 Döpfner sent a letter to Otto Grotewohl in which it was stated that he saw no common basis for socialist and Christian humanism; as long as the GDR continues its materialistic course, normalization in the relationship between both sides is impossible. Bishop Spülbeck rejected the draft; the GDR authorities could turn a deaf ear in the future and the situation could worsen overall. At the BOK conference of 1961 the decision was postponed. Döpfner could no longer count on the unreserved support of his fellow bishops. Two days after the adjournment, he was by Pope John XXIII. appointed Archbishop of Munich and Freising .

As a result of his criticism of the ruling government, Döpfner was subjected to reprisals, including being spied on by the Stasi and banned from visiting the faithful in the eastern part of the city.

Reconciliation with Poland

With his "Berlin Hedwig Sermon" of October 16, 1960, Döpfner justified his efforts for a reconciliation with Poland after the Second World War . Here Döpfner goes into the shameful injustice that the Polish people had to suffer and demands that the German people must not close their eyes and never forget the injustice to be atoned for. In the same sense, Döpfner included the injustice of the expulsion after 1945. Döpfner ruled out war to reorganize the relationship between the two states from the outset and emphasized his will for peace.

This sermon allayed the fears on the Polish side, which were expressed, among other things, in the reservations of the Archbishop of Warsaw , Stefan Wyszyński , which he had brought forward against Federal Chancellor Konrad Adenauer shortly before in his sermon on August 17, 1960 in St. George's Church in Marienburg .

The weekly newspaper of the Polish communists “ Polityka ” welcomed Döpfner's sermon on October 29, 1960, but demanded that words be followed by deeds. The representative newspaper of the Polish Catholics " Tygodnik Powszechny " also saw in Döpfner's words a basis for real reconciliation. Döpfner's sermon also met with approval from Auxiliary Bishop Ernst Tewes , the Times , the Daily Telegraph and the Bonn State Secretary Peter Paul Nahm . At the same time, as he wrote to Count Georg Henckel von Donnersmarck on November 26, 1960, Döpfner was shocked by some voices that testified to the nationalism of some Germans.

Döpfner also carried out his will for reconciliation between Germany and Poland later, for example in his Christmas address of December 25, 1965 or his congratulatory telegram of May 3, 1966 to Cardinal Wyszyński on the occasion of the millennium of the Christianization of Poland , whereupon the latter was given by the Polish government the given slogan "We do not forgive" was answered with a "We forgive".

Döpfner also supported the Warsaw Treaty of 1970 . On a trip to Poland in October 1973, Döpfner met numerous Polish bishops.

Appointment as cardinal

In 1958 Döpfner was elevated to cardinal priest by Pope John XXIII. with the titular church Santa Maria della Scala in Trastevere .

Döpfner, who learned of his appointment as cardinal while he was at a reception with Pope John XXIII. interpreted for the German guests, interpreted the appointment more as a dignity for the city of Berlin and its struggle against the political situation rather than for himself. In the majority of the public's perception, however, the appointment of a cardinals was seen as a tribute to his person and his opposition to the GDR government.

This made Döpfner the youngest cardinal in the Catholic Church. The secret inauguration consistory took place on December 15, 1958, and the public consistory on December 18, 1958. Döpfner used his cardinal appointment to continue to draw attention to the serious situation in his Berlin diocese, for example when he suggested to Archbishop Antonio Samorè in the State Secretariat that Pope John XXIII. may in his Christmas address again underline the great importance of human rights; Priests and believers behind the Iron Curtain should know about the support of the Church.

Departure from Berlin

Döpfner felt connected to his community and also obliged to stand by it in the difficult political times. So he initially resisted the instruction of Pope John XXIII to be transferred as the new Archbishop of Munich. Despite multiple objections on the part of Döpfner, among others with the substitute in the State Secretariat Angelo Dell'Acqua , Cardinal State Secretary Domenico Tardini - who pretended that there would be no change to Munich - the papal nuncio in the FRG Corrado Bafile and finally in a private audience with John XXIII. on June 15, 1961, the Pope insisted on his decision in a handwritten letter of June 22, 1961.

Döpfner's departure was overshadowed by the worsening Berlin crisis and the construction of the Berlin Wall. As a result, Döpfner had to hold his farewell service on August 20, 1961 in West Berlin. His successor as bishop and BOK chairman was Alfred Bengsch , who shifted his focus from public political expression to the pastoral tasks of the church in the GDR.

There are various speculations about the reasons for Döpfner's departure from Berlin. One thesis suspects the reason in Döpfner's uncompromising attitude towards the GDR government. Another possibility was that Pope John XXIII, who had a high opinion of Döpfner, wanted to fill the vacant bishop's post in Munich and Freising with the most capable bishop of his time. According to the mayor of Berlin, Franz Amrehn , the Pope wanted to enable the bishopric to be moved to East Berlin and, furthermore, not to waste Döpfner's skills on the West Berlin outpost.

Döpfner's departure was regretted by many authorities such as the Jewish community and the Berlin Senate. His steadfastness towards the GDR government and his desire for reconciliation with Poland were emphasized. Only the GDR press called Döpfner "a cold warrior"; a “far-sighted personality in the Vatican” recognized the dangers that Döpfner posed for the Catholic Church in Germany.

Second Vatican Council

Opening of the Second Vatican Council
Pope John XXIII

"Consilia et Vota"

On January 25, 1959, Pope John XXIII announced. to hold a council. Church historian Klaus Wittstadt agrees with Karl Forster that Döpfner played a major role in the course and content of the council. Its pastoral orientation suited Döpfner's person. Pope John XXIII convened a preparatory commission on May 17, 1959, which was supposed to collect proposals from the world episcopate, religious superiors and Catholic theological and canonical faculties. Döpfner's answer Consila et Vota (Latin: advice and recommendations ) of November 6, 1959 is shaped by his experiences in the Berlin diaspora and is "one of the most extensive, best prepared and theologically mature" proposals. During the preparatory phase, Auxiliary Bishop Alfred Bengsch developed , as Döpfner wrote to Nuncio Corrado Bafile , into an irreplaceable advisor for him.

During the preparation of the Consilia et Vota , Döpfner asked the theologians Hans Urs von Balthasar , Otto Karrer , Father Paul Mianecki SJ and Herbert Roth SJ for supporting reports. Hans Urs von Balthasar saw ecumenism as the central concern of the Council, spoke out in favor of concluding the First Vatican Council with a clarification of the understanding of the Church, especially with regard to a strengthening of the episcopal office and a decentralization of the Curia spiritual training and way of life for clergy and religious. Otto Karrer recommended that the First Vatican Council be supplemented, since ex cathedra dogmatizations such as the physical acceptance of Mary into heaven by Pope Pius XII. in 1950 there was a risk of autocratization. Another topic for Karrer was the relationship of Catholics to Protestantism. Based on his experiences during the General Congregation of the Jesuits in 1959, Paul Mianecki SJ made organizational proposals such as the installation of nation speakers, since it was not possible to allow all bishops to have their say during the council, and the establishment of bishops' commissions, which should deal with selected topics; the commissions could also prevent Roman authorities from neglecting one or the other topic. Herbert Roth SJ placed the emphasis on the position of bishops, lay people, non-Catholic Christians, unbaptized children and the question of the possibility of Christian unity and thus overlaps with Döpfner's notes.

A fundamental concern of Döpfner's Consilia et Vota was a concentration on the essentials and the clarification of basic questions. This also included a limited selection of suitable bishops. Döpfner's further points included a contemporary development of dogmas and also a contemporary design of canon law, the question of people, the situation of the laity and ecumenism. Among other things, the council was supposed to morally renew the Christian people and adapt church discipline to the demands of the times. The template already contains the defining contents of the council.

Döpfner's statement "Consilia et vota" should set out the necessary means to adapt the church doctrinal statements to current developments. In contrast to earlier councils, no more heresies should be condemned, but this time the world should be considered, which, conditioned by the zeitgeist, hates religion, as well as the threatening dangers as soon as man turns away from religion, up to the fragmentation of the religious community to sects, the materialism prevailing in the GDR (according to Döpfner's experience in Berlin), growing religiosity due to adverse external circumstances. Döpfner described the proclamation of human dignity by the church and a Magna Charta of human rights as the goal. The German bishops adopted some of Döpfner's ideas in their general statement of April 27, 1960.

During the preparation of the Consilia et Vota , Cardinal Augustin Bea SJ asked Döpfner in a letter of May 1, 1959 on behalf of Pascalina Lehnert , Pope Pius XII's assistant. since his time in Munich, with Pope Johannes XXIII. for a beatification of Pope Pius XII. to use. As Döpfner wrote to Cardinal Josef Frings on June 20, 1959 , the request left him with an unpleasant aftertaste. According to the theologian Stephan Mokry, a beatification of Pope Pius XII. In relation to its encyclical Humani generis, the Council cast too great a shadow, as it spoke out against Nouvelle Théologie and thus against those new beginnings that were to be decisive for the Council.

Based on the Consilia et Vota , a vote by the bishops in Berlin took place in the spring of 1960. The network of contacts that Döpfner built up during this time should prove to be decisive for the council. The Mainz Bishop Albert Stohr was appointed for dogmatic questions and the Trier Bishop Matthias Wehr for disciplinary questions. For both, Döpfner obtained supporting templates, in which both put together suggestions from working groups.

In the submission by Bishop Stohr (with the substantial participation of the Münster dogmatics professor Herman Volk) it was about the nature of the church in general, important individual aspects such as the role of the bishops, the meaning of the word of God, as well as the worship service. Stohr emphasized, among other things, the union of Christianity with the Council and therefore recommended avoiding controversial topics, especially in Mariology ; He also suggested that laypeople should be given a higher status and - in order to involve the congregation - the preference of the respective mother tongue over Latin in worship. Stohr's vote met with Döpfner's full approval.

In the episcopal remarks of the De disciplina draft prepared by Bishop Wehr , there is also a letter from Döpfner, in which he addresses the points of the holiday catalog, calendar reform with regard to Easter, shortening of the communion formula and the pastor's attention to the community during the service.

At the end of the bishop's vote, Döpfner dealt with the importance of a Christian image of man in a time marked by materialism and loss of faith in view of the upcoming all-German vote. To this end, he obtained an opinion from the Frankfurt moral theologian Johannes Hirschmann SJ , as Döpfner recognized that his view on the subject was too one-sidedly shaped by his experiences with the GDR government during his time in Berlin.

The central preparatory commission

In the Motu proprio " Superno Dei " of Pentecost 1960, Pope John XXIII. set up the actual preparatory bodies that should collect proposals from clerical bodies around the world. Döpfner was appointed to the central preparatory commission on December 24, 1960, following the advice of Nuncio Corrado Bafile to Pericle Felici , Secretary General of the Council's work. Nuncio Bafile emphasized that Döpfner could bring his experiences with the situation of the church under communist rule and that he could easily travel to Rome from his residence in West Berlin.

In his last meeting as BOK President on July 12 and 13, 1961, Döpfner informed about the preparations for the Council. The council should avoid open anti-communist attacks (but nevertheless deal with communism), convey a positive Catholic image of man and send a signal to non-Christian people. At an audience with Pope John XXIII. on January 24, 1961, Döpfner obtained the participation of the controversial theologian Karl Rahner SJ.

The German representatives in the Central Preparatory Commission were Döpfner, the Cardinals Joseph Frings , Alfred Bengsch and Augustin Bea . For the first session, Döpfner chose Joseph Pascher as his theological advisor.

Döpfner's Council Secretary was Gerhard Gruber . As Gruber later said, he never found out from Döpfner why the latter chose him as Council Secretary. In his opinion, Döpfner must have made his decision after a further training event in September 1961, when Gruber, as President of the Marienanstalt - to his surprise successfully - asked for a meeting to point out a problem. Several factors spoke in favor of Gruber as Council Secretary; he had also studied at the Germanicum , among other things, so he knew Rome and spoke Italian.

Up until the early summer of 1961, preparatory commissions worked out schemes based on proposals from bishops, religious superiors and Catholic universities from all over the world. These schemes were discussed in the central preparatory commission, which in retrospect counts as a “council on a small scale” or “council before the council”. According to the reports in the Acta et Documenta , Döpfner spoke more than 30 times during this central preparatory commission (some of these requests to speak are presented below).

First session (June 12-20, 1961)

Döpfner's first statement in connection with the council was - on the basis of a catalog of answers from Paderborn Archbishop Lorenz Jaeger - the answer to seven questions put forward by Secretary General Pericle Felici on behalf of the Pope on the content of the council's rules of procedure. Döpfner emphasized, in some cases going beyond Jaeger's model, the importance of exegesis and the laity.

Second session (November 7-17, 1961)

In the second session, Döpfner spoke out in favor of admitting non-Catholic Council observers. Furthermore, he criticized the Professio fidei based on the Trento Creed of 1564 on the basis of an expert opinion by the dogmatist Michael Schmaus and developed suggestions for improvement.

During the discussion on November 10, 1961 about a text by Cardinal Alfredo Ottaviani on the sources of Revelation ( De fontibus relevagtionis ), Döpfner - again based on an expert opinion by Schmaus - spoke out in favor of Holy Scripture and especially exegesis as the source of Revelation not to be neglected. Ottaviani's opposition, which was already emerging on the previous topics, was shown again in the coordination between Ottaviani's and Bea's standpoint on the sources of Revelation.

Towards the end of the second session, Döpfner worried "about the spirit and workings of the theological commissions." and feared "that the line of the positive, the awakening, the consideration for outsiders, especially the Christians, would be neglected in this commission"

Third session

In the third session, Döpfner expressed himself critically and in detail about the De ordine morali scheme for morality. With regard to the De sacramento ordinis scheme , he stood up for the permanent and married diaconate on the basis of an expert report by Klaus Mörsdorf .

Döpfner spoke out particularly decisively against the De deposito fidei scheme for the preservation of the property of faith. Döpfner was able to rely on a total of three reports from Schmaus and Gruber. With a refresher on anti-modernism, the scheme turned against the reform intentions of Pope John XXIII. as well as the Council Fathers who followed him. In contrast to the individual topics of other schemes, it was intended as a synthesis of topics and problems around the question of God, revelation, modern philosophy and natural science and, together with the revised Professio, should also protect against all attacks from inside and outside. Döpfner requested a final revision of the scheme.

Between January and March 1962 Döpfner looked for a council theologian for the council. His favorite for this was Karl Rahner. This in turn became an advisor to Cardinal Franz König and recommended alternative candidate Heinrich Fries; Joseph Pascher in turn fries and feast. Various reasons, for example different emphases of the individual theologians, prompted Döpfner to set up a network of council theologians in accordance with Pascher's advice.

In contrast to De deposito fidei , Döpfner supported the liturgy scheme De liturgia after Pope Pius XII. Among other things, he had already advocated the liturgical movement in 1947 with his encyclical Mediator Dei . According to Döpfner, De liturgia was the best of the previous schemes. Döpfner advocated promoting the Latin language in theology studies and the respective mother tongue in the liturgy.

Döpfner was critical of the church scheme De ecclesia , in which it was in relation to the encyclical Mystici Corporis of Pope Pius XII. was about the essence of the church. Contrary to its importance for the entire council, the first parts of the scheme were only discussed in the penultimate session of the Central Commission in May 1962, which aroused corresponding displeasure.

The council

First session

On October 11, 1962, the second Vatican Council was opened. As Klaus Wittstadt describes, two groups formed until the existing council, one of which was committed to the curia and the other was pastoral. Pope John XXIII himself represented Döpfner's position in a radio address on September 11, 1962 and in his opening speech by Gaudet Mater Ecclesia on October 11, 1962.

At the beginning of the first session of the General Congregation on October 22nd, 1962, the liturgical scheme was discussed. When Döpfner discovered on October 21, 1962 that the text of the liturgical scheme distributed to the Council Fathers had been manipulated, he insisted on his request for the authentic text, which earned him the nickname "The Panzer Cardinal". On October 15, four out of nine votes in the Presidential Council were against the scheme. A group of German, Dutch and French bishops under Joseph Pascher wanted to make changes to the liturgical scheme and decided to win Döpfner as a speaker for an intervention; Pascher immediately added a Latin formulation suggestion for the liturgical scheme. In collaboration with Gruber, Döpfner drafted two speeches and a definitive script as a personal copy. With the importance of the layperson, Döpfner brought one of the concerns that was important to him in his intervention on the liturgical scheme. Döpfner's arrangements, which he based on Pascher in terms of argumentation and content, included the points of competence of the bishops and bishops' conferences in the implementation of liturgical reform measures such as the use of the vernacular, the simpler possibility of concelebration and a detailed reform of the liturgical prayer . On October 22nd and November 9th, 1962, Döpfner presented an intervention on the liturgical scheme.

Already in this initial phase, Döpfner, in collaboration with the church historian Hubert Jedin, tried to make changes to the rules of procedure for a tighter course of the council. For example, it should be possible to bring in a completely new text template if necessary or, before a discussion got too wild, to end it in good time.

The De fontibus relevationis revelation scheme , which was already controversial in the central preparatory commission, was discussed more controversially than the liturgical scheme . Joseph Ratzinger and Karl Rahner had recommended that it be discarded and were given a new design. At this point, Döpfner himself shifted his focus to criticizing the Theological Commission (and thus Ottaviani) for their ignorance of the changes requested in connection with the scheme. He successfully pointed out that in the case of a half-baked scheme it would be better to reject it and use a new starting point to achieve a consensus-based result. After some confusion, the vote on November 20, 1962 did not bring a two-thirds majority in favor of canceling the scheme, so that Pope John XXIII. charged a mixed commission under the direction of Cardinals Bea and Ottaviani with a new version of the scheme.

Döpfner used the relaxation phase of the following, comparatively simple schema debates to improve the work of the council and to modify the rules of procedure; it should now be possible to break off the general debate, reduce the amount of material and set up a coordination committee for the Intersessio.

The church scheme De ecclesia , which came about under hasty circumstances , was sharply criticized by Döpfner. In the summary of November 28, 1962 for the registration of a speech on the church scheme, he criticized its poorly organized structure. Michael Schmaus, too, considered this to be "difficult to cure" in his report on the church scheme; it is, among other things, too juridical , not ecumenical, and not in keeping with the current state of dogmatics and exegesis. Michael Schmaus' statement shows that the content of the statement is very similar to Rahner's statement. Accordingly, during his intervention in the 32nd General Congregation on December 3, 1962, Döpfner emphasized the fundamental importance of the scheme, but at the same time pointed out the weaknesses of the text. Döpfner's intervention in the debate about De ecclesia was followed by interventions by other cardinals such as Montini, Lercaro and Suenens, who complemented each other in terms of content. According to the schedule, after Lercaro's speech, the establishment of a coordination commission was announced.

The coordinating commission in the Intersessio

With the adjustment of the rules of procedure and the establishment of the coordination commission, Pope John XXIII. the concerns of many Council Fathers. Stephan Mokry believes that Döpfner has great influence on these two points. Mokry also agrees with church historian Giuseppe Alberigo that the purpose of the coordination commission was to tame the influence of the curia - and particularly Ottavianis. As a member of the coordination commission, Döpfner was responsible for the two documents concerning the episcopis et dioeceseon regimine and De cura animarum as well as for the de religiosis order scheme . In his letter of thanks to Pope John XXIII. for the establishment of the commission he also made some remarks about the future of the council. For example, he advised against too long a council and thus too long a separation of the local bishops from their churches; less important issues could be left to post-conciliar commissions.

Cardinal State Secretary Amleto Giovanni Cicognani deliberately gave the coordination commission the task of not drafting new texts, but rather improving existing ones or discarding them if necessary. With regard to the post-conciliar work, Döpfner endeavored to fix his convictions and basic statements in the council texts in order to preserve what had been achieved as far as possible - since another near-disaster like the one in the revelation scheme could not be completely ruled out. At the same time, the influence of the Curia in drafting the texts would be curbed by commissions authorized by the Council.

The coordination commission finally devoted itself to the work on the order scheme, the revelation scheme (which was renamed from "De fontibus relevationis" to "De relevatione divina"), the scheme "De deposito fidei" (which was to be revised and used as a quarry for other texts) and the schema on chastity, virginity, marriage and family (for which Francis Spellman's suggestions for improvement were incorporated) and the church schema (in which Döpfner joined the expected lively discussion late). The church scheme showed that Döpfner and Suenens were of one mind.

On the fourth day of the meeting on January 24, 1963, Pope John XXIII received. Döpfner and Suenens at cardinal audiences and described both as important and strong pillars of the church Döpfner advocated the end of the council in January 1963, a beginning with the church scheme and the development of the doctrine of the episcopate as well as the possibility of completely rejecting a scheme. Döpfner also spoke about the topics of the permanently married diaconate, mixed marriages and celibacy. He warned against "rigorous treatment" by the council.

On that day, Döpfner proposed, among other things, the addition of a Mary chapter to the “De ecclesia” scheme on the coordinating committee itself. In the discussion of the clerical scheme, Döpfner also opposed an overly excessive and time-consuming elaboration.

In his first appearance as a relator on the fifth day of the meeting (January 25, 1963), Döpfner again advocated post-conciliar elaboration of exhortations, instructions or directives. At the same time, however, he stood up for the council's authority so as not to leave too much interpretative sovereignty to the curia. The “De statibus perfectionis adquirendae” scheme was discussed.

On the sixth day of the meeting on January 26, 1963, Döpfner met his opponent Ottaviani and was able to achieve an important partial success on the question of the introduction of the permanently married diaconate. In his function as a relator, Döpfner supervised the order scheme and the schemes “De episcopis” and “De cura animarum”.

On January 27, 1963, the seventh and last day of the commission, Döpfner presented the version “De episcopis” with sections on the relationship of the bishops to the Curia, on the auxiliary bishops and coadjutors, on the resignation of a bishop and on the bishops' conferences and the scheme “De cura animarum”.

After the first session of the coordination commission, Döpfner's bishopric schemes were worked on by a rump commission of members from Rome and the surrounding area under President Paolo Marella , where they encountered Marella's resistance. Döpfner then gave further suggestions for improvement on February 22nd, 1963. In the second session, Döpfner praised numerous improvements to the schemes by the rump commission and oversaw the final revisions.

The "Döpfner Plan"

On June 3, 1963, Pope John XXIII died. Döpfner shared the fears of the Melkite Patriarch Maximos IV. Sayegh that the Curia might want to influence the election of the Pope in their favor. According to the patriarch, Lercaro or Montini would be suitable candidates to continue the council in the spirit of the late Pope.

Cardinal Giovanni Battista Montini was named Pope Paul VI in the 1963 conclave , which included Cardinal Döpfner . elected as the new Pope. On the day of his coronation on June 30, 1963, Paul VI commissioned. Döpfner in a private audience with an opinion on the further work of the council.

On July 19, 1963, Döpfner sent this report, later known as the Döpfner Plan , under the title Considerations for the continuation of the Council to Paul VI. Döpfner welcomed the continuation of the line of the late John XXIII by the new Pope. Furthermore, Döpfner emphasized the importance of a firm and clear church leadership, also with regard to communism.

In his plan, Döpfner went into various aspects such as the continuity of the council, the renewal of the church, ecumenism, and the pastoral character of the council. Furthermore, in a world that is growing closer and closer together, questions should be addressed which concern all peoples. At the same time he made proposals to streamline the council. Likewise, Döpfner expressed the wish that Paul VI. may continue the restrained line of his predecessor; if intervention is necessary, the Pope may do so in close association with the college of bishops. Organizational proposals for a better course of the council followed. This included the proposal to limit speaking time to allow more people to speak. Another concern of Döpfner was the improvement of the Council's reporting. He also wished to call knowledgeable lay people as periti to the council. Numerous suggestions from Döpfner related to the selection and the order of the topics. Besides, the council shouldn't last too long; unanswered questions could be clarified by other institutions or another council.

Even if not all the details of the Döpfner plan could be implemented, Döpfner's suggestions were of enormous importance. So the Pope Paul VI. proposed a revision of the rules of procedure in September 1963.

On July 19, 1963, Döpfner presented his thoughts on the papal coronation to his council plan. He welcomed the coronation ceremony as such because of its effect as an evening service. Nevertheless, Döpfner recommended changes to formulations such as "father of kings and princes" or "ruler of the world", in his opinion, moving them into the high Middle Ages. He also recommended not wearing the tiara , as the Pope gave the impression of a "super emperor" in it. Klaus Wittstadt raises the question to what extent Paul VI. was influenced by Döpfner, for example, when he simplified the protocol of the Holy See or sold the tiara and had the proceeds distributed among the poor.

Döpfner as moderator of the council

In 1963 Döpfner was appointed by Pope Paul VI. next to the cardinals Krikor Bedros XV. Agagianian , Giacomo Lercaro and Léon-Joseph Suenens appointed moderators of the council. In addition to the purely organizational management of the council, the four cardinals played a leading role in the theological and spiritual content of the council. In the 36 general congregations moderated by Döpfner, Döpfner consistently enforced his demand for a strict execution of the council. In his own notes for the council on September 30, 1963, Döpfner saw his course in the content-related position of Paul VI. approved. The day before, he had explained the main tasks of the council in his opening address. Accordingly, the second round should deal with issues such as the renewal of the Church and the relationship with non-Catholics. This development continued in the further course.

Second session

After the election of Paul VI. the council continued with the discussion of the De ecclesia church scheme, which was revised after the report by Jedin and Hirschmann . Most of Döpfner's requests for changes to the scheme have now been implemented. At this point Döpfner turned to the subject of bishops and ordination offices as well as the subject of diaconate.

In the 52nd General Congregation of October 7, 1963, he took up the subject of the permanent married diaconate, which he had already addressed in the central preparatory commission, which he considered necessary due to the lack of priests. The basis was a report by Karl Rahner, who had already published a widely acclaimed publication on the subject in 1962. For Rahner, the diaconate was just as sacramental in character as episcopal ordination and was just as little a transit station for episcopal ordination as priestly ordination. Rahner saw celibacy not endangered by the diaconate, although the latter should not be an equivalent substitute for the priesthood. After making a few corrections, Döpfner adopted his argumentation for his intervention on October 7, 1963. The example of his college friend Angermaier, who despite his qualifications, was denied a priestly career because of his marriage, was decisive for Döpfner's position on the subject.

On October 30, 1963, Döpfner spoke about the general vocation to holiness and the religious (both subject of the fourth chapter of "De ecclesiae"). In two drafting steps, Friedrich Wulf SJ developed an expert opinion for Döpfner's intervention on this subject and thus also on the subject of the three evangelical councils poverty, chastity and obedience. Important points of this intervention were that the evangelical counsels had soteriological , ecclesiological and eschatological significance beyond the ascetic aspect and that the religious should not form a separate part within the church, apparently without connection to the mystical body.

During the discussion of the episcopis bishop's scheme in October and November 1963, doubts arose as to the justification for the rank of auxiliary bishop. During his corresponding intervention on November 11, 1963 - for which there was no preliminary written work in Döpfner's estate, which could be due to the additional work required by his moderator's office - he first established that a local church could only have a single shepherd, but closed titular bishops without your own flock. He suggested that auxiliary bishops be entrusted with, for example, clergy training, human resources and the pastoral office. For example, the use of the auxiliary bishop as vicar general could prevent a status as a “secondary bishop”.

This was Döpfner's last remarks in the second session, although the de oecumenismo scheme, among other things, contained further potential for conflict about the relationship to Judaism and religious freedom. This could also be due to Döfpner's demands by his moderator's office.

Third session

At the beginning of the third session in September 1964, a controversial topic was the possible addition of a Mary chapter to the church scheme. Numerous conservative Council Fathers endorsed the portrayal of Mary as a mediator of salvation or redeemer. A vote on the addition of a chapter on Mary ended in a draw. Through an appeal by Cardinal Josef Frings , a majority was formed in favor of an addition, which was in Döpfner's sense. Karl Rahner then developed a draft that was reviewed by Gruber. According to the draft, firstly, the role of Mary should be viewed more from the mystical body, secondly, from the ecumenical point of view, the Holy Scriptures should be taken into account more clearly, thirdly, in the section on the Old Testament, the biblical image of the Virgin Israel should be applied, and fourthly, the marginalization of the Incarnation Marys and Christ are avoided and fifthly Mary is seen as both a believer and a pilgrim. In the 81st General Congregation on September 16, 1964, Döpfner adhered to Rahner's draft with only two deviations.

In resuming the discussion about the scheme of revelation, Ratzinger came to the conclusion that, due to the understanding of revelation in the scheme, the question of whether the Holy Scriptures contain everything necessary for the holy is outdated. The German and Scandinavian bishops entrusted Döpfner with a request to speak on the scheme. According to the Periti, it showed improvements over the previous scheme and was therefore worthy of approval. In the 91st General Congregation on September 30, 1964, Döpfner praised the scheme, which now explained the essence of Revelation more clearly. In his request to speak, he announced that he would like to submit further suggestions for improvement in writing.

Döpfner was particularly interested in the work on the pastoral constitution "Gaudium et spes", which dealt with the relationship of the church to the world. In the scheme Döpfner emphasized the importance of the dialogue between the church and the world; According to Döpfner, the church also has a symbolic character for areas of life that are not directly related to the church. The Pastoral Constitution opened the doors to a fruitful dialogue as it dealt with the current problems of the people. “Gaudium et spes” only came up in the third session as Scheme XIII and was based on a plan by Suenens from the summer of 1962. The German bishops drafted their proposals with the assistance of Professor Johannes Hirschmann. In Gruber's design developed from this, Döpfner set further accents. For the success of the good approach of the template, Döpfner asked the 105th General Congregation on October 20, 1964 for more time to develop.

Döpfner's next intervention concerned the scheme of the order. After the previous draft was too juridical for him, among other things , he argued - based on a draft by Wulf - in his intervention for a renewal of the spiritual life and consideration of modern circumstances and addressed the realization of the vow of poverty. The orders should not close themselves to the world. In-depth studies for the religious clergy are also important for a renewal of religious life. Döpfner's efforts for the scheme that he had to oversee in the coordination commission had only limited effect,

In order to prevent the emerging development of priestly training into a self-contained microcosm, Döpfner devoted himself to the priestly training scheme. To this end, he brought together Franz von Tattenbach , Wulf, Klemens Tillmann and Michael Höck as experts whose contributions were coordinated by Gruber. On this basis, Wulf developed an intervention that addresses the question of the awakening and promotion of priestly vocations, the family as a basis for the awakening of priestly vocations, the consideration of scientific findings in the training of priests and better preparation of aspirants for the priesthood Dialogue with the world went. Döpfner took a condensed version of the draft as the basis for his intervention in the 122nd General Congregation on November 14, 1964.

On the subject of marriage as the nucleus of the Christian social order at the end of the third session, Döpfner was able to contribute experiences from his time as bishop in Würzburg and Berlin. More editorial material has been preserved for this intervention than for Döpfner's previous interventions. In a memorandum dated September 26, 1964, Klaus Mörsdorf described his concerns about lifting the formal requirement for mixed marriages in five points . I.a. the Catholic partner is, for example, disadvantaged in bringing up children. And Protestants, too, according to Mörsdorf, vehemently rejected mixed marriages. According to Mörsdorf, lifting the formal requirement would result in the marriage being recognized by the state. In his intervention, presented in abbreviated form on November 20, 1964, Döpfner emphasized the need for a more liberal approach to the question of mixed marriages. This points to a process of change at Döpfner, after ten years earlier, during his time as Würzburg bishop, the confessional mix and thus mixed marriage was considered the greatest danger for the Catholic Church.

Fourth session

At the beginning of the fourth council period, the Gaudium et Spes scheme was discussed, the development of which, and thus the scheme itself, was characterized by a lack of time. Initially, Franz Hengsbach was entrusted with the intervention as a leading member of the drafting committee for the scheme, but this part then went to Döpfner - perhaps for the sake of continuity. The Council Fathers were basically satisfied with the improvements to Gaudium et spes compared to the third session, but remained generally skeptical because of the need for improvement in the scheme. Gruber, in collaboration with Döpfner, drafted a draft with material from Hengsberg for Döpfner's intervention in the 133rd General Congregation on September 22, 1965. Döpfner pointed out the great time pressure in connection with the scheme, but asked not to overlook the novelty of the text . Gilles Routhier later described the different assessment of the scheme by the German and French bishops. According to Klaus Wittstadt , it is a great achievement of Döpfner to have allayed the initial concerns of the bishops about the pastoral constitution. In this context, Stephan Mokry sees it as a great achievement of Döpfner to have emphasized the character of the new beginning in Gaudium et spes .

Döpfner completed his last council intervention in the 150th General Congregation on October 15, 1965. The intervention on the decree scheme on the life and ministry of priests was again based on preliminary work by Fr. Friedrich Wulf SJ, who was part of the Munich expert group with Franz von Tattenbach, Richard Egenter , Michael Höck as well as Tewes and Klemens Tillmann developed a suggestion for improving the scheme. In the two design phases, Wulf emphasized, among other things, the perception of the modern world, the question of celibacy - which, according to the text, would benefit a sufficient number of men as a gift from God - and the priests' relationship to the world. In connection with the intervention, the issue of celibacy attracted attention in the press when Pope Paul VI. the discussion about a relaxation of celibacy discipline wanted to calm down in the Paris newspaper Le Monde the intervention of the Brazilian episcopate, which advocated a relaxation of celibacy. In the draft jointly developed by Wulf and Gruber for the intervention, Döpfner completely dropped the subject of celibacy. After pointing out the improvements that had already been made, Döpfner went on to criticize the text, such as the view of the priests as the spiritual crown of their bishops or the search for religious motives in ultimately quite banal aspects in the life and work of a priest; secondly, Döpfner criticized the disproportionately frequent repetitions in the text. In the second part of his intervention, Döpfner went into the challenges that a modern, rapidly changing world poses to the priest.

In the second half of November 1965 a vote was taken on the remaining texts such as the Revelation Constitution, the Lay Decree, the Mission Decree, the Pastoral Constitution and the Declaration on Religious Freedom.

After the council

On December 10, 1965 - two days after the end of the council and one day after his return to Munich - Döpfner gave a press conference at which he made a detailed statement on the council.

In September 1977 a new bronze door designed by the artist Luciano Minguzzi was inaugurated on St. Part of the door was dedicated to the Second Vatican Council and presented its four moderators Krikor Bedros XV. Agagianian , Julius Döpfner, Giacomo Lercaro and Léon-Joseph Suenens as well as the two Popes John XXIII. and Paul VI. Shortly after the inauguration, the board with the four moderators - allegedly for artistic reasons - was replaced by a new board of the same format with three moderators. Despite the lack of similarity between the depictions and their real models, other features suggested that Döpfner's depiction was removed. In Germany in particular, the removal of one of the leading conciliatory moderators from the plate was astonishing.

German Bishops' Conference

First conference of the German bishops in Würzburg in 1848. Lithograph after drawings by Georg Opel.

After the Second Vatican Council , Bishops' Conferences were set up around the world. On December 2, 1965, Döpfner was elected chairman of the German Bishops 'Conference , which had emerged from the Fulda Bishops' Conference , during the council, and chaired it for eleven years. Theologian Alois Brem describes the Bishops' Conference as an effective instrument for dealing with the tasks after the Council, among other things because of Döpfner's person.

Fifteen Episcopal Commissions were set up as the main aim of the Bishops' Conference. Döpfner took over the chairmanship of the pastoral commission and the main commission. The priestly and pastoral devices decided upon during the council, as well as the lay committees, should soon be implemented. From now on, a press conference was held under Döpfner after every bishops' conference.

In his function as chairman of the conference, Döpfner was concerned with the implementation of the council resolutions. Accordingly, the pastoral letter of the Fulda Conference of 1966 was also shaped by Döpfner. Döpfner also dealt with the consequences of the council at the Bishops' Conference in Fulda in September 1967. Accordingly, he said at the press conference on September 23, 1967, that the Church could not proclaim faith unless it faced people's problems.

In 1968, Pope Paul VI published the encyclical " Humanae vitae ". In this he spoke out - surprisingly against the majority decision of the cardinals - against contraception. At an extraordinary general assembly at the end of August 1968, the German Bishops' Conference adopted the “ Königstein Declaration ” and praised the encyclical, but at the same time called for the conscience of the individual and the married couple to be respected. As conference participants at the time repeatedly emphasized, the declaration was to a large extent shaped by Döpfner. Döpfner had the opportunity to meet Pope Paul VI. to explain the “Königstein Declaration” personally. the Pope continued to have a positive view of the cardinal. Even after the “Königstein Declaration”, Döpfner commented on Paragraph 218 by calling on the church to exercise forgiveness in the spirit of Jesus; furthermore, divorced people should feel safe in the church. On May 3, 1974, however, he did not agree with the previously agreed deadline solution . and spoke out against the termination of pregnancy.

In the spring of 1968 the theologian Hubertus Halbfas demanded in his book "Fundamentalkatechetik" that religious instruction should not represent a claim to belief, but should interpret texts and documents of all religions. Although Döpfner was critical of the book, he initially acted cautiously. Only when the protests increased, the German Bishops' Conference withdrew all church teaching assignments from Halbfas. On the other hand, Döpfner successfully campaigned in 1971 in the decisive Congregation for the Faith in Rome for the theologian Hans Küng , who was threatened with revocation of his teaching license. As chairman of the German Bishops' Conference, Döpfner declared in a declaration of honor for Küng that his magisterial criticism had nothing to do with his integrity as a priest and a Christian.

Döpfner endeavored - also in the spirit of the council - to maintain good relations between church and state and thus with Federal Chancellor Willy Brandt and his successor Helmut Schmidt . Likewise, for example, on February 13, 1975 Döpfner paid tribute to the German Federation of Trade Unions ; Both he and the Church wanted to serve the people, albeit in different ways. The Catholic Day from September 4 to 8, 1968 in Essen was marked by the unrest of the student revolt ; nevertheless Döpfner remained confident.

From 1967 to 1974 Döpfner regularly took part in the Pope Paul VI. convened Roman Synods of Bishops and made essential contributions to topics such as reforms of canon law and the liturgy, mixed marriages between Catholics and Protestants, and evangelism . At the second ordinary Synod of Bishops in the autumn of 1971, he suggested that the Pope should be asked to allow, among other things, the question of whether married men should be ordained priests under certain conditions.

In 1969, the German Bishops' Conference in Fulda decided on a preparatory commission for the Joint Synod . According to Döpfner, the content of the synod should be “the promotion of brotherhood and solidarity in the church”.

In 1971 the church magazine “ Publik ” had to be discontinued. Apparently it did not meet the claim made by Döpfner at the autumn general assembly in 1969 that journalism must make a contribution to integration. As the German Bishops' Conference officially declared on November 15, 1971, the magazine did not find the expected readership market.

On August 26, 1973, Nuncio Corrado Bafile asked Limburg Bishop Wilhelm Kempf , who had called for married men to be ordained priest, to be replaced as head of his diocese by an apostolic administrator . According to a " FAZ " report of October 3, 1973 on the content of the letter, the nunciature, together with the German Bishops' Conference, declared the proposals to be invalid, since the nuncio agreed with Döpfner after the letter had been sent that the matter should be dealt with together with Kempf clarify. In October 1973 the German Bishops' Conference declared that it wanted to settle the matter and try to find a solution. Pope Paul VI too. encouraged the bishop to continue running his diocese.

Würzburg Synod

In the 1960s, among other things, the student revolt and a change in values ​​in society brought about an upheaval. At an extraordinary bishops' conference convened by Döpfner in December 1968, topics such as the conflict over Hubertus Halbfas or the restriction of the freedom gained after the council through censorship were added. The result of the conference was a declaration on the problem of faith with the aim of giving people new opportunities to participate. In addition to adapting to the zeitgeist, resistance to the common was also deemed necessary. In order to clarify the role of the church in this regard, the general assembly of the German Bishops' Conference in February 1969 decided to convene a pastoral synod. The idea for a synod came from participants in the Catholic Day in autumn 1968, who were not represented by any official institution.

The Würzburg Synod began with a constituent session from January 3rd to 5th, 1971 in the Würzburg Cathedral and was intended to deal with issues such as authority and democracy in the church, mixed marriages, religious instruction, celibacy, priesthood, development aid and birth control in accordance with the Council.

Döpfner named humility, meekness and long-suffering as the basis of the synod. The aim of the synod should be pastoral, in order to implement the statements of the council; in this context the synod should be a “spiritual event”. Other goals included ecumenism and the implementation of the " Aggiornamento " of Pope John XXIII. On the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the end of the Second World War , Döpfner went into the suffering that National Socialism brought on Germany and the world. He hoped for successful negotiations with the other countries so that the Nazi victims living there would be helped. Under the impression of his Würzburg and especially his Berlin term as bishop, Döpfner addressed the situation in the GDR. He also complained about a decline in values ​​in society and in this context came to speak of the protection of unborn life as well as marriage and family.

He also expressed concern that the integration of foreign workers was in danger of not being achieved. In connection with the 25th anniversary of the proclamation of the Basic Law, he expressed concern about equal opportunities in education, the rights of large families and minorities, and the overvaluation of success compared to human dignity.

The impulses of the Synod mentioned by Döpfner were “to approach one another”, “to talk to one another and to speak together” and “to bear witness to the spirit of Jesus Christ and to act on it”.

On July 21, 1976 - three days before his death - Döpfner wrote in his foreword to the complete edition of the synodal resolutions published in his honor that the actual work to implement the resolutions was still to come.

In retrospect, the indispensable role of Döpfner was especially appreciated by Father Karl Rahner . Vice-President Bernhard Servatius praised his tireless zeal for work, his open interaction with the media, his targeted, generally understandable and conflict-calming communication as well as his Lower Franconian humor.

Archbishop of Munich and Freising (1961–1976)

Cardinal coat of arms as Archbishop of Munich and Freising
Cardinal Döpfner during the Corpus Christi procession in Munich in 1971

Pastoral and social work

On July 3, 1961, Döpfner was appointed Archbishop of Munich and Freising. Due to his impressive leadership in Berlin, he was soon traded as the successor to his predecessor Cardinal Joseph Wendel , who died on December 31, 1960 ; the enthronement by Nuncion Corrado Bafile took place on September 30, 1961. Döpfner was able to quickly settle in the Bavarian diocese, especially since the enthusiastic hiker found mountains for the first time in his own diocese. When Döpfner took office on October 1, 1961, he was also chairman of the Bavarian Bishops' Conference . As in his two previous dioceses, Döpfner sought personal contact with his priests and his congregation - now also under the impression of the council - as Auxiliary Bishop Ernst Tewes also confirms.

Döpfner was worried about the trend towards an aging clergy and the lack of young priests, which was already emerging at the time. Especially in the years 1968/69, requests for laization from priests increased. In 1970, your “Action Group Munich”, made up of priests, asked Döpfner to release priests from celibacy. In his statement of February 1970, Döpfner described celibacy as an important basic concept of the New Testament; he protested against the representation that celibacy was a condition imposed on the priest. In such a case, the priest concerned should make a clear decision. At the same time he warned against a polarization of the church, as it had re-entered in this case.

Despite all the difficulties, Döpfner kept in contact with his priests and also helped lay priests to find new career opportunities. In addition, at the beginning of 1965 he organized a total of eleven priest days in various cities, during which he familiarized the priests with the implementation of the divine service according to the guidelines of the council. In his circular letters to the priests, Döpfner once again emphasized the importance of the Council and the passionate will to renew in the sense of an "Ecclesia semper reformanda". He saw the profession of priest as a helping service. His last letter to the priests of his archbishopric was from Holy Week in 1976.

In addition to the priestly days already mentioned, Döpfner took other measures to implement the council provisions such as the introduction of the deanery status (1967), the use of lay people as communion helpers (1965), a new church spatial planning (1970-1971), the use of theologically trained lay people as pastoral assistants (1971) and a new regulation of company preparation with the use of laypeople. In order to make pastoral care clearer, an enormous expansion of the parishes took place from 1961 to 1976. Döpfner divided his archbishopric into the three regions of Munich, north and south with the episcopal vicars Auxiliary Bishop Ernst Tewes (Munich region), Auxiliary Bishop Johannes Neuhäusler (north region) and Auxiliary Bishop Matthias Defregger (south region). In 1968 Gerhard Gruber replaced the auxiliary bishops Neuhäusler and Defregger as vicar general.

After Munich and the surrounding area, the other deaneries of the archdiocese were redesigned in 1973. Döpfner completed the construction of the Catholic Academy in Bavaria , but had to accommodate the seminary in makeshift arrangements due to a lack of students, which sparked controversy.

As in Berlin with Bishop Otto Dibelius , Döpfner established good relationships with Regional Bishop Hermann Dietzfelbinger in Munich after the experiences from the “Ochsenfurt case” . This was expressed, for example, in alternating ecumenical services in a Catholic or a Protestant church or in cooperation on topics such as the reorganization of the Bavarian school system. In his memoirs, Dietzfelbinger devoted a separate chapter to his Catholic colleague and later expressed himself there as affected by Döpfner's death.

Döpfner was not an advocate of denominational schools for Christian education of children. In 1967 the SPD and the CSU carried out two popular initiatives to introduce Christian elementary schools. Döpfner supported the CSU's plan. As a result, the state denominational school was replaced by independent Catholic schools in the form of Christian community schools. These began teaching in the 1969/70 school year.

As in Berlin, Döpfner also tried to maintain a good relationship with the Jews in Munich. This was expressed, for example, in his congratulatory letter on the occasion of the Jewish New Year's Day in 1971. On the one hand, he dealt with differences of opinion in a relaxed and open manner, for example when Heinz Meier, the President of the Jewish Community in Bavaria, protested on the occasion of the opening of the Oberammergau Passion Play in 1970. Döpfner explained that the text of the Passion Play was in need of reform, but not anti-Semitic, but that he did not want to be put under pressure. On the other hand, Döpfner was dismayed by an attack on the Israelite old people's home in Munich. As in Würzburg and Munich, Döpfner firmly rejected anti-Semitism, which he publicly addressed in Berlin in the radio address “Word for the Day” in January 1960.

Döpfner was also close to the Caritas idea of ​​charity for groups and minorities in need. In the same sense, he understood how to integrate the idea of ​​“Caritas” into the liturgy. At a thank you service on May 2, 1965 in the agony of Christ chapel in the Dachau concentration camp on the occasion of the twentieth anniversary of the concentration camp's liberation, Döpfner pleaded for lessons to be learned from the past. In this spirit, he took part in a meal with concentration camp priests in the Salesianum in Munich on September 10 and celebrated a service with Polish priests who were imprisoned in the camp on May 20, 1970 in Dachau.

The "Matthias Defregger Case"

The " Spiegel " edition of July 7, 1969 triggered a controversial discussion about Matthias Defregger, who was ordained auxiliary bishop by Döpfner . Döpfner responded with a public statement on the same day. Defregger reached the Italian village of Filetto as an officer in World War II during a retreat movement with his division on June 7th . After four soldiers were murdered by civilians, the commander ordered all male residents of the village to be shot. Defregger immediately contradicted the order with reference to the Hague Conventions and counter-proposals. Only after his efforts were unsuccessful did he pass on the order, but was not involved in its execution. After the divisional commander pointed out that Defregger would be shot himself if he refused to order, he tried on his own to soften the order and save as many men as possible.

By decision of September 16, 1970, the Munich I public prosecutor closed the investigation against Defregger.

Döpfner himself pointed out that Defregger had been pressed into a difficult decision of conscience. and never evaded his burden of conscience. Nevertheless, Döpfner would never have proposed him as auxiliary bishop if he had been aware of the possible public effects. In an effort to mediate, Döpfner also contacted the citizens of Filetto. In a statement dated September 17, 1970 at the end of the preliminary investigation, Döpfner was pleased with the outcome of the proceedings. Defregger was aware of his obligation to protect innocent life and did everything possible to risk his own life. With a heavy heart, Döpfner accepted Defregger's decision not to continue exercising his office as regional bishop .

death

In the course of his work, Döpfner had to cope with a large workload. He had an extensive schedule, for example, with attending various conferences as well as dormitories, old people's homes and prisons and with church dedications, altar consecrations and pilgrimages. He was conscientiously prepared for every appointment; He also attached great importance to always being up to date with political and scientific developments. In addition, there were several trips abroad each year, which were not always easy for him. The requirements for obligations such as those at the Second Vatican Council were particularly high .

November marked a turning point when he had to stay in the clinic for several weeks because of cardiac arrhythmias. Other health restrictions included a stay of several weeks at a spa from February 1970, operations at the end of November 1971 (a surgical procedure), at the end of February 1972 (abscess) and on June 23, 1973 (inflammation in the intestinal area). Döpfner tried not to let his bad health show on his face during these years.

On July 24, 1976, he and Auxiliary Bishop Ernst Tewes wanted to go to Switzerland. After a few exhausting appointments, Döpfner asked to be allowed to do some important work. On the morning of July 24, 1976, Secretary Erwin Obermeier was informed by the head nurse that Döpfner was not doing well; he immediately donated the anointing of the sick to the cardinal . The emergency doctor tried in vain to resuscitate Döpfner, who was lying on the floor of the porter's room. In the medical clinic of the Technical University of Munich one could only determine death from heart attack. Shortly before Döpfner's death, Secretary Obermeier noticed that he was hardly able to write with his right hand. City and district home nurse Werner Eberth shares Obermeier's assessment that Döpfner's doctor had not recognized the impending heart attack and treated Döpfner incorrectly when he merely prescribed gymnastics.

One day before his death, Döpfner had recorded an episode of “ Das Wort zum Sonntag ” with the topic “Encounter with God”, which was broadcast on August 7, 1976. Döpfner was buried on July 29, 1976 in the crypt of the Munich Liebfrauendome . Joseph Cardinal Höffner celebrated the Requiem and Hermann Cardinal Volk preached. The subsequent burial in the crypt of the cathedral was undertaken by the vicar vicar auxiliary bishop Ernst Tewes .

In his will, which was largely drawn up in 1954, Döpfner himself chose the Liebfrauendom as the place of his burial. He set up the Archbishop's See as an inheritance and asked his family to understand that he was primarily committed to the Church. Döpfner's wish was sympathetically accepted by his family. Employees, chauffeurs and house staff received souvenirs. As executor of the will, Döpfner appointed regional bishop a. D. Matthias Defregger . Apparently Defregger did not adequately fulfill his legal obligation to compile an estate register and to record to whom he distributed which items from Döpfner's legacy. The pastor from Hausen, Georg Hirschbrich , was able to negotiate with Defregger to ensure that at least some items, such as Döpfner's expressionist crucifix, were brought into the parish.

The other items that came back to Hausen also included a crook made by the Würzburg goldsmith Josef Amberg with a representation of the local sources in the coat of arms, which his home community had donated to him on the occasion of his appointment as Bishop of Würzburg in 1948. Döpfner's official crook, commissioned by the Diocese of Würzburg , was also made by Josef Amberg and shows the Franconian apostles Kilian , Kolonat and Totnan in its coat of arms .

Honors

  • Honorary Doctorate from the Catholic Theological Faculty of the University of Würzburg (July 23, 1973)
  • Honorary doctorate from the Catholic Theological Faculty of the University of Munich (October 12, 1973)
  • The educational center on the Domberg in Freising was named after him: Cardinal Döpfner House .
  • Julius Döpfner became Honorary Grand Prior of the German Lieutenancy of the Knightly Order of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem .
  • On its 100th birthday, Deutsche Post AG issued a special postage stamp with a value of 58 euro cents on August 8, 2013 for the first time . The design comes from the graphic designers Iris Utikal and Michael Gais from Cologne.
  • The Kardinal-Döpfner-Platz , the address of the Episcopal Palace in Würzburg , is named after Julius Döpfner .

Publications

  • The relationship between nature and supernatural in John Henry Cardinal Newmann . Rome 1945 (also Diss. Pontif. Univ. Greg.).
  • German Catholicism and conciliar renewal. Experiences d. Bishop in Würzburg, Berlin a. Munich. Wuerzburg 1965.
  • The Berlin years. Julius Cardinal Döpfner as Bishop of Berlin 1957–1961. Berlin 1961.
  • The center of our faith. Christological addresses. Erich Wewel Verlag, Munich / Freiburg i.Br. 1971.
  • The future of faith. Kevelaer 1969.
  • Council diaries, letters and notes on the Second Vatican Council. Edit v. Guido Treffler. Regensburg 2006.
  • Reform as an essential element of the church. Reflections on the 2nd Vatican Council. Wuerzburg 1964.

literature

(in chronological order)

  • Alfred Wendehorst : The Diocese of Würzburg 1803–1957. Würzburg 1965, pp. 109-112.
  • Karl Forster : Julius Cardinal Doepfner (= The men who make the council. Volume 13). University of Notre Dame Press, Indiana / Notre Dame 1965 (English).
  • Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner. August 26, 1913 to July 24, 1976. Würzburg 1996.
  • Peter Pfister (ed.): Julius Cardinal Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council. Lectures of the Scientific Colloquium on the occasion of the opening of the Cardinal Döpfner Council Archives on November 16, 2001. Schnell & Steiner, Regensburg 2002, ISBN 978-3-7954-1477-1 .
  • Guido Treffler, Peter Pfister (eds.): Archbishop's Archive Munich, Julius Cardinal Döpfner - archive inventory of the documents for the Second Vatican Council. Schnell & Steiner, Regensburg 2004, ISBN 978-3-7954-1439-9 .
  • Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913–1976) - advocate of God and man. Don Bosco, Munich 2001, ISBN 978-3-7698-1124-7 .
  • Anton Landersdorfer : Döpfner, Julius (August). In: Erwin Gatz (ed.), With the collaboration of Franz Xaver Bischof a. a .: The bishops of the German-speaking countries 1945 to 2001. A biographical lexicon. Duncker & Humblot, Berlin 2002, ISBN 3-428-10684-9 , pp. 386-394.
  • Ekkart SauserJulius Döpfner. In: Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon (BBKL). Volume 17, Bautz, Herzberg 2000, ISBN 3-88309-080-8 , Sp. 277-279.
  • Short biography for:  Döpfner, Julius . In: Who was who in the GDR? 5th edition. Volume 1. Ch. Links, Berlin 2010, ISBN 978-3-86153-561-4 .
  • Klaus Wittstadt: Church and State in the 20th Century. In: Ulrich Wagner (Hrsg.): History of the city of Würzburg. 4 volumes, Volume I-III / 2, Theiss, Stuttgart 2001-2007; III / 1–2: From the transition to Bavaria to the 21st century. 2007, ISBN 978-3-8062-1478-9 , pp. 453-478 and 1304 f .; here: Under the sign of reconstruction - Julius Döpfner's time as Bishop of Würzburg (1948–1957), pp. 463–469.
  • Thomas Brechenmacher : “In this hour of church marriage” - on the 100th birthday of Julius Cardinal Döpfner. (= Bad Kissinger Archive Writings. Volume 2). Schöningh, Würzburg 2013, ISBN 978-3-87717-853-9 .
  • Werner Eberth : Julius Cardinal Döpfner on his 100th birthday - “That's not a cardinal”. (= Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013.
  • Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976). (= A review of his 100th birthday in 2013. Volume 2 / Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 5). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2015.
  • Karl Lehmann : Bridge builders in a time of transition - Julius Cardinal Döpfner in memory. Echter Verlag, Würzburg, 2013, ISBN 978-3-429-03659-1 .
  • Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council , Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, ISBN 978-3-17-026704-6 (also dissertation, Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München, 2013/2014 ).

Web links

Commons : Julius Döpfner  - Collection of images, videos and audio files

Individual evidence

  1. a b Jakob Wetzel: The resolute reformer - Cardinal Julius Döpfner. In: Süddeutsche Zeitung. 24./25. August 2013.
  2. Werner Eberth : Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "Des ist unnr Cardinal" (= contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, pp. 16-18.
  3. a b [Julius] Cardinal Döpfner: From my life. In: Fritz Bauer, Karl Wagner (ed.): Cardinal Döpfner. Leben und Wort 1913–1976 , Munich 1976, pp. 9–10; here: p. 9.
  4. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, pp. 64–65.
  5. Excerpts from Maria Döpfner's notes with descriptions of Döpfner's childhood can be found in Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913–1976) - Advocate of God and of People . Don Bosco, Munich 2001, pp. 23–31 and Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on his 100th birthday - “Des ist unnr Kardinal” (4th volume of the articles on the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach) , Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013 , Pp. 24-58.
  6. ^ Ernst Tewes : Cardinal Julius Döpfner - Archbishop of Munich and Freising (1961-1976). In: G. Schwaiger Hrsg .: Christenleben im Wandel der Zeit , Volume II: Life pictures from the history of the Archdiocese of Munich and Freising , Munich 1987, pp. 529–546, here: p. 530.
  7. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, pp. 93–110.
  8. Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976) - advocate of God and man. Don Bosco, Munich 2001, p. 33.
  9. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, p. 68 f.
  10. ^ Oskar Neisinger: Julius Cardinal Döpfner. Memory. Image Notes - Quotes. Echter, Würzburg 1976, ISBN 3-429-00501-9 , pp. 56-57.
  11. Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976) - advocate of God and man. Don Bosco, Munich 2001, pp. 39-58.
  12. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "This is not cardinal". (= Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, pp. 74–76.
  13. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, pp. 74-76.
  14. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, pp. 80–82.
  15. Döpfner to Angermaier, San Pastore July 22, 1934, in: Antonia Leugers: Briefe an Georg Angermaier 1923 to 1944. No. 9, p. 26 f., In: WDGB.E. Volume 58, 1996, pp. 9-100.
  16. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "This is not cardinal". (= Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, pp. 76–96.
  17. Döpfner to Angermaier, San Pastore June 11, 1935, in: Antonia Leugers: Letters to Georg Angermaier 1923 to 1944. No. 17, 45, in: WDGB.E 58 (1996)
  18. ^ Oskar Neisinger: Julius Cardinal Döpfner. Memory. Image Notes - Quotes . Echter, Würzburg 1976, p. 13.
  19. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "This is not cardinal". (= Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, pp. 97-102.
  20. Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976) - advocate of God and man. Don Bosco, Munich 2001, pp. 55-59.
  21. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, pp. 120–126.
  22. Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976) - advocate of God and man. Don Bosco, Munich 2001, pp. 59-61.
  23. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976). (= A review of his 100th birthday in 2013. Volume 2 / Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 5). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2015, pp. 103-107.
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  90. Our care man - Our salvation, the Lord. The 78th German Catholic Convention from August 13th to 17th, 1958 in Berlin , Paderborn 1958, pp. 69–71
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  172. ^ According to a statement from Cardinal Hermann Volk to Karl Wittstadt
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  197. KNA Council Special Service No. 66 (1963), p. 2.
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  208. a b Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976) - advocate of God and man. Don Bosco, Munich 2001, pp. 208-210.
  209. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, pp. 495–502.
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  212. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, pp. 517-522.
  213. Gills Routhier: Complete the work that has begun. The Troubles of the Fourth Session. In: Giuseppe Alberigo, Günther Wassilowsky (ed.): History of the Second Vatican Council , Volume 5, Ostfildern - Leuven 2008, 57–213
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  215. Stephan Mokry: Cardinal Julius Döpfner and the Second Vatican Council - A Contribution to Biography and the History of the Council. Verlag W. Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 2016, p. 522.
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  218. Werner Eberth: Monuments for Cardinal Döpfner. In the S. (Ed.): 100 Years of the Catholic Workers' Movement - KAB Hausen 1898–1998 , Bad Kissingen 1996, p. 64.
  219. Documents, pp. 83–86.
  220. Herder-Korrespondenz 21 (1967), p. 524.
  221. ^ Documents, pp. 356f.
  222. NN: The pill remains forbidden: Encyclical Paul VI. - "Not infallible and irrevocable". In: ZEIT ONLINE . August 2, 1968. Retrieved February 17, 2019 .
  223. documents, pp 463-371; here: p. 471.
  224. ^ Archives of the Archdiocese of Munich and Freising, OK 1974/1975
  225. Herder-Korrespondenz 23 (1969), p. 18.
  226. Herder-Korrespondenz 28 (1975), p. 153.
  227. Acta Apostolicae Sedis 57 (1965), pp. 775-780.
  228. Herder-Korrespondenz 25 (1971), p. 533.
  229. Herder-Korrespondenz 23 (1969), pp. 449-452.
  230. Herder-Korrespondenz 23 (1969), p. 501.
  231. Herder-Korrespondenz 23 (1969), p. 503.
  232. Kirchlicher Anzeiger for the Diocese of Aachen, 1971, p. 24.
  233. Church advertisement for the Archdiocese of Cologne, 1973, 26/371
  234. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, I-70-9
  235. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, 2-71, p. 7.
  236. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, 2-71, p. 8.
  237. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, 4–71, p. 39.
  238. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1–72, p. 13.
  239. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1–72, p. 12.
  240. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, p. 8.
  241. ^ Synod. Official communication of the Joint Synod of the Dioceses in the Federal Republic of Germany, 8–75, p. 71.
  242. Klaus Wittstadt: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976) - advocate of God and man. Don Bosco, Munich 2001, pp. 270-322.
  243. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "This is not cardinal". (= Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, pp. 201–204.
  244. Ernst Tewes (ed.): In memory of Julius Cardinal Döpfner, died on July 24, 1976. p. 9.
  245. ^ Karl Forster : Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976). In: Jürgen Aretz, Rudolf Morsey, Anton Rauscher: Zeitgeschichte in Lebensbildern , Volume 3, Mainz 1979, pp. 260–279, here: note 1, p. 271.
  246. ^ Hans Schachtner: Archbishop in the cosmopolitan city of Munich. In: Gerhard Gruber (Ed.): … On the way through time. Julius Cardinal Döpfner. Bishop for 25 years in Würzburg, Berlin, Munich , Munich 1973, pp. 42–72; here: p. 56.
  247. ^ Julius Cardinal Döpfner: Companion in distressed times. Letters to the priests. ed. by Ernst Tewes , Munich 1986, p. 24.
  248. ^ Julius Cardinal Döpfner: Companion in distressed times. Letters to the priests. ed. By Ernst Tewes, Munich 1986, p. 27.
  249. ^ Julius Cardinal Döpfner: Companion in distressed times. Letters to the priests. ed. By Ernst Tewes, Munich 1986, p. 41.
  250. ^ Hans Schachtner: Archbishop in the cosmopolitan city of Munich. In: Gerhard Gruber (Ed.): … On the way through time. Julius Cardinal Döpfner. 25 years bishop in Würzburg, Berlin, Munich , Munich 1973, p. 62.
  251. ^ Archives of the Archdiocese of Munich and Freising, OK 1970/71, cf. also Josef Six: Fifteen years of service as pastoral assistants in our archdiocese. A look at history. In: Gerhard Gruber, Fritz Bauer (ed.): Church without an anteroom. Encounters with the Munich regional bishop Ernst Tewes. Planegg 1986, pp. 158-170, here: p. 158.
  252. ^ Karl Forster : Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976). In: Jürgen Aretz, Rudolf Morsey, Anton Rauscher: Zeitgeschichte in Lebensbildern , Volume 3, Mainz 1979, pp. 260–279, here: note 1, p. 273.
  253. ^ Karl Forster: Julius Cardinal Döpfner (1913-1976). In: Jürgen Aretz, Rudolf Morsey, Anton Rauscher: Zeitgeschichte in Lebensbildern , Volume 3, Mainz 1979, pp. 260–279, here: note 1, p. 272.
  254. ^ Hermann Dietzfelbinger : Change and Persistence. Memories. Munich 1984, p. 283.
  255. ^ Hermann Dietzfelbinger: Change and Persistence. Memories. Munich 1984, p. 284.
  256. Official Journal for the Archdiocese of Munich and Freising 1970, No. 3, p. 58.
  257. ^ Word from Berlin I, p. 89.
  258. Julius Cardinal Döpfner: The Flame Cross of Love. Sermons and speeches on charitable and social issues. Munich-Dillingen 1987, p. 97.
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  260. ^ NN: War crimes / Bishop Defregger - Teutonic lead. In: Spiegel Online . July 7, 1969, Retrieved February 18, 2019 .
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  262. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "This is not cardinal". (= Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, p. 204.
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  264. ^ Archives of the Archdiocese of Munich and Freising, OK No. 39 of September 17, 1970.
  265. ^ Archives of the Archdiocese of Munich and Freising, OK 1968/69
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  268. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "This is not cardinal". (= Contributions to the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach. Volume 4). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, pp. 210–211.
  269. Died. Julius Döpfner . In: Der Spiegel . No. 32 , 1976, pp. 124 ( online - Aug. 2, 1976 ).
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  273. Werner Eberth: Julius Cardinal Döpfner on the 100th birthday - "Des ist unnr Cardinal (4th volume of the articles on the history of Hausen and Kleinbrach). Theresienbrunnen-Verlag, Bad Kissingen 2013, p. 228.
  274. Werner Eberth: The Odyssey of a Crosier. In: 100 Years of the Catholic Workers' Movement KAB Hausen 1896–1999 ; Bad Kissingen 1996, pp. 66-67.
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  276. Hans Jürgen Brandt: Jerusalem has friends. Munich and the Order of Knights of the Holy Sepulcher, EOS 2010, p. 84.
predecessor Office successor
Joseph Cardinal Frings (Fulda Bishops' Conference) Chairman of the German Bishops' Conference
1965–1976
Joseph Cardinal Höffner
Joseph Cardinal Wendel COA cardinal DE Dopfner Julius August.png Archbishop of Munich and Freising
1961–1976
Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger
Wilhelm Weskamm COA cardinal DE Dopfner Julius August2.png Bishop of Berlin
1957–1961
Alfred Cardinal Bengsch