State crisis in Romania in 2012

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The national crisis in Romania was an intensified crisis in Romania due to the euro crisis , which worsened at the end of 2011 after the adoption of an unpopular national austerity program . The program aimed to streamline the state bureaucracy and the administrative apparatus and cut civil servants' salaries, which led to violent protests in parts of the population. Some smaller and larger street protests were peaceful, but some left a trail of devastation through the Romanian capital Bucharest in January .

Romania as part of the European Union, 2012

Strengthened by defectors, the National Liberal Party ( Romanian Partidul Național Liberal , PNL), the Social Democratic Party ( Partidul Social Democrat , PSD) and the Conservative Party ( Partidul Conservator , PC) joined the new government alliance Social Liberal Union ( Uniunea Social Liberală ) at the beginning of May , USL) under the Social Democratic Prime Minister Victor Ponta . The declared goal was the disempowerment of Romanian President Traian Băsescu from the Democratic-Liberal Party ( Partidul Democrat Liberal, PD-L).

At the end of June, the USL initiated impeachment proceedings against Băsescu. He was accused of violating the Constitution , presumptuousness of governmental power and overstepping of competencies. The vote in parliament led to the president's suspension. The official business was led by the national liberal Senate President Crin Antonescu .

In the popular vote ( referendum ) for impeachment Băsescu end of July, the turnout was 46.2 percent below the required 50 percent of voters and the vote was declared the election invalid line. The conservative opposition had called on its voters not to take part in the vote. Large parts of the population felt that they had chosen the lesser evil.

The USL expressed doubts about the correctness of the electoral lists on which the referendum was based and demanded that the number of eligible voters be recalculated. USL representatives had allegedly located 1.7 million incorrect entries, mainly due to the dead and emigrants. The electoral lists should be retrospectively "adjusted to reality" through an improvised census. 1.5 million votes were missing to meet the quorum. Prime Minister Ponta was forced to reshuffle the government after protests by ministers from within his own ranks.

The nine judges of the Constitutional Court of Romania called upon by the USL did not immediately confirm this result and postponed their decision first to September 12th, then to August 29th, until they finally declared the referendum invalid on August 21st by 6-3 votes . The constitutional judges reported enormous pressure from the government and interim president Antonescu, including threats against their families. Traian Băsescu returned to his post as President on August 27th.

The USL's political approach, often described by commentators as a “ coup d'état ”, drew fierce national and international criticism. In addition to the widespread corruption in Romania, the background is a power struggle between political cliques from the various camps, which is not always in accordance with the principles of the law. In the course of the referendum, the falsification of population figures and electoral fraud were also criticized. In Romania's corrupt political world, unease grew when a former PSD prime minister was sentenced to several years in prison.

World politics expressed concern about the pressure on constitutional judges and the oppressed rule of law , arbitrary governance through emergency ordinances and a lack of interest in the values ​​of the European Union (EU). The EU in particular reacted several times with clear words and sharply criticized the country, whereby it was determined to guarantee the independence of the judiciary in Romania. If there were persistent doubts about democracy and the rule of law in the country, the United States of America would sooner or later also question the strategic partnership between the United States and Romania, the US State Department warned.

history

prehistory

After the Romanian Revolution in 1989 , Romania was only able to recover slowly from the consequences of decades of communist dictatorship and mismanagement. The dominant party in the years after the revolution was the social democratic PSD under the new president Ion Iliescu . The PSD was largely recruited from the old communist elite. Old cadres, including members of the notorious Securitate secret service, profited from the change in power. They shamelessly enriched themselves. There was a lack of democratic traditions and there were hardly any dissidents. Some of them, who were hoping for a real democratic awakening, quickly turned away from politics, disappointed.

Nevertheless, from then on Romania followed a democratic and market economy course. In terms of foreign policy, it was oriented towards the west. In 1996 Emil Constantinescu became the new president, and his party, the Christian Democratic PNȚ-CD , became the strongest force in parliament. However, it failed in the 2000 elections because of the five percent threshold , which enabled the PSD to return to government. Iliescu became President again, Adrian Năstase the new Prime Minister. In the 2004 presidential elections, Traian Băsescu , who was based on a center-right coalition, prevailed. In 2007 Romania became part of the EU. After accession, judicial reforms were halted and corruption rose massively. In the same year there was a power struggle between Băsescu and Prime Minister Călin Popescu-Tăriceanu of the national liberal PNL . Băsescu was temporarily suspended by parliament, but returned to office after winning the referendum . The parliamentary elections in Romania in 2008 were for the first time decoupled from the presidential elections. The PSD and the newly founded PD-L emerged victorious, after which they formed a government under Emil Boc (PD-L).

After the first economically very successful period, the mood in the country began to change in 2008 as a result of the sovereign debt crisis in the euro area, which hit Romania like many other European countries. The austerity measures that were introduced led to weeks of street protests and a massive drop in poll numbers. After MPs had converted to an opposition alliance and a vote of no confidence in parliament, the Boc II cabinet resigned on February 6.

Ungureanu cabinet

Mihai Răzvan Ungureanu , director of the current Romanian secret service Serviciul de Informații Externe , was elected as the new prime minister by the Romanian parliament on February 9 with 237: 2 votes and was charged with forming a government. The Ungureanu cabinet included a further seventeen ministers, nine of them from the PD-L, four from the Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR), two from the PSD split-off National Progressive Union (UNPR) and two independents. After less than three months in office, Ungureanu's government failed due to a vote of no confidence in parliament, which was tabled by the parties PSD and PNL. The center-right alliance has been accused of allowing lobby groups to blackmail itself into allocating public funds. The Partidul Democrat Liberal (PD-L) had come under fire for its rigid austerity policies over the past four years, which included wage and pension cuts and tax increases. The monthly average net wages were reduced by 25 percent from 370 euros, civil servants' incomes by the same percentage, and pensions by 15 percent. 185,000 jobs have been cut; other sources say 200,000 officials have lost their jobs. The value added tax rose from 19 to 24 percent. While Romania still had a budget deficit of 11.6 percent in 2008, the budget gap was only 4.3 percent a year later.

President Băsescu

Băsescu played a major role in Romania's accession to the EU, the start of judicial reform and the successes in the fight against corruption. His achievements for Romania also found recognition in the West. Băsescu was still respected in Romania in 2005 and 2006 for his negotiating skills with the Western world, but his popularity fell sharply during the crisis. Many citizens perceived Băsescu's political actions in implementing the austerity measures and the IMF's demands in 2009 and 2010 - after a period of economic euphoria - as brutal and arrogant.

He himself defined his role with the term jucator - a Romanian word that means both player and actor . Die Zeit did not describe him as a "reticent statesman, but a rumbling populist who seized authority and holds on to power obsessively."

Romania and its western partners

Romania had fought to join the EU in 2007, which was a symbol of legitimacy, freedom and prosperity. The country is striving to join the Schengen zone and the euro zone . The Nabucco pipeline , with which the EU is seeking greater independence from Russian gas suppliers , is also to run through Romania. Construction started on August 16, 2012.

In the course of NATO's eastward expansion , Romania joined NATO in 2004 . As part of the American missile protection shield , which is supposed to protect Central Europe and Israel from short and medium-range missiles, the first systems are to be built in Romania by 2015.

As a country with low wages, the international production facility in Romania experienced an upswing for many years, but with the beginning of the financial crisis in 2010 it also experienced a steep decline. The austerity program is considered to be the most ambitious in Europe. The austerity measures ordered by the EU and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) are perceived by the population as restrictive and punitive.

In 2012, the EU seems too dominant to many Romanian citizens. Romania is still not part of the Schengen area , and as a result anti-European sentiment is also spreading in the left-wing political spectrum. Nationalists who speak of “foreign attacks” on the country and currency are increasingly being heard by the people. Interim President Crin Antonescu said on July 20th: “We are a sovereign people. We don't take orders from abroad. ”Nationalist rhetoric is seen as a classic instrument to calm people down in times of crisis.

Economic situation

The country, the second poorest in the EU, is notorious for the shadow economy , tax evasion and undeclared work ; On Transparency International's list of corrupt states, Romania ranks top in Europe, along with Greece and Bulgaria .

The country is heavily indebted to the EU, the World Bank and the IMF, at the end of May 2012 the external debt was around 98.5 billion euros. With a view to the Greek financial crisis , the involvement of Greek banks in Romania - with a share of 13.3 percent in the Romanian banking sector - is the second largest after Bulgaria. In June there was a coverage gap of 6.8 billion euros. The inflation rate rose to 2.4 percent in June. Forecasts see the current account deficit for 2012 below four percent of gross domestic product , and the unemployment rate at 7.3 percent.

Foreign direct investment in Romania fell by about half in the first five months of 2012 compared to the previous year. As early as 2011, the country recorded a decline in foreign direct investment of around 13 percent, the lowest volume in nine years.

The Romanian leu fell to a record low in July, with only the Sudanese pound losing value worldwide . At least 700,000 citizens or families who have to repay loans in euros are affected by this development, which means that they have to raise more and more leu for the same installments in euros.

According to a comparison of the 27 EU member states by the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions (EIRO), Romanians worked the most hours per week with 27 days of vacation per year, with an average of 41.6 hours.

Victor Ponta cabinet

In February 2011, the Romanian Social Democratic Party, the National Liberal Party under Crin Antonescu, and the Conservative Party under Daniel Constantin formed the Uniunea Social Liberală (USL, German  Social Liberal Union ) coalition . Victor Ponta of the USL was appointed on April 27 by President Traian Băsescu to form a cabinet.

Cabinet Ponta

Băsescu described the appointment of Ponta as the normal course of political life in a democratic state and expressed his confidence in overcoming the political crisis: “Nothing dramatic happened in Romania today. A democratic process in parliament has shown that the Ungureanu government is not supported by a majority. "

On May 7, 2012, the cabinet of the third Prime Minister of 2012, Victor Ponta, was confirmed in office by Parliament with 284 votes against 92. For the time being, Ponta was to run the business of government until the parliamentary elections in late autumn. At 39, Ponta is Europe's youngest Prime Minister.

Since the local elections on June 10, the USL has provided 36 of the 41 district council chairmen as well as the majority of mayors and local councils. In many cities in the country, the USL was able to win mayor offices. The conservative PD-L suffered heavy losses even in their strongholds.

Ponta secured the support of former US General Wesley Clark , who is to advise him on questions of strategy, security and economics. According to Foreign Policy România , "the Americans [...] need a government that supports Chevron's production of shale gas [whose license was terminated under pressure from public opinion in the spring], and an executive that is willing to go along with it." F-16 fighters. "[...]" Clark is now a lobbyist, it will probably do its best to offset the growing influence of Germany and the European Union in this region, which the Russians are also interested in. "

Ponta's wife is Daciana Octavia Sârbu , a member of the European Parliament and a PSD politician.

Victor Ponta and Adrian Năstase

Adrian Năstase was Ponta's political foster father and doctoral supervisor, both are members of the Romanian Social Democratic Party, which is considered the successor party to the Romanian Communist Party . Năstase was sentenced to two years' imprisonment in January for illegally financing political parties. On March 30, a Bucharest court sentenced him to three years probation in the first instance. The court found it proven that Năstase had blackmailed a former Romanian consul in Hong Kong. Năstase protested his innocence and suspected political motives behind the verdict. He was found guilty of a campaign fundraising campaign disguised as a meeting for which business people paid high participation fees. Năstase's party has thus accepted illegal party donations amounting to 1.6 million euros. Following his final conviction on June 21, he is said to have attempted suicide while being detained.

Ponta had the head of the building inspectorate replaced by a representative of the PSD. The new head of the building inspectorate, who was the most important partial plaintiff in the Năstase trial, had the first official act withdrawn. This led to great outrage in civil society, as critics were of the opinion that Ponta had tried to intervene in the longstanding corruption proceedings against Năstase.

Investigative commissions aiming to clear up obscure affairs were regularly obstructed. For example, in 2001 the son of the prefect of Bihor County , Adrian Tarau, was arrested for involvement in the oil business. On the evening of his summons, then Prime Minister Adrian Năstase declared on television - without naming anybody - that he did not believe in “arrests that will be made on a Friday evening”. 48 hours later Tarau was free. Alexandru Lele, the prosecutor who led the investigation, has been dismissed from his post and the Chancellery ordered a review against him. In 2002, prosecutor Cristian Panait , who was entrusted with the investigation, allegedly committed suicide. His family then denounced the Justice Department's conduct and the pressure put on Panait.

Victor Ponta joined the social democratic PSD in 2002 as a young public prosecutor. The Panait case was one of those mysterious deaths that conspicuously increased in the Năstase era. Ponta's colleague Panait, who dealt with corruption affairs in the Năstase area, was killed under unexplained circumstances when he fell from the window of his apartment. There was soon talk of a suicide. According to research by Romanian journalist Ela Simona Fica, the fall was preceded by a dispute between Ponta and Panait, in which Ponta wanted his colleague to stop his investigation. Ponta had been the last to visit Panait shortly before the fatal fall, allegedly with the intention of reconciling himself with him. Traces of drugs were found during the Panait autopsy. A prosecutor who was investigating the case was run over by a car and killed, the perpetrator was never caught. At that time, Ponta joined the Năstase government as State Secretary. The public prosecutor who dropped the case at the time is now himself in the crosshairs of the investigation by the anti-corruption agency DNA and has been suspended on suspicion of opposing the exchange of secret information for top positions in the judiciary, including at a meeting with Ponta . The contracts of DNA Director Daniel Morar and Attorney General Laura Codruța Kövesi , both of whom were appointed by Băsescu and which have so far enjoyed the trust of the EU Commission, expire in August and October.

Victor Ponta and the "Union of Disarmed Military Cadres"

On July 13th, Ponta confirmed with his signature a document that held out the prospect of radical attacks on the institutions of the Romanian state. The 15-page agreement has clear features of a socialist-repressive program and should serve as a guideline for a future PSD government after the parliamentary elections in November. The agreement was concluded between the USL and a "National Council of Civil Society" ( Consiliul Naţional al Societăţii Civile , CNSC) founded in 2007 , an umbrella organization of 53 non-governmental organizations. It was brokered by Mircea Dogaru, the chairman of the "Union of Disarmed Military Cadres" ( Sindicatul Cadrelor Militare Disponibilizate, în Rezervă și în Retragere , SCMD), which consists mainly of officers who, because of their cooperation with the communist secret service Securitate and their participation in the pursuit of opponents of the Ceaușescu regime were dismissed from service. On the front page of the agreement, which is described there as “definitive”, bears the signature of the three chairmen Victor Ponta for the PSD, Daniel Chițoiu for the PNL and Daniel Constantin for the “Conservative Party” (PC), the party of the “media mogul “ Dan Voiculescu . The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung reported: “A preamble named the removal of President Băsescu as the primary goal, which was to be followed by early presidential elections separate from the parliamentary elections in autumn. Under the heading of “Immediate Objectives”, it then cites a number of measures that are necessary to “depoliticize” and “de-Stalinize” the state apparatus. This means the abolition of all institutions that still stand in the way of the USL's striving for power. In particular, the document mentions the Constitutional Court, the special department of the public prosecutor's office for the fight against corruption (DNA), the ANI authority responsible for monitoring compliance with the incompatibility provisions and the CNSAS, which is responsible for the storage, viewing and scientific processing of the Securitate archives. All these institutions are to be dissolved immediately. The reforms in the areas of administration and justice should be stopped. On public television, the influence of the “National Council of Civil Society” (CNSC) should be ensured by sending its representatives to the board of directors. In the social and economic policy area, the agreement introduces massive state interventions. Practically all liberalization measures of the previous conservative governments are to be withdrawn, wage and price controls reintroduced, the privatizations of large companies to be discontinued. "Ponta asserted that he had not made any commitments, but" only expressed willingness to talk "and only" signed one empty folder “. Colonel Mircea Dogaru, on the other hand, confirmed the existence of the paper, only details still had to be negotiated.

Plagiarism affairs

The education minister, who had already been designated by Ponta shortly before he took office, did not take up her post after it became public that she had falsified her résumé. She had stated that she studied at Stanford University , which was denied there. Education Minister Ioan Mang resigned eight days after his appointment following serious allegations of plagiarism . Before his appointment to the cabinet, Minister of Culture Mircea Diaconu had been banned from exercising public office because he had mixed private and public interests for his own good in previous functions. However, he only lost his office under public pressure after this judgment had also been confirmed in the highest instance. After that, Ponta had to withdraw the two candidates for the office of Minister of Education one after the other because plagiarism could be proven in scientific papers. Ponta then had the Ministry of Education's ethics committee, which had investigated the cases, reassigned.

Street protest against Ponta

Victor Ponta was accused by the British science magazine Nature and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung after anonymous tips of having copied a large part of his doctoral thesis from law books. He is also said to have given fictitious master's degrees in his résumé, such as a master's degree from the Italian University of Catania and an English university. The chief prosecutor Laura Codruța Kövesi is said to have written her doctoral thesis based on the same model. After the accusations became known, calls for his resignation were rejected by Ponta. He stated that this was a political intrigue against him that President Băsescu had orchestrated. He promised that he would resign if plagiarism was officially proven. The next day the National Commission for the Certification of Academic Titles, Diplomas and Certificates (CNATDCU) came to the unanimous conclusion that a third of the 300 or so pages of his doctoral thesis had been copied verbatim from other works and found him guilty of plagiarism. The University of Bucharest had investigated and confirmed allegations of plagiarism against Ponta in its own ethics committee. Ponta did not want to give up the title, as the council's decision was based on a “mafia-like execution”. He claimed that his practice was not considered plagiarism in 2003, to which a member of the commission replied that quotations had been flagged for 200 years. At the same time as the commission's decision, the Minister of Education had it dissolved and changed its composition and statutes, so that the prime minister's conviction never became official. At the end of June, Ponta had admitted that he had forgotten the necessary footnotes. Băsescu called Ponta "Mister Copy-Paste". Interior Minister Ioan Rus stated that "since Plato and Aristotle everyone who has ever written a doctoral thesis in philosophy or social science has borrowed from someone else's intellectual achievement". On August 23, a community platform filed a plagiarism lawsuit against Ponta with the public prosecutor's office.

Social unrest

On December 23, 2010, during a parliamentary session in Bucharest, the electrician and father of two children Adrian Sobaru fell from a balcony. He was wearing a white t-shirt on which he had written:

“You mowed us down. You destroyed the future of our children. You can take our money and life, but not our freedom. "

Sobaru survived the fall with broken bones.

In autumn 2011 there were demonstrations in Romania against the government's austerity measures. In the course of the demonstrations, Finance Minister Gheorghe Ialomițianu had to flee to his safe ministerial office from angry tax officials who resented the cuts. The massive protests against the government's austerity measures, which began peacefully on January 12 in Bucharest, escalated on January 16 after violent football fans joined the demonstrators at dusk. 59 people were injured in street battles between demonstrators and police. The worst riots in Romania in 20 years left a trail of devastation in the capital. On February 6, the end of 2009 under stepped Emil Boc incumbent Cabinet Boc II back.

In July, students, professors and cultural workers demonstrated almost every day for several weeks in front of the Parliament Palace against the policies of the USL. 200 to 500 people each took part. There were also violent protests in Arad , in which opponents and supporters of Băsescu faced each other; the demonstration was broken up by the police. In other cities such as Timișoara (300 participants), Cluj-Napoca , Craiova (20,000 participants), Iași (15,000 participants), Brașov (5000 participants), Oradea (8000 participants), or Sibiu , the rallies remained, partly through interventions by the police, largely peaceful.

The police identified 106 demonstrators on August 22nd who blocked traffic on the University Square on August 21st and 22nd. They were accused of "not demonstrating peacefully" and of disturbing the public peace "by disturbing the peace with various devices and objects and by shouting". 50 people received fines between 200 and 1000 lei.

More than 300 people gathered in front of the Second District City Hall in Bucharest on September 1 for the wedding of Elena Băsescu, who, along with her father Traian, was booed by the crowd upon arrival. Shouts like “Resign!” Or “Down with Băsescu!” Were loud from the crowd. Groom Bogdan Ionescu and his family were greeted with “thieves!” And “Boos” shouts. Before the arrival of the Băsescu family, a scuffle broke out between the demonstrators and some sympathizers of the president, in which the police intervened. To prevent further public unrest, the church of St. Spiridon was cordoned off by the police with fences during the church wedding .

On September 18, hundreds of demonstrators gathered in front of the Cotroceni Palace in Bucharest and chanted slogans against Băsescu.

More than 20,000 visitors attended the Romanian National Day military parade on December 1st. During this event, Băsescu was temporarily booed by parts of the audience. At the same event there were clashes between some of the demonstrators and the police.

Except for a few, however, these were manifestations with a relatively modest number of participants; there was no widespread indignation at the time. Bucharest commentators explained the prevailing mood by saying that it was not a question of good or bad, but only a choice between two bad variants. Băsescu embodies not only the austerity policy of the overthrown liberal democratic government, but also the intrigues, vanity and thirst for power that characterized his actions as president.

The Romanian-German author and journalist Werner Kremm remarked: “The undermining of the rule of law, criticized by the EU, through the legally sound measures of the Ponta government [...] is largely fatalistically judged by the citizens: Those up there always only do what they want anyway. As long as the political chaos doesn't hit us directly, we don't care. "

The Transylvanian newspaper wrote on January 25th: “The reason for the social unrest is given by foreign media, refrain-like, the drastic austerity measures of the Romanian government. However, this is only one of the motives that drive people onto the streets. Austerity measures were implemented in accordance with the requirements of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and have improved Romania's key financial data. But large parts of the population are overwhelmed in the long run by cuts in wages and pensions, layoffs and increased VAT, to name just a few steps. […] The general dissatisfaction is directed against the austerity measures, against the government and President Băsescu and increasingly also against the opposition and the previous governments, that is to say against the entire political class, which has been discredited by many cases of corruption. The demands range from pension increases to the stop of the gold project in Roșia Montană , from the reintroduction of a Romanian monarchy to the establishment of a 'pirate party'. "

Impeachment proceedings against Traian Băsescu

President Traian Băsescu was a member of the Communist Party (PCR) before the Romanian Revolution in 1989. The question of his relationship with the former secret service Securitate came up again and again, because as captain of the largest ship in the commercial fleet and most recently as head of the office of the Romanian shipping company in Antwerp, he had repeatedly been allowed to stay abroad. He is also said to have had a hand in the robbery privatization of the Romanian merchant fleet, but the judiciary has not proven any offense.

Băsescu had already been suspended from his post in 2007, but survived the referendum that followed. In the same year he dubbed an unpopular journalist as a “stinking gypsy” and “hooker”. In July 2011, Băsescu took the controversial opinion that the former King Michael I was a “traitor” and “Russian servant”, and was also complicit in the Holocaust in Romania . The newspaper Die Welt assessed the comments as contradicting "guaranteed historical facts".

He accused the pensioners of being too expensive and recommended that the doctors in the ailing health system emigrate. Băsescu's draft health reform was also controversial. Băsescu had hired consultants for each department who acted like ministers and issued the directives to the line ministries. According to the Romanian constitution, the president has no right to initiate laws, but in fact Băsescu expanded his office into the actual center of power during his seven-year term in office. He de facto appointed ministers and deposed them. Through his party he steered the government and parliament. One of the controversial acts of Băsescu was the dismissal of the Deputy State Secretary in the Ministry of Health, Raed Arafat, who was reinstated after mass protests.

According to the Council of Europe , Băsescu also knew about secret prisons of the US foreign intelligence service CIA on Romanian soil. Furthermore, he is said to have illegally acquired a property. He is also considered a man who ensures his helpers a livelihood. He was also accused of having sponsored the election of his daughter Elena Băsescu (dubbed by the media as a “Barbie doll”, “party princess” or “Paris Hilton of the Carpathians”) to the European Parliament in 2009 through the ruling party. The press criticized that it had no political experience, was not able to speak Romanian grammar and was not able to represent the country in Europe. Her father sat out the public outrage about it.

At the end of June, new impeachment proceedings were initiated against Băsescu, in which he was accused of violating the constitution and massive constitutional violations on 14 points. Ponta's government accused Băsescu of political influence over the judiciary. With his feudal, often capricious and authoritarian style of leadership, he exceeded his competencies by protecting political allies from criminal prosecution and primarily staffing the anti-corruption authority with supporters. Băsescu supported austerity measures by the previous government, "which impoverish the people". He was also accused of making racist comments about Roma and disabled people.

The vote in parliament led to the president's suspension. The official business is conducted by the national liberal Senate President Crin Antonescu. July 29 was set for an impeachment referendum. At the EU summit on June 28th and 29th, Ponta took part as representative of Romania, contrary to a decision by the Constitutional Court that gave President Băsescu the right to represent Romania at the summit as before, ruling that Traian Băsescu had his powers not exceeded. Băsescu's second presidential mandate would normally expire in 2014. According to Romanian law, he is not allowed to run for a third time.

Emergency ordinances and reshuffles

The USL passed more than 40 emergency decrees within a few weeks.

Amendment of the quorum law

With Emergency Ordinance 38 of July 4, the government curtailed the powers of the constitutional court and deprived the constitutional judges of the right to judge the constitutionality of decisions of the two chambers of parliament. The court could no longer rule on whether the impeachment proceedings initiated against President Băsescu by a parliamentary resolution were lawful. With a further urgent ordinance 41 of July 5, the referendum law was amended after the impeachment proceedings began. According to the new legal situation, the president of the country can be removed from office by a simple majority of the citizens taking part in a referendum. Up to this point, more than half of the citizens eligible to vote had to agree to impeachment - which would be questionable in view of the low turnout in previous votes. On June 27, the Constitutional Court ruled that the simple majority vote of May 23 was unconstitutional.

Appointments to public office

On the same day, Ponta dismissed two deputy heads of the National Statistics Office . The reason given was the failure to validate the results of the census from the end of 2011, which showed three million more eligible voters in the statistics. In May, the authority postponed validation for the second time for organizational reasons. After the dismissal of the Ombudsman Gheorghe Iancu , who, according to the constitution, is the only one able to intervene against the government's urgent decrees, this position has been occupied by the Social Democrat Valer Dorneanu since July 3rd . The dismissal was in violation of the law, but it was a parliamentary resolution that had been withdrawn from the competence of the Constitutional Court. The Băsescu camp appealed against the relevant law. When the constitutional judges then declared that parliament's curtailment of their powers was unconstitutional, the relevant emergency ordinance was already in force. The chairmen of both chambers of parliament were also exchanged for representatives of the USL in a dubious procedure.

The Senate President Vasile Blaga was removed. The Senate then elected Crin Antonescu as the new President of the Chamber. Liberal Democrat Roberta Alma Anastase was voted out of office as President of the Romanian House of Representatives; the Social Democrat Valeriu Zgonea took her place. The editing of the official legal journal Monitorul oficial was placed under the authority of the government in order to better control publication dates for laws and thus their entry into force. Exclusive control over public television was also taken over.

Reorientation of the Romanian cultural institute

In mid-June, Ponta issued an urgent decree that the Romanian Cultural Institute ( Institutul Cultural Român , ICR) was removed from the authority of President Băsescu and subordinated to the Senate, which was dominated by the socialists. At the same time, the decree said that from now on the ICR should above all promote the previously “neglected” national identity of Romanians living abroad.

In addition, the management team should be replaced. Following the model of the British Council and the Goethe-Institut, the ICR promoted Romanian artists abroad and was widely praised by international institutions for its contribution to intercultural exchange.

Thousands of cultural workers - including Nobel Prize winners in literature Elfriede Jelinek , Herta Müller and Tomas Tranströmer , as well as the curators of the New York Museum of Modern Art - feared that the ICR could lose its cultural autonomy. Hundreds of Romanian artists petitioned the government to protest restructuring.

The artists and intellectuals expressed concerns about the independence of Romania's cultural institutions and feared that the government might use them as a "propaganda tool" for nationalist purposes.

Director Cristi Puiu criticized the government for ignoring the fact that the ICR had succeeded for the first time in showing a new image of Romania. It is no longer just shaped by Dracula , Ceaușescu and street children . "It's a sad day for culture," said Puiu.

In protest against the government's plans, the management of the ICR announced its resignation on July 24th. "A [previously] European agenda has been replaced by a nationalist one," said the director of the ICR, Horia Roman Patapievici . He feared that the ICR's program would become more “provincial”. "We can no longer fight against the will of the government to transform the Romanian Cultural Institute into a propaganda tool for nationalist purposes," said the outgoing head of the institute. “This 'blitzkrieg' against state institutions shows how fragile the Romanian state is.” He was “very pessimistic” and believed that the crisis in Romania would last for months. "Unfortunately, most Romanian politicians are ignorant of principles such as respect for the law and measured behavior."

Prime Minister Ponta admitted a "lack of dialogue" but refused to give in, saying the institute should not remain under the tutelage of the suspended president.

The Romanian Minister of Culture, Puiu Hașotti , stated that the changes in the ICR statutes will not affect the Institute's activities. The ICR, however, claims to be facing ruin after the government cut the budget of the cultural institution by almost a third (14.5 million lei, 2012 budget was originally 43 million lei) in its budget shift. Most of the planned or already initiated projects will have to be stopped immediately, General Secretary Dan Croitoru announced last days.

European Union puts Romania under supervision

Ponta and Barroso in July 2012

On July 12th, a meeting took place between the EU Commission Chairman José Manuel Barroso and Victor Ponta. A catalog of questions and conditions was submitted to the Romanian government for immediate response and implementation by the end of the year. The catalog called for the resignation of ministers whose integrity is in question, as well as the withdrawal of the essential steps with which the USL alliance had taken over major powers in the Romanian state and eliminated control mechanisms. Parliament should regain responsibility for the Official Journal. In addition, a cross-party accepted ombudsman should be used to fight corruption, and the general public prosecutor and the head of the anti-corruption authority should be determined transparently. Furthermore, the final annulment of two decrees was requested, against which the Romanian Constitutional Court had already spoken out in terms of content. One law stipulated that the constitutional court was no longer allowed to judge parliamentary decisions; the other stipulated that there was no minimum participation of eligible voters in referendums. The commission announced that Ponta had now committed in writing to implement all reforms. The Commission will check this through "regular missions" on the ground and present a new report in December. However, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung reported on July 26th that the Emergency Ordinance 41 was still in force and that on July 29th, the day of the referendum, “the door was opened to electoral fraud”. Reuters reported on the day of the referendum that the position of ombudsman had not yet been filled with a neutral person.

In mid-July, EU Commission head Jose Manuel Barroso announced that he would keep the country under closer surveillance until the end of the year. “Romania has receded from the abyss, but we cannot yet say that we have reached the end of the process. The implementation of the commitments must now be monitored - which is in the interests of the Romanian citizens. "

The European Commission's six-monthly progress report on Romania on July 18 said that the recent political turmoil in Bucharest had "heightened concerns" that Romania was truly reforming its state system "irreversibly and sustainably". The rule of law and the democratic principle of the separation of powers are in danger, Barroso said in Brussels. “The events in Romania have shaken our confidence.” The belief in Romania “can only be regained by proving that law takes precedence over party interests, through respect for the rule of law and sustainable reforms”. The following day the report sparked some violent reactions in Romania. The former Justice Minister Tudor Chiuariu called the report an “insult to the Romanian people”, saying that they could be used as a “weapon”.

Interim President Crin Antonescu claimed that there was no list of EU demands on Romania, because "that would be an unacceptable and unimaginable overstepping of Mr Barroso's competencies." “We are not a Brussels colony.” “Romanian laws are written in Romania - and not negotiated elsewhere.” Antonescu said the government will recognize the constitutional court's pending decision on the validity of the referendum: “We will be based on the respect of all competent institutions act, whether it is the election commission or the constitutional court. "

Ponta had decreed in Brussels: “I will respond to all admissible concerns of our European partners. And I assure you on behalf of the government that all necessary measures will be taken so that we can restore confidence that the Romanian institutions are working democratically and constitutionally. ”Ponta described the list of eleven demands that has become public as a“ list of questions ”on which he is will answer in writing. Ponta said that during his visit to Brussels he had to show that President Băsescu is "leading a lying campaign against Romania". Băsescu defends himself against his removal because he knows that he will then be brought to justice; Băsescu is fighting for his freedom and his life. He accused his internal critics of "fascist propaganda". The Minister of Justice at the time, Titus Corlățean , also spoke of a campaign against Romania. Some EU states wanted to use the crisis to make it more difficult for Romania to join the Schengen area.

Reaction of the political world
  • European Union

In a report by the EU Commission, the rule of law in Romania was criticized and stated that after five years of EU membership, Romania and Bulgaria have not yet had any convincing reforms in their judicial systems. European Council President Herman Van Rompuy said he was "very concerned" about the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary.

The President of the European Parliament , Martin Schulz (SPD), conveyed his concern about the rule of law deficits in the country to the Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta: "Important laws should not be changed by emergency ordinances," said Schulz after the meeting of the two social democrats in Brussels. Democracy and the rule of law are part of the European foundation of values ​​and tolerate “no exception”. At the same time, he accused the EU states of having treated the Romanian President and Ponta rival Traian Băsescu more leniently in a comparable case in 2009 and thus applied "double standards".

The former President of the European Parliament, Hans-Gert Pöttering (CDU), ruled: "Romania has obviously become a member of the European Union too early".

The Austrian European politician Hannes Swoboda , chairman of the Social Democratic parties in the EU Parliament, appeared on July 16 as a staunch defender of the government in Bucharest and blamed the head of state Traian Băsescu for the turmoil. He pointed out that the impeachment procedure is anchored in the Romanian constitution. However, the group would "support the recommendations of the Commission, especially those relating to judicial reform and compliance with the rule of law," said Swoboda on July 18th. "Some of the recently made problematic decisions must be reversed." Ponta's government should implement the various recommendations "as quickly as possible in order to create a new and modern constitutional basis". She should understand the report “as a guideline and seize the historic opportunity to establish a functioning and independent judicial system”.

Joseph Daul , chairman of the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) called the initiation of the impeachment procedure and the exchange of the two parliamentary speakers a "coup". "The European institutions must take appropriate measures to guarantee the rule of law in all member states of the Union." Elmar Brok (CDU), Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Human Rights, Common Security and Defense Policy , also spoke of a "coup". Susanne Kastner (SPD), chairwoman of the German-Romanian parliamentary group: "I think it is very presumptuous to speak of a coup d'etat". According to Daniel Cohn-Bendit , (Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen and Europe Écologie-Les Verts), head of the Greens parliamentary group in the European Parliament, “SPD and Union either show bite inhibition” when it comes to the question of how the Romanian party friends proceed Ponta and Băsescu is to be valued.

The MEP and deputy chairman of the Christian Democratic European People's Party Group Manfred Weber (CSU) blamed Ponta for his country's alienation from the EU. “We were definitely further with Romania and Bulgaria and we are now experiencing a step backwards, for which Ponta is responsible. […] Ponta has done the country a disservice . ”In order to force Bucharest to give in, Weber suggested putting EU funds on hold. “There are other ways of forcing action. For this you could block EU funds in the last step. "

Leading Members of the European Parliament from the European People's Party, including Markus Ferber , Elmar Brok , and Alain Lamassoure, discussed a possible suspension of Romania's voting rights in the Council of the European Union under Article 7 of the EU Treaty. This provides for the suspension of a state's membership rights in the event of a “serious and persistent violation” of the basic values ​​of the EU. This would have to be decided unanimously by the other EU states. "If the situation worsens because the Romanian authorities do not take the obligations they have taken seriously, then the EU institutions have weapons at their disposal and that includes all articles of the treaty".

In response to the "constitutionally questionable incidents in Romania", Commissioner for Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship Viviane Reding wants to create the office of European Minister of Justice. This should have the right to sue the European Court of Justice if the independence of the judiciary in a member state is at risk. Reding said: “We expect our demands to be implemented one-to-one. So far nothing has happened. Romania has made progress on judicial reform in recent years. But now all of this has been null and void in one or two weeks with a kind of emergency ordinance coup. What happened in Romania contradicts all the rule of law that we have in the EU. ”On July 25, Reding added:“ I am still very concerned about the state of democracy in Romania - and so is the EU Commission ". She continues to receive hundreds of letters that speak of shocking conditions. Since the government of the controversial Prime Minister Victor Ponta also has to be measured “by deeds and not just words”, Brussels will keep a close eye on developments on the ground.

  • Council of Europe

Thorbjørn Jagland , Secretary General of the Council of Europe , was “very concerned” about the latest developments in Romania, “particularly about government and parliamentary measures against key democratic institutions”. Jean-Claude Mignon , President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), expressed his concern about developments in Romania: “As a member state of the Council of Europe, Romania has to meet its commitments and European standards. The independence of the judiciary, particularly that of the Constitutional Court, is a fundamental requirement for ensuring the rule of law in any country ”.

The Venice Commission (European Commission for Democracy through Law) was commissioned to check whether the measures in Romania are compatible with the principles of democracy and the rule of law. The commission was critical of participation quorums in referendums and recommended that such regulations be dispensed with, as quorums would encourage opponents to abstain.

The President of the Social Democrats in the Council of Europe, the Swiss Andreas Gross , saw Romania in a state crisis for which the EU lacks the right instruments to solve it. In Romania democracy is reduced to the majority. “There is no culture of dialogue at all [in Romania], no culture of compromise. Majority means being able to enforce everything. ”The EU has no competence, it can only threaten to join Schengen etc. indirectly. But this is a very authoritarian way, and it is also not very conducive to democracy if one simply acts like a schoolmaster. In contrast to human rights, there is no system in democracy, no early warning system, “no 20 or 30 factors with which one can measure the situation of a country, its democracy, the quality of democracy”.

  • Germany

The Federal Minister for Foreign Affairs, Guido Westerwelle , expressed concern on July 8th that political conflicts in Romania would be carried out at the expense of "fundamental European values". The federal government will "not simply ignore" the developments. On July 9, Chancellor Angela Merkel phoned the Romanian President Băsescu. The Chancellor considered it unacceptable if the basic principles of the rule of law were violated in an EU country. All governments have to adhere to the common values, this also applies to the Romanian. The Chancellor supported the EU in drawing any necessary conclusions. Victor Ponta commented: "Angela Merkel will not vote on July 29th [in the referendum], and a majority decision cannot be changed by Băsescu or Merkel."

The Minister of State in the Foreign Office , Michael Link , traveled to Bucharest on July 12 and 13 for talks with the Romanian Foreign Minister Andrei Marga and others . The discussions focused on the domestic political situation as well as bilateral and European issues. The State Secretary in the Foreign Office , Emily Haber , already expressed Germany's concern to the Romanian Ambassador on July 5th during a conversation in the Foreign Office. On July 12, the Chancellor summoned the Romanian ambassador. Angela Merkel then announced that the German government saw “the principle of the separation of powers” ​​in Romania at risk. Government spokesman Steffen Seibert said the federal government had "great doubts about the legitimacy" of the measures taken by Ponta's government. “The actions of the Romanian government under Prime Minister Ponta in the impeachment proceedings against President Băsescu are unacceptable. The suspension of Băsescu on Friday and the scheduling of the referendum took place in a manner that disregards the basic principles of the rule of law and, above all, lacks the necessary respect for the constitutional organs. "

Frank-Walter Steinmeier , leader of the SPD parliamentary group , criticized that it was “unacceptable” that in Romania “democratic and parliamentary rules and standards are overstretched and violated”. Axel Schäfer (SPD), deputy head of the SPD parliamentary group, considered it a "logical step" that Ponta initiated impeachment proceedings against President Băsescu. This is the only way to stop the head of state's “persistent breaches of the constitution”.

  • Luxembourg

The Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn said: “It cannot be accepted that decisions of the Constitutional Court are suspended by government decree. These are serious violations of European legal principles that are not acceptable. ”The Romanians would have suffered for a long time under the unjust state, especially during the time of the dictator Ceausescu. “The country must not fall back into this time.” The parliament in Bucharest presumed to rule, but this was the job of the judges. "As a social democrat, I am appalled by the actions of some politicians [...] who behave like putschists".

  • Netherlands

State Secretary Christophe Kamp, spokesman for foreign affairs for the Netherlands , said: "It is important for Romania to respect the Constitution and laws." He added that the Netherlands was closely following the situation.

In 2011, entry into the Schengen area of ​​Romania and Bulgaria failed due to resistance from the Netherlands, which vetoed at the EU level. Although the two countries had been confirmed several times that all technical requirements had been met, the Netherlands required two positive reports from the EU Commission on progress in the fight against corruption and judicial reform as a condition for their approval. Since joining the EU in 2007, the countries have been subject to a monitoring mechanism in which the EU Commission regularly prepares progress reports. Romanian government representatives and President Băsescu had seen the Schengen blockade in the Netherlands as a concession from the center-right government under Prime Minister Mark Rutte to the right-wing populist Partij voor de Vrijheid (PVV) under coalition partner Geert Wilders , which supported the government in parliament. As a result, Romania blocked Dutch tulip imports. The Romanian authorities said that samples had been taken from all seized loads to be tested for “bacteria”. According to Dutch MEPs, this "looked very much like blackmail".

Ten Eastern European countries protested in February against a PVV website on which citizens could complain about Eastern Europeans. In an open letter, the ambassadors and chargé d'affaires of Poland, Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary and other countries in the Netherlands condemn targeting a certain group of people as "discriminatory and degrading". On the website of the reporting office for disturbances caused by Eastern Europeans , the PVV called for the reporting of problems caused by the opening of the labor market for people from Eastern and Central European EU countries. The complaints would be forwarded to the Ministry of Labor. According to the PVV, the massive immigration of 200,000 to 300,000 Eastern European workers to date causes "many problems" such as "harassment, environmental pollution, displacement from the labor market, integration and housing problems". The ambassadors called on the Dutch government to distance itself from the appeal. Eastern European workers made a significant contribution to Dutch economic growth. The center-right government under Mark Rutte, tolerated by the PVV, refused to distance itself from the website. Rutte said repeatedly that he would "not take a position", after all, it was not one side of his government, but that of a political party.

  • Bulgaria

Bulgaria's finance minister, Simeon Djankow, said, when asked whether the markets would not lump Bulgaria “in the same pot” with neighboring countries:
“We are very concerned about the situation [in Romania]. Romania has also implemented important reforms, the successes of which are now at stake. In the south we have Greece and its problems, in the north Romania: It is becoming increasingly difficult to present our region to the outside world as stable. "

  • Hungary

At his annual meeting with representatives of the Hungarian minority in the Romanian spa town of Băile Tuşnad , the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán called on the Romanians indirectly on July 28th to support Băsescu in the referendum: “I ask the Romanians living here and the Hungarians living here, good ones To make decisions, for example by not making a decision. ”Orbán had already expressed solidarity for Băsescu two days earlier in Budapest . The European People's Party (EPP), to which his party Fidesz - Hungarian Citizens' Union belongs, stands “resolutely behind Băsescu”. Around 1.4 million Hungarians live in Romania as a minority .

Victor Ponta called on his Hungarian colleague to “no longer interfere in Romanian politics”. "I am very outraged that the Hungarian Prime Minister, Mr Orban, is calling on Romanian citizens of Hungarian nationality not to take part in the referendum vote."

  • United States of America

Victoria Nuland, spokeswoman for the United States Department of State , called on the government in Bucharest on July 7 to respect the rule of law. With "our ally and NATO partner" the balance of democratic forces and the independence of the judiciary are in danger. The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung reported: “According to reports, the Americans are increasingly concerned about the possible security-political consequences of the change of power in Romania: a state in which the judiciary comes under the control of a corrupt political class would become one in the geopolitically sensitive region of Southeast Europe pose particular danger. Apparently there are fears that terrorists, drug traffickers and people smugglers could take advantage of the new situation ”.

The United States Ambassador to Romania, Mark Gitenstein , stated on July 10th that a referendum that appears to be inconsistent with the Constitution will knowingly create an extremely dangerous constitutional crisis. Holding such a referendum is not acceptable.

Referendum to impeach Băsescu

Elective modalities

There were many indications that holding the referendum would not comply with the rule of law and transparent standards. In mid-July it was discussed to extend the voting time from one to two days so that people could vote “without pressure”. This increases the chances of attaining a participation of more than 50 percent of the 18.3 million eligible voters. According to the census of October 2011, due to emigration and negative population development, there were only 15.5 million eligible voters in real terms, with a total population of between 19.2 and 19.6 million people. However, the census did not take into account the approximately three million Romanians abroad who were eligible to vote. According to the law, nine million citizens had to vote, but in reality 65 to 70 percent participation was required instead of 50 percent for the referendum to be valid. The real numbers will only be included in the electoral roll from January 1, 2013.

The Interior Ministry announced on July 21 the establishment of 18,543 polling stations in the country, which were open from 7 a.m. to 11 p.m. on the day of the referendum. 33,000 employees of the ministry were supposed to ensure the security of the election process and the guarding of the polls. In addition, 16,000 employees of the Ministry of the Interior should be used for public order. After it was estimated that there would be around 140,000 citizens by the Black Sea on July 29, 556 polling stations were to be set up there. In a letter to the Central Election Office (BEC), the USL had requested the opening of 100 additional polling stations. Foreign Minister Andrei Marga announced that 301 polling stations would be set up abroad, 56 of them in Italy and 46 in Spain, where hundreds of thousands of Romanians live, who voted for Băsescu by a large majority in 2009. In Germany polling stations have been set up in Berlin, Munich, Hamburg, Stuttgart and Bonn. In Austria the number of polling stations was increased, two in Vienna and one each in Graz, Salzburg and Klagenfurt. The PD-L, on the other hand, had calculated that around 45 percent of the citizens would appear for the elections and that the referendum would therefore be invalid. Romania's population registration offices were open from early morning until late evening on the weekend of the referendum, so that eligible voters could renew expired identity cards in order to identify themselves at the polling station.

In this referendum, among other things, the number of voters no longer had to be compared with the number of votes cast in the individual polling stations. Romanians were allowed to vote at any polling station in the country, not just where they lived. It was no longer checked whether someone who voted in his holiday destination had not already cast his vote elsewhere. The government refused to use software that could prevent multiple votes. The government had decided to set up additional polling stations in restaurants, hotels, bars and dance halls. Votes could therefore be cast twice. "On the day of the referendum in Romania there are likely to be a lot of buses traveling from village to village." The opening times of the polling stations have also been extended. The sealing of the urns was no longer recorded in the protocol, so they could have been opened and resealed. The PD-L feared electoral fraud of up to two million votes. Vasile Blaga therefore announced that he would send an observer to every election office in order to prevent possible manipulation.

Election campaign

PD-L, Traian Băsescu

Băsescu at a rally in Bucharest on July 26, 2012

Băsescu held three rallies before the referendum.

He said that since his first election in 2004 he had sought to build independent institutions in the judiciary. “The judiciary has started to function, and that frightens the criminals, whether they are politicians or are connected to politics from outside.” Băsescu announced on July 14, 2011 to between 10,000 and 15,000 supporters in Cluj-Napoca : “I'm not fighting for my post, I fight for Romania and the people ”. The country's credibility is at stake. His opponents only needed four days "to behead the state". Ponta and the liberal interim president Crin Antonescu, whom he called a “jumping jack from Ponta”, are the “puppets” of their financiers. “They don't even notice how they keep isolating the country in the EU”. Ponta is "incapable of democracy" and the impeachment process is a "coup with only apparently legal means". In his rally on July 21 - the weekend before the referendum - Băsescu encouraged his supporters to vote and thus put down the "coup".

However, the leadership of the conservative opposition party PD-L decided almost unanimously on July 24 to boycott the referendum. Party leader Vasile Blaga called on the supporters of the PD-L to stay away from the “masquerade” of the referendum. “Our sympathizers cannot declare this consequence of illegality valid.” The PD-L justified its appeal with the fear of election manipulation. The dissatisfaction in the population about the referendum is increasing, so the PD-L-MEP Christian Preda: "We can not ignore that." In view of the probable defeat of Băsescu this approach is seen as strategic, since without the PD-L supporters The minimum voter turnout of 50 percent required for the voting to be valid would hardly be achievable. Without the PD-L, sociologists estimate that at best eight of the 18 million eligible voters could be mobilized. Băsescu refused interviews with foreign media in the run-up to the referendum. He does not want to expose himself to the accusation that he is blackening his country in the EU. The coup that was taking place in Romania must be stopped by the Romanian people. Băsescu said he was convinced that after the referendum he would return to the Cotroceni Palace, the seat of the head of state. Băsescu does not shy away from the fight, but he would have preferred the PD-L to have called for a vote against the removal of the president in the referendum instead of boycotting it. But in view of the massive election fraud that is to be expected, he has now decided to do so, he notes. The boycott serves to restore democracy. At a rally in Bucharest on July 27th, the “torch of democracy” arrived at the Revolution Square in Bucharest. Like the Olympic flame , it was carried across the country by young people for days. Their porters and their way were shown on a large screen. Băsescu symbolically lit the torch and sent it on its way after a referendum had been held to decide his position.

The main focus of the preparations of the PD-L was on the boycott of the referendum. In Miroslava, for example, the mayor organized fishing competitions to keep citizens away from the ballot boxes. In some municipalities, non-voters were offered drinks and free swimming pools. Other PD-L mayors pointed out that the citizens would have unpleasant personal consequences for the future should they vote. Some entrepreneurs close to the PDL are said to have collected the IDs of their employees required for identification in the referendum. The PD-L poster campaign was less pronounced than that of the USL; here Băsescu was shown being chased by a pack of hyenas, other posters spoke of sharks and the mafia and manipulation in the media.

USL, Victor Ponta and Crin Antonescu

The USL held 40 “anti-Băsescu” rallies before the referendum.

The USL focused on mobilizing voters. Tens of thousands of posters all over the country with calls like "He has taken your pension, you take his office now - go to the referendum!" Or "Goodbye, Mr. Băsescu" urged the politically tired people to participate in the referendum and for them Vote dismissal of Băsescus. Hundreds of buses were hired to drive voters to vote. Tombolas and games were intended to attract citizens to vote. Laurus Mircea, Mayor of Mișlăuți , invited: "We have schnapps, sandwiches and cakes for everyone who goes to vote."

Ponta called the suspended president a "vile villain", a "scorpion who kills everything around him", the "greatest liar in Romanian history", a "man without shame and honor" and a "political wreck". The prime minister announced that "with this person who rams the knife in the back, as soon as you turn around, you will never speak again." The boycott call was "unconstitutional," said Prime Minister Ponta indignantly. On July 25, Ponta complained to the EU Commission about the call for a boycott of the referendum, which had been spread by Băsescu supporters, claiming that it was "anti-democratic". Ponta said Băsescu was not just a “mafioso, a liar and a villain” who stole pensioners' money and wants to do it again. He must be “brought before the people” on the day of the referendum so that “it will end with him”, because only then “will we all live in peace”, freed from the worry “that Băsescu will put all dossiers on us”.

The USL organized an anti-Băsescu demonstration in Timișoara, among others, in which 10,000-15,000 people took part. Here Crin Antonescu stated that like John F. Kennedy he was " a Berliner ". The USL members are Europeans, so Antonescu alluding to the reactions of the European Union. Antonescu called on the Romanians to vote as this was the only way to establish a "solid democracy".

In an interview for România TV , Ponta suggested that he would resign if Băsescu should return to his office: “I will not cohabit with Băsescu. If he wins, he has the right to say who he wants to rule with, and I will assume that a USL government has no legitimacy. ”Antonescu had publicly announced that he would retire completely from political life if Băsescu returned should return to his office.

Survey

According to a poll carried out by the opinion research institute IMAS between July 5th and 7th on the referendum on Băsescu's remaining in the presidency, 79.8 percent of citizens want to take part in the referendum on July 29th. Of these, around 64 percent of those questioned were against staying, while 28 percent said they were in favor and the rest gave no information. Such a result would lead to presidential elections. According to a Eurobarometer survey, 72 percent of Romanians would be in favor of continuing the reforms until there were “standards comparable to other member states”. Three quarters of Romanian citizens would like the EU to interfere in the deficiencies in the judicial system and in the fight against corruption.

referendum
Voter turnout in the referendum, by district ( Județ )
Share of votes in favor of dismissing the president, by district

According to the official final result of the Central Electoral Office, 46.24 percent of Romanians had taken part in the referendum. Of these, 87.52 percent had voted against Băsescu and 11.15 percent for him. A voter turnout of 50 percent plus one person entitled to vote was decisive for the validity. Interior Minister Ioan Rus (PSD) confirmed around 18.2 million Romanians eligible to vote five days before the referendum, from whom the electoral bureau assumed in its calculations. The referendum failed because the voter turnout was too low; around 1.5 million votes were missing to reach the quorum.

The day of the referendum, July 29, was marked by high temperatures of 40 degrees. The central election office reported that nine hours before the polls closed, 21.37 percent of those eligible to vote had already gone to the polls. By late evening, it became apparent that the referendum could fail due to insufficient participation. Three hours before the polls closed, only 37.67 percent had voted.

Representatives of the USL announced that, according to their own parallel count, the quorum had been reached: “We are moving towards 52 percent.” According to this, 9.2 million Romanians are said to have participated in the referendum. Agriculture Minister Daniel Constantin said: "Băsescu has been deposed."

In view of the high number of votes against him, Victor Ponta indirectly called on Băsescu to resign: "Any politician who says he can ignore the vote of around nine million Romanians lives far from reality." However, Ponta assured that he would accept the result . He specifically praised the Ministry of the Interior for organizing the vote. It will now be the task of his government to “limit” the damage caused by Băsescu to the country and to “defend” the Romanians who had voted for his removal. He wants to "continue as before". Băsescu should not hinder the government's reform work and should not start a power struggle. Ponta called on all parties to refrain from any “public or direct pressure on the Constitutional Court or its judges”. Ponta also made the 1.5 million voters of the Hungarian minority in Romanian Transylvania jointly responsible for the lack of minimum participation .

Crin Antonescu said it was faced with the boycott of the PDL, the UDMR and the Hungarian minority. Despite the heat and vacation time, the citizens of Romania cast their votes and left no doubt about a functioning democracy in Romania. Antonescu asked for numbers from the previous year's census to be used when calculating the result and not numbers from the official electoral register. The census figures “reflect reality”, those of the electoral register are merely “bureaucratic figures”.

Traian Băsescu said on state television: "The Romanians made the referendum ineffective by not taking part." "The Romanians voted against the coup". At the same time he admitted that the Romanians had reason to be dissatisfied with him. "I am aware that there is dissatisfaction after everything that has happened in recent years, and I am convinced that the rift in society must be eliminated." This is necessary "because Romania uses all its energy to integrate into the civilized world “need. Băsescu promised to “create a sense of reconciliation”. He announced that he would be unforgiving in the fight against corruption. The day after the referendum, Băsescu announced that he would hold his political opponents accountable for an attempted “coup d'état”. Those who passed “unconstitutional” legal acts to initiate the “coup d'état” against him should be “held accountable by state institutions”.

On the day of the referendum, Băsescu's opponents stayed on University Square in Bucharest until late at night, waving the Romanian flag and holding their signs with messages like “Not like this!” And “We are sovereign!” In the television cameras.

Reaction of the political world
  • European Union

The European Social Democrats called for an end to the trench warfare in Bucharest. The leader of the Social Democrats in the EU Parliament, Hannes Swoboda, said on the day after the referendum: "The political forces must stop fighting each other, which could endanger Romania's credibility and position in the EU". If Băsescu returns to office, he will have to “respect” the parliamentary majority. The result is without a clear statement: “There are no winners. Now all parties must ensure that Romania does not become a loser. ”Sowoboda demanded that the EU should no longer speak of a“ coup d'état ”. All allegations of electoral fraud were proven to be false.

A few days later, Svoboda stated that Băsescu “had a right to return to his office”, even if the question was whether he still had the necessary legitimacy to do so. Swoboda suggested that actions should speak rather than words and emphasized that "on the part of Romania, Europe no longer wants and needs more words, but actions that show that the rule of law and democratic principles are respected". “My support for Victor Ponta is not unconditional. Political affiliation is not enough, ”emphasized Swoboda, who had previously repeatedly sought understanding for the Romanian government in view of the fierce criticism from Brussels.

The European politician of the CDU-affiliated European People's Party, Hans-Gert Pöttering, said the EU should continue to carefully monitor the situation in Romania. After the failed referendum in Romania to remove the President, Romania was obliged as an EU member to respect the values ​​of the EU. One can only hope that in the future the government of Victor Ponta will no longer pursue a policy with legal means.

  • Germany

Foreign Minister Westerwelle appealed to the political forces in Romania to see the situation now as an "opportunity for a new political beginning". Both sides should find their way back to a "constructive cooperation". "Differences of opinion must be clarified and settled within the democratic procedures and institutions."

In the federal government and at the state level, doubts grew that Romania and Bulgaria would soon join the Schengen zone.

Federal Interior Minister Hans-Peter Friedrich (CSU) clearly rejected Romania's and Bulgaria's expectations of rapid admission to the Schengen area on August 3, 2012. He sees that the technical conditions in Bulgaria and Romania have been met, and that there has also been fundamental progress "with regard to the fight against corruption and the fight against organized crime". “At the moment I consider open borders for Romania and Bulgaria to be impossible.” On August 8th, Friedrich added: “Politically, Romania is developing in a questionable way. It is of course relevant to the Schengen accession, how things stand with the internal constitutional architecture of a country. ”It could be that the planned freedom of control for airports and seaports will be further delayed. He sees the opening of the land borders "still a long way".

Friedrich received support from Hamburg's Senator for the Interior and Sport , Michael Neumann (SPD). The Federal Ministry of the Interior's doubts as to whether the requirements of Romania and Bulgaria have actually already been met are "understandable". He reminded that “internal security measures, for example securing external borders and combating crime”, are among the obligations for a border-free entry into Schengen.

  • Bulgaria

Bulgaria advocated joining the Schengen area without border controls soon. All criteria have been met, said President Rossen Plevneliev . His country deserves to be accepted.

Public prosecutor's investigation into suspected election fraud

Interior Minister Ioan Rus stressed that there were hardly any incidents of attempted election fraud. Monica Macovei, however, denounced massive election fraud. There is video material that shows how voters sometimes threw 50 ballot papers into the ballot box at once. By early afternoon on referendum day, the PD-L filed 40 criminal charges for irregularities in the vote. Nationwide, 500 criminal proceedings were initiated for election fraud in the referendum, which the government criticized as intimidating the voters.

The most sensational case is that of the MP and former Defense Minister Teoder Atanasiu , chairman of the PN-L in Alba County and Dumitru Samson, the stepson of the current Defense Minister Corneliu Dobrițoiu , who were summoned to the Cluj-Napoca Public Prosecutor's Office to open criminal proceedings against them . According to the criminal record, Samson organized the transport of Roma from the Pata Rât rubbish pit in Cluj-Napoca to other administrative districts so that they can vote there. The Roma themselves had no identity cards and could therefore not be identified.

Atanasiu told the press that prosecutors accused him of working with "three people from the underworld" to influence people to go to the referendum. However, he does not know these people. Prosecutors believe he used "money and buses" to get people to take part in the referendum. Thereby he had "influenced the future of Romania and the case of Traian Băsescu". Prime Minister Ponta announced on August 16 that the prosecutors' attacks would be stopped.

Appeal to the Constitutional Court on the validity of the referendum
Emblem of the Romanian Constitutional Court

After the failed referendum, members of the social-liberal ruling coalition questioned the validity of the list of eligible voters revised by their Interior Minister Rus and claimed preliminary data from a 2011 census, according to which the population has shrunk and the electorate is consequently much smaller than in official statistics stated, in the hope of being able to challenge the result of the referendum.

The USL appealed to the Constitutional Court and demanded a decision on the validity of the referendum. She cited discrepancies between the official electoral roll and the real number of voters as a reason; If the data, which have only been estimated so far, are confirmed, a higher voter turnout can be calculated on this basis. Neither the Ministry of the Interior nor the National Statistics Institute nor the electoral authority were able to provide the Constitutional Court with concrete information on the current number of eligible voters in Romania. The court requested the submission of the electoral roll on the basis of which the referendum was held and on August 2 postponed its decision to September 12. The date was later brought forward to August 31, then to August 21. Traian Băsescu, who remains suspended from the presidency for the time being, had submitted a request to this effect. Until the verdict of the constitutional court on the referendum result, Crin Antonescu remains the executive head of state.

The Romanian press reported on August 3, citing informed circles around the Constitutional Court that the decision was extremely tight. Only one vote was missing for the required two-thirds majority of six of the nine constitutional judges, five would have been willing to cancel the referendum without having to study the electoral roll. The judge Valentin-Zoltán Puskás, who is close to the Hungarian association UDMR, is said to have "feared the revenge of Prime Minister Ponta on the Hungarian minority". Judge Ion Predescu made his voting behavior dependent on the ruling PSD appointing his daughter as constitutional judge. ( The press put it this way: "A [...] judge is said to have been pressured to promote his daughter.") Judge Aspazia Cojocaru called for the result to be annulled because it was based on incorrect demographic data. Legal experts said that the same lists were used in the local elections on July 10, without anyone objecting to it. Ponta pointed out that there was no participation quorum in these elections and that “any members of the card” had no effect on the result. Crin Antonescu stated that in reality, at least 52 percent of those eligible to vote, rather than 46, took part.

"Mini census"

In the weeks leading up to the verdict, the government decided to carry out a “mini census” in which the municipalities should “adjust the electoral lists to reflect reality” by the end of August. He was sorry to ruin the mayors' vacation, said Ponta, but the Constitutional Court had asked for the electoral register to be updated. The electoral authority AEP announced that in 2011 around 40 percent of the electoral roll had been updated. Almost 34,000 cases were found in which people had to be removed from the electoral roll. USL officials estimate that around 1.7 million of the registered voters are no longer alive at all. The USL also complains that numerous Romanians are eligible to vote, even though they had long since emigrated. Three million Romanians are living abroad, but it is not known whether they are still alive or whether they have renounced Romanian citizenship. The German minority around the city of Sibiu is also on the electoral roll with 85,000 representatives, although they no longer live in Romania. Mayor offices have been instructed to remove citizens who have moved abroad from their lists. Romania's population should have effectively shrunk by two million. If these so far only estimated data are confirmed, there would be a higher turnout on this basis. In a public broadcast, the court emphasized that the time allowed was not a request for a hasty census to determine the number of eligible voters. It did not ask the government to update it afterwards, but only to submit the electoral lists valid at the time of the announcement of the referendum, which are "authoritative". "The updating of electoral lists can be carried out by the responsible mayor's offices a maximum of five days after the referendum date has been announced"

PD-L mayors, however, refused to take part in the census. Băsescu said he would "slam the door in the face" of any list checkers. Ponta blamed the suspended president and his party for thwarting the census because "the boycott continues". There is no longer any reliance on the new information, "in this case we would have wrong results again", said Ponta.

Ponta announced on August 7th that its government would waive the announced census. However, he demanded that the responsible ministers carry out an institutional review of the lists with "administrative means" as soon as possible. In addition to a national commission, committees were formed at local and district level to review the electoral lists, and data from the National Pension Fund and the National Health Insurance Fund were used.

Băsescu had already reacted on August 4th to the government's plans to retrospectively update the July 29th electoral roll. According to the regulations, an update should have been made a maximum of five days after the referendum date was set. “Preparing to falsify voter lists by means of a census in August, when Romanians are on vacation and three million of them are working abroad, seems to me to be the biggest bluff.” He added that Ponta and Interior Minister Ioan Rus are having a “difficult time with something else comparable ridiculousness ”. “The compromise of Romania must stop, it is going too far.” According to Interior Minister Ioan Rus, “Mayors and reliable citizens”, neighbors if necessary, should be asked about eligible voters who were not at home during the census planned by the government. According to Băsescu's own estimate, a correctly carried out check of the electoral roll would result in a 300,000 higher number of eligible voters, since more citizens have come of age than have died since the last check. "It is not necessary for them to wander around the country or ask their neighbor X, but to turn to institutions," said Băsescu. The neighbor could not be asked whether someone was of legal age or died. He pointed out that "census laws and procedures, including birth and death records," existed for such audits, and warned mayors that the "smart guys" in the government are now trying to blame them for the allegedly flawed lists , and they should not get involved in anything “that could end up in prison”. Referring to the government's statement that Romanians abroad should be removed from the permanent electoral roll and put on special lists, Băsescu said that "these people are jeopardizing everything that Romania has received from the EU, including the right to free movement". “Nobody in Europe has done what they have done. After organizing a referendum, they are now objecting to it, ”commented Băsescu. He called the improvised census a "masquerade" and called on Ponta and Antonescu to stop their attacks on the legal order. “The government has put itself in an embarrassing light in front of the whole world. Where is there such a thing in a democratic country that the rules of a referendum are subsequently changed? "

The liberal democratic opposition accepted the position of the Constitutional Court. On the other hand, she called on the government to resign because they did not understand how to adequately organize the referendum. The "coup d'état" organized by the USL has so far cost Romania six billion leu (the equivalent of almost 1.3 billion euros), and an end is not in sight. The USL is ready to plunge the country into chaos to quench its hunger for power.

Reaction of the political world
  • European Union

With a view to the expected verdict of the Constitutional Court, the chairman of the Group of the European People's Party Daul said at the beginning of August: “I wonder how it is possible that a ministry in an EU member state has official documents with the number of voters a few weeks before the referendum published, confirmed again this week and then claimed to be unable to answer for the number on the electoral roll? ”He pointed out that“ the same electoral roll was used less than two months ago in the local elections ”in June. "This government is ready to change everything: laws, lists, rules that do not correspond to its own party interests," criticized Daul and warned that "all the achievements of recent years can be destroyed if the current government does not make its promises without deviations and delays to the European partners [...]. "

Wilfried Martens , the chairman of the European People's Party, called on the government in Romania to immediately deliver the referendum electoral lists requested by the Bucharest Constitutional Court. With every delay, the question arises more urgently what the real goals of Prime Minister Ponta are.

Cabinet reshuffle

After three ministers resigned on August 6, Victor Ponta reshuffled other areas of his cabinet on the same day. A total of six ministers left their departments. The interim President Antonescu had previously signed the appointments. In his address, he underlined that nobody in Romania should be afraid any more: Neither a court, an institution or a common citizen can be intimidated by the "irresponsible threats of a person about whom the people have spoken their political judgment". This message of dignity, determination, and compliance with the law must not only be an action by the government, but also by the public prosecutor's office, the judicial authorities, including the constitutional court.

Cabinet reshuffle on August 6, 2012
Ministry Old
minister
New
minister
description
Home Office
Ioan Rus (2) .jpg
Ioan Rus
(PSD)
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Mircea Dușa
(PSD)
In the week after the referendum, Ioan Rus initially confirmed the number of 18.2 million eligible voters. On August 6, Rus reaffirmed that the lists had been updated before the vote. In the Ministry of the Interior, however, State Secretary Victor Paul Dobre let it be known that the Ministry could not vouch for the accuracy of its own information because the lists submitted by the municipalities may have been incorrect. On the same day, Rus resigned from office in protest of Ponta's actions after government and opposition politicians had accused him of causing confusion with contradicting information on the number of eligible voters in the country.

Rus said that with his resignation he was reacting "to unacceptable criticism and pressure" to organize the referendum, including "from the acting President Crin Antonescu". He does not want to "participate in non-compliance with the law". “I am a correct politician and I set the limits of my dignity myself.” Ioan Rus is one of the most influential Romanian socialists, he was even up for discussion as the potential successor to Prime Minister Ponta, who was badly hit by his plagiarism affair. Rus deplores the pressure from acting President Antonescu, Ponta's most important ally. Romanian political scientists unanimously viewed this as a sign of increasing tensions in the social-liberal governing coalition. Rus belongs to the "Klausenburger Group", on whose support Ponta has been able to rely so far.

The conservative newspaper Revista 22 described the new minister Mircea Duşă as a "devoted party soldier", "who will unquestionably carry out the order [to recalculate the electorate]."

Minister Delegate for Administration
Victor Paul Dobre (2) .jpg
Victor Paul Dobre
(PN-L)
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Radu Stroe
(PN-L)
At the same time, Rus announced the resignation of State Secretary Victor Paul Dobre for "personal reasons". Dobre was also charged with organizing the referendum.
Minister Delegate for Relations with Entrepreneurs
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Lucian Isar
(independent)
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Mihai Voicu
(PN-L)
The party-free Lucian Isar joined the resignations in the afternoon.
Minister Delegate for Relations with Parliament
Mircea Duşa (3) .png

Mircea Duşa (PSD)
Dan Șova
(PSD)
Dan Șova had lost his position as PSD press spokesman in March after publicly denying the Iași pogrom and glorifying Ion Antonescu , dictator in the Kingdom of Romania . Although there is unequivocal historical evidence that the pogrom killed more than 13,000 people, Șova claimed that “historical facts show that 24 Romanian citizens of Jewish descent were killed by German soldiers in Iași. [...] Romanian soldiers were not involved. "

Ponta had condemned Șova's denial of the Holocaust in Romania as "very embarrassing" and "absolutely stupid". After his public apology, he sent nachova to Washington, DC , so that he could find out about the historical facts at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum .

Several non-governmental organizations , including the Roma organization “Romani Criss” and the “Center for Combating Anti-Semitism in Romania” (MCA), had filed criminal charges against Șova for denying the Holocaust. Șova could face six months to five years in prison. Șova stated in a written statement published on August 10th on the Romanian government's website that he had made a regrettable error based on ignorance.

Foreign Ministry Andrei Marga
(PN-L)
Titus Corlățean (2) .jpg
Titus Corlățean
(PSD)
Foreign Minister Andrei Marga was appointed ambassador to Germany and replaced in his old role by the previous Minister of Justice, Titus Corlățean.
Ministry of Justice
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Titus Corlățean
(PSD)
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Mona Pivniceru
(independent)
The non-party but pro-government judge Mona Pivniceru, chairwoman of the Romanian Lawyers' Association, was unable to take the oath as the new Minister of Justice on August 6 after her nomination was blocked by the Supreme Council of Magistrates (CSM). Pivniceru was a member of the CSM and was not allowed to hold any public office, so Ponta took over the office on a temporary basis. On August 19, Pivniceru resigned from her position in the CSM. On August 23, she was sworn into the new office.

Pivniceru has a strong media presence and is known for her ongoing conflict with Traian Băsescu, whom she has repeatedly accused of interfering with the judiciary. Băsescu herself praised her "as the only member of the new cabinet" for her professionalism. According to observers, a tense relationship is to be expected in the judiciary, especially with Europe, in view of the Pivnicerus nomination. In 2011, Pivniceru criticized the judicial monitoring process for the EU Commission's progress reports. The criticism contained therein that the penalties were mild in relation to the violations of the law in Romania, described Pivniceru as an “inadmissible interference” in the processes of the judiciary.

At the beginning of 2012, she also spoke out against an extension of Daniel Morar's mandate as head of the anti-corruption prosecutor's office. Morar, whose agency was mentioned in the EU monitoring reports, recently received another mandate extension. In view of the political crisis, the EU had also demanded that there be no staff changes in important positions in the judiciary for the time being. Pivniceru was considered politically independent on paper, but was close to the social democratic party Pontas.

The new ministers in the Ponta cabinet take their oath of office on 7 August 2012

Ponta expressed regret over the government reshuffle. He has nothing to reproach the outgoing ministers with. The cabinet reshuffle is necessary to withstand the attacks from Băsescu. He had hoped that the cabinet named in May could have remained in office until the parliamentary elections scheduled for November. "But the extraordinary situation caused by the actions of the suspended President Traian Băsescu has forced us to adapt," said Ponta. Băsescu does not respect the will of the Romanian people and interferes with the work of the government and parliament through actions. Ponta wants to leave the path of the "logic of war" and instead strive for stability and predictability.

Prosecutor's investigation

Meanwhile, the public prosecutor's office started an abuse of office investigation against the head of the registration office, Constantin Manoloiu, and requested that his immunity as a MP be lifted. He had signed the official declaration to the Constitutional Court, from which it emerged that the Ministry of the Interior could not vouch for the correctness of the electoral lists confirmed in the run-up to the referendum. The public prosecutor also investigated the resigned administration minister Victor Paul Dobre, who should have tried to clean up the electoral roll with illegal means and manipulate the official number of people entitled to vote. He is said to have impaired the “functioning of the institutions” in the country through abuse of office. As evidence, the prosecutors published records of wiretapped conversations between Dobre and various officers.

The USL is said to have put pressure on Dobre and Rus to change the lists later. In the audio recording, Rus said in a conversation with Dobre that he “really doesn't want to spend his old days in prison” and that he will not confirm “a single person more or less with his signature”. "Where should we create the quorum from?" Rus asked during this conversation. Dobre gave in the recordings specific names of PN-L politicians who "talked him down to the ground". The Vice President of the National Liberals, Radu Fenechiu (PN-L), was also involved. Others asked him to "flee from this group of organized criminals". Fenechiu stated that he was only generally advocating Dobre's resignation because of unprofessional work. Rus and Dobre phones were tapped with the approval of the Supreme Court.

In light of criticism of the prosecutor's office, the Supreme Council of Judges in Romania has expressed concern about a possible threat to the independence of the judiciary. On August 13, the Council, responsible for the independence of the judiciary, commissioned the judiciary to investigate statements made by USL politicians that could jeopardize “the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law”.

Reaction of the political world
  • Germany

The CDU foreign politician Ruprecht Polenz called for the resignation of the new Romanian minister Dan Șova. "A politician who denies the persecution and murder of Romanian Jews is intolerable in my opinion." Anyone who denies the suffering of Romanian Jews is acting irresponsibly and oblivious to history and insulting the relatives of the victims. Criticism of Șova's appointment also came from the FDP. The FDP MEP Nadja Hirsch considered Șova “not ministrable”. The Șova case, but also the entire political situation, is "harmful" to democracy and the rule of law.

  • Reactions from the Jewish community

Aurel Vainer, President of the Federation of Romanian Jewish Congregations, said that the appointment of Dan Șova as a minister would make him want to “wear a black armband” as a token of mourning. Șova's promotion raises "questions" and "does not send the right message to young people" with regard to his statements in the recent past. "It is difficult to accept that a young, educated person could claim that the Holocaust in Romania never happened."

Erwin Simsensohn, chairman of the Jewish community in Bucharest, said: “Only in Romania can you deny the Holocaust and then be appointed minister.” Abraham Giltman, head of the Jewish community in Iaşi, stated: “Everything that Mr. Șova said, is simply wrong. […] The perpetrator was not the Wehrmacht, but Antonescu, whom Mr. Șova, like many other Romanians, still considers a hero. ”As Minister for Communication with Parliament, Sova plays a key role in shaping the legislative agenda and was one of the most radical supporters of the impeachment of President Traian Băsescu. "This is not without bitter irony, because Traian Băsescu himself caught the eye last year for playing down Antonescu and for similarly ignorant claims about the Holocaust," said the historian Lucian Boia from the University of Bucharest.

The President of the Central Council of Jews in Germany , Dieter Graumann , was disappointed: “The fact that a Holocaust denier was accepted into the government is shameful and immoral. The urgent question therefore arises to what extent Romania has actually reached the European community of values. ”“ The EU and the Federal Government should quickly make it clear to the Romanian government that the whole of Europe is particularly critical of this scandalous case. ”Differences in the EU states there is enough anyway. “With this topic, the recognition of the Shoah and its victims, it must not exist at all.” However, Graumann suspected far more right-wing extremist tendencies in Europe than previously known. "A new brown plague seems to be spreading in some European government circles." The fact that, as in Romania, a Holocaust denier even receives ministerial status, is "absolutely irresponsible and repugnant". Graumann also accused Romania of having tried for far too long to maintain the myth of innocence during the Shoah and to hush up its own crimes. "The almost 300,000 Jewish victims and 20,000 Sinti and Roma victims were mocked and, so to speak, killed again".

Efraim Zuroff from the Simon Wiesenthal Center in New York was outraged by Șova's appointment as minister.

  • Non-governmental organizations

There was also massive criticism from non-governmental organizations, including the Helsinki International Federation for Human Rights .

Urgent communication from the Constitutional Court to European institutions

The President of the Constitutional Court, Augustin Zegrean , complained in an "urgent communication" to the EU Commission, the Council of Europe and the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights , Navanethem Pillay , about the massive interference by Prime Minister Ponta in decisions of the court. Zegrean stated in his statement that one of the judges did not want to vote because he and his family had been "seriously threatened". Judge Aspazia Cojocaru had also “received serious threats” and filed charges “against those who threatened their lives”, with the government having denied the legality of his appointment to another judge. In addition, Interim President Antonescu said that the government would continue to impeach Băsescu regardless of the court's opinion.

Reaction of the political world
  • European Union

EU Commissioner Viviane Reding was “very concerned” about the political pressure on Romania's top judges. The EU Commission is following the situation in Romania "very closely" "and is" determined to guarantee respect for the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary in Romania ". It is" particularly concerned "about the communication regarding threats against judges in the dispute about the removal of the President of the Republic: "I would like to remind you that politicians must not try to intimidate judges about upcoming decisions or attack judges because of decisions they do not like."

In a letter published on August 10 from EU Commission President Barroso to Prime Minister Ponta, it was said that the Commission was "deeply concerned" about the Romanian government's apparent attempt to retrospectively reinterpret the failed referendum to impeach President Băsescu. The Constitutional Court alone has to make the final decision on the validity of the referendum, "all other parties should forego their own interpretations." The government must immediately provide the court with the electoral roll needed for its decision so that it can render its judgment as soon as possible. Barroso was also concerned about allegations that constitutional judges were pressured and deliberately intimidated. These would have to be checked immediately and, if necessary, answered with a punishment for those responsible. In the letter, Barroso clearly expressed his disappointment with the latest developments and reminded Ponta of the "assurances you have given me personally". Barroso again warned the Prime Minister to turn his words into deeds. "I trust that you and your government will take the necessary decisions in the interests of Romania and its citizens in order to implement the promises." The full compliance with the course corrections that have been imposed is "essential for Romania's credibility and its economic and financial stability". The deepened rifts between the political forces in the country and the harsh tone of voice are "worrying". Barroso announced, with a view to the latest events, that the actions of the Ponta government will be closely examined. In addition to the general situation, the next progress report will examine “especially the development after the referendum”. He recalled that it was “essential” for Romania's credibility to implement the recommendations set out in the EU Commission's Justice Progress Report in full and precisely.

MEP Monica Macovei (PDL) said on August 12th that she “expected civil war” in her country. “Romania has never before seen what has been going on for two months. That's why I said we were on the brink and I was expecting civil war. People should understand that we are in a very serious situation, ”she said on Romanian television. "I believe that a civil war is imminent because these people, the Social Liberal Union (USL), will not give up." [...] "They are an organized criminal organization, that is how they define themselves. A group that some people leave to - I quote - not have to spend their retirement years in prison. That's what we're talking about, these are the people who caused this situation, ”said Macovei. She would have access to minutes of cabinet meetings at which the USL was unaffected by Western criticism.

  • Council of Europe

Gianni Buquicchio , President of the Venice Commission (European Commission for Democracy through Law) said: “I am surprised, even shocked, that the Constitutional Court of a member state of the Council of Europe and the European Union has turned to the Venice Commission for the second time in a short space of time must to maintain his independence. "He expected that" the Romanian authorities will protect the judges concerned and their families and will take all necessary steps to bring the perpetrators of such threats to account. "

  • United States of America

The United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton dispatched Deputy Philip H. Gordon to Romania on August 12 to discuss what the United States felt was troubling political situations. Gordon will speak to government, civil society and business representatives in Bucharest. The US is concerned about the "latest government actions that threaten the democratic separation of powers and weaken the independence of state institutions."

Gordon met Prime Minister Ponta, Interim President Crin Antonescu and suspended President Traian Băsescu during his first official visit to Bucharest. Gordon said, "We have heard credible allegations of large-scale electoral fraud, attempted changes to electoral rolls and attempts to pressurize the Constitutional Court, [...] all of which call the verdict into question, regardless of how it turns out." If legitimacy is called into question [...], then the financial markets will be unsettled, investors will turn to other markets, and allies will feel less comfortable in continuing joint projects. "" Because Romania is important to us [...] we are concerned on some of the most recent developments, including the referendum and the way it is being reviewed ”.

Gordon does not want to take sides in this power struggle and continues to strive for good relations between the USA and Romania, in which democratic institutions and the rule of law are respected. When asked if the Romanian heads of state and government could convince him at his meetings, Gordon replied that actions are more important than words and expressed his hope that the Romanian leadership will follow the advice of the US and the EU and their institutions and the Respect the rule of law. He described the current situation as a "test" for Romania. “We want to help Romania pass this test. It is in Romania's interest to pass this test, ”said Gordon. He called Romania "a strategic partner". The US administration expressly supports all demands of the EU Commission on Romania; if there were persistent doubts about democracy and the rule of law in the country, sooner or later the strategic partnership between the USA and Romania would also be called into question, warned Gordon.

  • Answers from Romania

On August 10, Ponta told the Berliner Zeitung that Băsescu had thwarted government decisions and threatened parliament: “He wanted to go to war against the new government.” He accused Băsescu of threatening parliament. "Băsescu did not want to accept bills." "When the parliament exchanged the presidents of both chambers - who are from his party - he threatened parliament". The EU Commission wanted the quorum, "which does not exist anywhere else". Băsescu took advantage of this by calling for a boycott. There are still many deceased or emigrants on the electoral roll. He promised to respect the constitutional court's decision. He also announced that the budget of the courts would be subordinate to an independent magistrate. So far, the governments have placed the budget with the Ministry of Justice in order to “have a kind of lever against the judiciary in hand”. “At 22, we are a young democracy.” But the institutions are respected and stable.

On August 11, Ponta replied to Barroso's letter that Brussels was misinformed about the situation in Romania. He told a group of supporters that "the end of Băsescu and those around him" was drawing near. He also sharply attacked the media's criticism of the USL. Băsescu, in turn, accused the government of not accepting EU funds that were badly needed for the country's ailing economy.

Ponta said after meeting US envoy Gordon that it was in his administration's interest to get a final referendum verdict as soon as possible. He hoped that this visit would have helped the US to become “better acquainted with Romania's democratic options”. In a press release after meeting Gordon, Ponta reiterated his government's commitment to partnership with the US as a pillar of Romania's foreign policy.

In an interview with Handelsblatt on August 15, Prime Minister Ponta said he was ready to cooperate with the suspended President Traian Băsescu. Should the constitutional court declare the referendum to overthrow Băsescu invalid, he will respect the decision and reinstate Băsescu as president: “I will accept every decision.” Ponta admitted that the power struggle had damaged the country's image: “Of course, the reputation became Romania damaged ”. However, after the referendum, he held back from attacking Băsescu. In his opinion, the referendum ended the political crisis. At the same time, however, Ponta also claimed that “most of the European institutions and media have been victims of a well-organized disinformation campaign by Băsescu's people. I'll tell you why: at the national level, he was very unpopular and had lost the battle. ”Despite the considerable economic consequences of the dispute, Ponta assumed that he was not dependent on financial help from the IMF and the EU:“ No, we will Definitely not need an emergency loan of five billion euros - unless there are unforeseeable problems in the euro zone. ”“ We will continue to go to the financial markets, the situation is stable. ”Romania's devastating image abroad is“ one hundred percent ” the Băsescu account.

Ponta could "absolutely" imagine a compromise with Băsescu. In his opinion, the political crisis has ended since the referendum, and he and other members of the government have stopped the fight. “I have not commented on Băsescu and the Constitutional Court. But you should know that most of the European institutions and media have been victims of a well-organized disinformation campaign by Băsescu's people. I'll tell you why: at the national level, he was very unpopular and had lost the battle. ”“ According to the Romanian constitution, the Constitutional Court is not part of the judicial system. Our EU partners are also unclear about this. Of the nine judges, three are appointed by the President, three by the Senate and three by the House of Representatives. So the court is a political institution. ”“ I didn't put any pressure on the court. And I have always emphasized that I will accept all the decisions of the court. Barroso did not say that the government had put the judges under pressure, he wrote to me because as head of government I am his contact person. "

The Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that threatening judges would not be tolerated and asked those affected to report such incidents to the authorities. The ministry stressed that the Romanian government "makes no exception to the strict observance of the basic constitutional principles of the independence of the judiciary and the constitutional court". The new Foreign Minister Titus Corlățean accused Zegrean of damaging Romania's reputation with his letter of complaint. The deputy head of the PN-L, Mihai Voicu, criticized Zegrean for composing “criminal sermons” and portraying Romania in Europe as a “disaster country”.

Băsescu will "absolutely" be reinstated as the legitimate president, should the Constitutional Court judge accordingly. A cohabitation with Băsescu made Ponta dependent on The Guardian that Băsescu “adheres to his constitutional powers”, which are “not very far”. Ponta himself thinks a future collaboration is unlikely: “Băsescu has a very strong personality. He used to be a ship's captain and his DNA is incapable of working with anyone. ”He compared Băsescu again to the communist dictator Ceaușescu , who was overthrown in 1989, and stated that the past twenty years had been“ wasted ”. Ceaușescu and Băsescu controlled both institutions such as parliament, the government and the secret services, which explains the desire of the population to "get rid of" him. "This is perhaps the worst crisis in the last ten years", but "after this hot summer we will all return to normal and prove that all of our European promises are being kept".

Băsescu declared that he wanted to cohabit with the USL, but not with Ponta.

Crin Antonescu said confidently: “In a democratic process, every vote counts. After the Constitutional Court ruling, we will be certain of whether we will hold early presidential elections or not. Romania will of course not fall into a period of instability. The political struggle is resting and is expected later when we have parliamentary elections in early November and - in my opinion most likely - also presidential elections. "It was" unheard of "that Barroso wrote" from somewhere on vacation "and did not even know" what about. " is actually happening to us, ”said Antonescu. Washington is similarly ignorant: Gordon was "inadequately informed about the situation in Romania".

Ion Iliescu, the former Romanian President, also described the "stormy arrival" of Clinton's deputy as "unpleasant" and a consequence of the "disinformation campaign" by the head of state who was suspended from office.

"Correction" in the Official Journal

On August 7, there was a "correction" allegedly written by the Constitutional Court in the Romanian Official Gazette , which stated that Romanian citizens living abroad who were on special lists must be included on the permanent electoral roll.

Constitutional judges Tudorel Toader, Ion Predescu and Acsinte Gaspar said that they had no knowledge of this correction and that it had been sent to the Official Journal without their knowledge. They demanded that the Chairman of the Constitutional Court, Augustin Zegrean, convene a plenary session for all nine judges. Toader was also not informed of the appeal to the Venice Commission. Predescu had stated on August 7th that the decision to send a correction to the Official Gazette could only be made in the plenary of the nine judges. The Constitutional Court was due to hold its extraordinary session on August 14, although it was unclear whether all nine judges would be present. Predescu stated that at least six judges must be present.

The Supreme Public Prosecutor intervened to check with the Constitutional Court whether "forgeries in public entries" had occurred. A natural person would have turned to the e-mail address of the public prosecutor's office and filed a criminal complaint because of the “contradicting” letters that the Constitutional Court had sent to the Official Journal. The "correction" contradicts the previously published reasons for the judgment on the referendum of June 29th.

Prime Minister Victor Ponta stated that the corrigendum was published in the Official Journal because it was the responsibility of the senders. It is not up to the Official Journal to check whether the Constitutional Court has met legally. It is clear, however, that the public prosecutor's office must investigate whether there are forgeries in these letters and who made the forgeries.

PN-L deputy chairman Varujan Vosganian said prosecutors needed to act swiftly to resolve the seedy situation the Constitutional Court had gotten into. If there are two pieces of legislation that contradict each other, only one can be right. It must be determined who changed the will of the plenary and made this "forgery in public files".

The Minister Delegate for Administration, Radu Stroe (PN-L), on the other hand, said that the correction published in the Official Gazette was a forgery and that it would not be taken into account when checking the permanent electoral roll. Nobody will touch the permanent lists, but the cases will be examined which are provided for in the eight points of the government memorandum.

Traian Băsescu stated that the constitutional judges would clarify the "correction", the politicians should not interfere.

Verdict of the Constitutional Court

Although the Constitutional Court had requested the July 29th electoral roll from the government, the government insisted on "updating" the lists. Administration Minister Radu Stroe said the weekend before the expected verdict that the updated data requested by local authorities had been received and would indicate "significant surprises". Countless long-dead citizens as well as those with residence abroad are excluded from the lists. Interior Minister Mircea Duşa explained that the government wanted to provide the court with an "assessment" of the electoral corps.

The opposition, meanwhile, complained that the executive had arbitrarily struck between 2.5 and more than 3 million citizens from the electoral roll, and had still not sent the electoral roll, which was valid on July 29, to the court. MEP Cristian Boureanu announced that the PD-L would file charges against Prime Minister Ponta and Ministers Stroe and Duşa for manipulating the referendum result.

On August 20, the Ministry of the Interior and Foreign Ministry sent new figures to the constitutional judges on Romania's eligible voters. Accordingly, almost 35,000 citizens could be removed from the electoral roll. About 26,000 of them died, the rest lost the right to vote for various other reasons. 512,379 citizens of Romania do not have a valid identity card.

Ponta said the day before the expected verdict he hoped the political stalemate would come to an end. "I wish that a decision will be made tomorrow, it will help to end the discussion of the political crisis." He would accept a decision by at least six members of the nine-member court, but did not go into any other constellations. "If six [out of nine] judges decide to invalidate the referendum, Băsescu will return to office," he said. Analysts predicted the court would be closer to a 5-4 decision in favor of Băsescu.

The pressure on the Constitutional Court increased daily, even after the nine judges had already met on the day of the judgment, the presidents of the two chambers of parliament submitted further “written recommendations”.

Judgment and comments

On August 21, the Constitutional Court declared the referendum to remove President Băsescu from office invalid and confirmed that the quorum had not been reached to remove Băsescu from office. With the verdict, the head of state remains in office. The court's decision was made with six votes against three and thus with the required two-thirds majority. In their verdict, the judges only accepted the deletion of around 30,000 dead from the electoral roll.

A week after the verdict, parliament approved Băsescu's return to office, which also ended Crin Antonescu's interim presidency. Băsescu resumed his duties on August 28 after 52 days after the vote on the judgment was published in the Official Journal .

For the interim president Antonescu, the Constitutional Court's findings were “deeply unjust” and “a blow to the rule of law”. But he will respect the judgment of the Constitutional Court: "I have taken note of the court's decision and, as already announced, we will follow it." He and his party would politically "never, ever" recognize Băsescu because he voted by 7.4 million voters have lost their legitimacy as head of state. Antonescu called on the country's citizens to publicly protest the decision of the Constitutional Court until “the Băsescu regime is eliminated” and “Romania is liberated”. He also held out the prospect of new impeachment proceedings against Băsescu. Antonescu said elsewhere that "the will of six Politruks " prevailed over "the will of eight and a half million Romanians". Such statements, the judges complained, undermined the authority of the Constitutional Court. This breaks Article 147/4 of the Constitution, which declares the decisions of the Constitutional Court to be generally binding.

In Prime Minister Ponta's view, the verdict is “against the will of the people” and violates democratic and legal regulations. He announced a push for a comprehensive constitutional reform in parliament. He will continue to defend the Romanians against an “oppressive regime” and submit a comprehensive constitutional reform to parliament to ensure that Romania “will never be at the mercy of just one person”. Ponta declined to make a clear statement about further political cooperation with Băsescu. As president, Băsescu is “illegitimate” and is “not an interlocutor” for his cabinet. Nevertheless, he hopes that “the political crisis that has caused Romania so much damage will now be ended”. Therefore, he wants to respect and implement the judgment. Prime Minister Ponta called the constitutional judges "dishonorable". He personally accused the judge Aspazia Cojocariu of having moved “to Băsescu's camp” and thus created the majority for an “illegal, unjust and politically motivated” finding, and was thus responsible for Băsescu's return as head of state.

Cojocariu, who had been appointed a judge by the socialists in 2004 and had recently received death threats, replied that she was a “judge, not a politician” and that she did not accept any party orders. "I forbid a baby boy who has never legally passed an examination to come to me with threats," said the judge, referring to Ponta's plagiarism affair. The judge stated that a minimum participation in the referendum was required and had not been achieved, that was simply a fact. She had no choice but to accept this if she was not about to break the law. You don't want to end up in jail. Here Cojocaru chose similar words as the previously resigned Interior Minister Rus. The constitutional court complained that it was exposed to public "defamation". The attacks came from “the authorities and the media” in the country, the constitutional judges said in a statement. The attacks could damage the reputation of the court and "rob it of its credibility".

The constitutional court called on the new Justice Minister Mona Pivniceru to strengthen the judiciary. The Supreme Magistrate Council also suggested punishing political pressure on the judiciary.

President Băsescu said he did not know whether the outcome should make him optimistic or pessimistic.

About 200 people protested the verdict in front of the courthouse on the day of the verdict. That night, the constitutional court's decision drove around a thousand opponents of Băsescu onto the streets.

Commentators believe the power struggle between the president and government is likely to continue. They expect it to last until at least the December 9th parliamentary elections. Băsescu was elected for five years until 2014 in 2009.

Reaction of the political world
  • European Union

EU Commission spokesman Olivier Bailly had reminded on August 21 before the judgment that Commission President Barroso wrote 11 days ago to all parties to respect the decision of the Supreme Court, regardless of how it turned out.

After the verdict, the EU Commission stated that it expected President Băsescu to return to the highest office of the state quickly. All political actors would have to implement the decision of the constitutional court. "Accordingly, the legal process for the reinstatement of President Băsescu should be respected." "The EU Commission expects the Romanian authorities to bow to the rule of law and the decisions of the Constitutional Court." The Commission called on all political forces to "respect European values" on. You would have to act responsibly and constructively in the interests of Romania in order to overcome divisions. Respect for the rule of law is crucial for political stability. The EU Commission will continue to monitor the situation very closely.

The Chairman of the Social Democrats in the European Parliament, Hannes Swoboda, said the judgment "puts an end to the debate that has harmed Romania".

Romanian MEP Monica Macovei said she was happy that “the rule of law has returned to Romania” with the court's decision, but feared the events of the past few weeks that the government would resort to more “illegal tricks”.

  • Germany

The German government expected the EU partner Romania to end the domestic political dispute over the conservative President Traian Basescu. Chancellor Angela Merkel appealed to the parties there to swiftly implement the “clear judgment” of the Constitutional Court. The spokesman for the federal government, Steffen Seibert, reminded Ponta of earlier promises to comply with the judgment.

Elections 2012

On December 9, 2012, the parliamentary elections took place in Romania , in which the Social Liberal Union of Ponta won an absolute majority. Four days later, President Traian Băsescu and Prime Minister Victor Ponta reached an agreement to treat each other politely, to avoid public confrontations and to keep conversations confidential.

The presidential elections were held on November 2 and 16, 2014 , in which Băsescu was no longer allowed to run after two terms. Victor Ponta ran, but was defeated in the runoff against Klaus Johannis . Băsescu's term of office ended on December 21, 2014 and Klaus Johannis was sworn in as the new president.

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Reaction in Romania

Voices on politics

Before the referendum

  • Coup

Monica Macovei, the liberal-democratic member of the European Parliament and former Romanian Minister of Justice (2004 to 2007), who received international recognition for her reforms, named the dismissal of Băsescus, the chairman and the speaker of the two chambers of parliament in a guest post for the Tagesspiegel on Sunday as " Coup ". The rule of law in Romania has been abolished. “The lack of election supervision and the possibility of casting votes multiple times pave the way for widespread fraud.” She later described Ponta's cabinet as a “law-breaking government that marginalized Romania in the EU”.

The editor-in-chief of the conservative newspaper Adevărul , Grigore Cartianu, Dragos Paul Aligica from HotNews.ro , and the tabloid Evenimentul Zilei called the political events a “coup d'état” ( Lovitură de stat ).

The writer Mircea Cărtărescu wrote in the Neue Zürcher Zeitung on July 13 : “For some time we have been stunned to see how the democratic rules of the game, which have not yet been touched by anyone in Romania, not even by the extremists of the Romania Mare party (Greater Romanian Party) to be trampled underfoot. No matter how depraved, corrupt and anti-democratic they were, the previous political figures in Romania have not dared to touch the quintessence of Romanian democracy - the rule of law with its institutions. There were actions 'on the verge of the constitution', there were irregularities and corruption. But such a continuous attack against the Romanian nation in broad daylight, as it is currently taking place, has never been there in our recent history since 1989. [...] Since those July days, the Romanian nation has been the hostage of the USL. One can only hope, as in every tyranny, that the powerless will take power. "

  • Political war

The daily România Liberă spoke of a "political war". But in the power struggle there could be no question of a “war between angels and demons”, said the journalist Ino Ardelean. Political scientist Cristian Pârvulescu also warned against idealizing President Băsescu and his Liberal Democratic Party (PD-L). “Băsescu has played a major role in the current political crisis”. That is why pro-Băsescu reactions in Brussels and Berlin are “out of place”. "The president cultivates an authoritarian style, stands out for his racist remarks and vulgar forms of expression, has often interfered in the work of parliament and the government and, through his austerity policies, has caused deep social division in the country." A group of Romanian intellectuals, among them respected professors, have turned against the protection of Băsescu by the EU Commission and accused him of grossly violating his duty as a mediator and of missing the necessary balance. Băsescu had made the former government of the Conservative Emil Boc obedient to the point that it was no longer accountable to parliament but to the president - "as in the Russian Federation".

The Bucharest political scientist Stelian Tănase spoke of “governing without any respect”: “It looked like an act of violence, like the night of long knives, in which one wants to finish off the enemy. Only, of course, in a constitutional state, one must not simply ignore the law, even if one is at odds with one another. But the government is hungry for power. They have lost their sense of reality and think they can do anything. Now her moment has come. That was a mistake."

Werner Kremm summarized: “Hardly anyone in this country can say today what sparked the war between Băsescu and […] Ponta. It's just a power struggle. Content doesn't matter. The typical 'Cine pe cine?', In German roughly 'Who beats whom?', Became the Byzantine-Balkan understanding of politics that has remained unchanged since the Phanariot times in the 17th and 18th centuries. The main question was and is: who occupies the throne, who deposes whom? It is characterized by the lack of a culture of dialogue, the longing for a father figure and the negation of the same. Parliamentarism is underdeveloped and has no tradition. Political inconsistency, fragility of political manners and vagueness of party ideologies prevail. The liberal democratic party PD-L, for example, had drifted from left to right shortly after Romania's accession to the EU under the auspices of Băsescu, from the European Socialists to the European People's Party. No party in Romania turns out to be ideologically stable. Even the ethnic party of Hungary (UDMR) shone between 1990 and 2012 as an uninterrupted partner in government coalitions, regardless of their color. Since all talk in the 'political class' of Romania is non-binding, it degenerates into quarreling and irreconcilability, into quarreling, intolerance and the inability to reach political compromises. The ongoing conflict between these main adversaries can only be understood from this perspective. Parliament is the scene of the haggling for power. Democracy is a pretext for the tug-of-war for power. That's what Băsescu is about, that's what Ponta is about. "

The Romanian European Minister Leonard Orban stated: “In Romania the term compromise has a negative connotation. But when it comes to the national interest, we need this ability. "

The intellectual Andrei Pleșu suggested that the crisis after the referendum was not over. “If Băsescu returns to the presidential palace, then this hysterical political argument will continue, and it will not benefit the population or the economy. In the event that Băsescu does not return after the referendum, I fear even bigger problems. The population will soon feel the negative economic consequences, disappointment will spread, and the government will try to blame the opposition. It is clear to see that since the miners' marches in the early 1990s, until a few weeks ago, Romania has never been as bad off internationally as it is now. […] No matter how many mistakes and mistakes Băsescu made, there has never been such a dramatic reaction from the European institutions and leading European politicians. But what worries me even more is this undemocratic atmosphere. In a democracy, a political dispute cannot be waged like a war. Unfortunately, this is the case in Romania. The two camps are fighting each other by all means, and of course those who now rule the government and parliament have more resources than the others. The fate of the country is completely indifferent to these people. ”[…]“ It was completely superfluous to stage this play about Băsescu's impeachment and thus create such an incredibly negative atmosphere ”, since Băsescu's last term of office will end in one and a half years anyway.

Pleșu complained: “I'm tired of always being able to choose the lesser evil [...]. I would like to choose positively and affirmatively for once and not between a ram and two roosters or a Kraftlackel and two impostors. It is not right to keep confronting such decisions. ”The root of impeachment proceedings is“ hatred, the hysterical urge for power, vanity, for some perhaps also the fear of prosecution and of course a good deal of stupidity, what one should never neglect. The language alone is unbearable, I also abhor these large-scale rallies, these aggressive declarations, regardless of the side. Behind this there is always the intention to manipulate people. "

The publicist Cristian Câmpeanu wrote: “This referendum is about something very fundamental, namely the protection of the rule of law, the independence of the judiciary and the European orientation of Romania. All of this is seriously endangered by the openly totalitarian and isolationist tendencies of the current government majority. "

The constitutional lawyer Simina Tănăsescu from the University of Bucharest said: “After the fall of the Berlin constitution, the constitutionalists thought that if the Romanians elect their president by direct election, then they would have to be able to vote him out again. The great danger, however, is that when they vote, the people no longer think about the crucial question: whether or not the head of state has seriously violated the constitution? They just think about whether they still want this president or not. "

  • Public opinion

The philosopher Gabriel Liiceanu wrote that public political opinion in the country has fluctuated between a “combination of circus and nightmare” since the beginning of the Ponta government. In Romania there is a very emotional reaction to the developments, from early morning to late evening on the two private news channels Realitatea TV and Antena 3 political talk shows are broadcast, in which loud and violent arguments take place. Both channels can also be followed on the Internet via live stream (realitatea.net, antena3.ro). Viewers use this to post their comments directly below the screen window. The voice of the people speaks here spontaneously, but also that of the professional manipulators. It is an open secret that political parties in Romania pay for "shock troops" of students who, disguised as harmless media consumers, flood the websites of TV stations and newspapers with political commentary. They are mainly used during election campaign times.

Serious political bloggers, on the other hand, such as Iulian Comanescu (comanescu.ro) or the poet Radu Herjeu (raduherjeu.ro), receive attention, but hardly provoke their readers to comment. Judge Cristi Danilet's blog (cristidanilet.wordpress.com) is currently the most in-depth forum on the subject of judicial reform. One of the most stimulating and diverse discussion platforms is the Facebook wall of Liviu Mihaiu (facebook.com/LiviuMihaiu), an amusing journalist and environmental activist.

  • Romania and the EU

According to Adevărul , the country suffered a "political collapse". The newspaper doubted that Romania would be able to self-clean with the current political staff. Even after the referendum, the main occupation of the left-liberal government will probably be to fill as many institutions as possible with its own people - just as the conservative PD-L had previously done. “But now we have turned the whole West against us. He now sees how immature democracy is in Romania. ”Monica Macovei feared that her country's reputation had suffered more in the past few weeks than it had ever before since the fall of the Wall. Regardless of the outcome of the vote, not much will change. "The political instability will remain, only that Romania is now the black sheep of Europe."

Ion Ioniță ( Adevărul ) wanted more criticism from Brussels: “Our local politicians are only interested in power. The struggle for it robs them of their minds, they constantly violate the law. You need a referee, but there is no such thing in Romania. It's good that Brussels is providing it. But it has to be a correct referee who whistles for all fouls. "

Andrei Pleşu said: “I am glad that the European Union reacted sharply to the events in this country, it must insist on respecting the common values ​​and rules. Unfortunately, our politicians do not have the necessary maturity for a reasonable dialogue, either they lie or they act like victims. "

The judge Horațiu Dumbravă also urged strict control by Brussels: “Without the observation from Brussels, neither the political class nor the judiciary would have moved and made progress. This can be compared to a child who has learned to walk since joining the EU. If not helped, it will fall. And you can see how unsure we are when we try to run. We need help with that. We don't find it inside, but we get it from outside. "

Ovidiu Nahoi ( Adevărul ) rejoices : “This is good news for Romania. It is just regrettable that the European leadership did not act earlier. ”[…]“ Not to punish the Romanians but to help build a new political stage would be a good example of soft power . ”

The Jurnalul Naţional , which is close to the Prime Minister's political camp , publishes a catalog of questions about the role of the EU. “Where was Europe when […] Traian Băsescu abused government power and cut civil servants' salaries; when he postponed the appointment of the Ambassador of the Netherlands in Bucharest; when he announced austerity measures without the government's approval, etc. ”The newspaper also portrayed José Manuel Barroso as a“ young communist ”who“ managed to rule Europe ”.

"We no longer comply with any rules, a large part of the political elite is not interested in the values ​​of the EU and would like to see Romania outside the EU," said the lawyer Laura Ştefan from the non-governmental organization Expert Forum , an expert commission the EU is reviewing the state of the rule of law in Romania.

  • Romanian royal family

The Romanian royal family was determined to “serve Romania's interests without favoring any political party”. In a press release, ex-King Michael I and Princess Margareta expressed their support for those “who need encouragement and solidarity”.

After the referendum

  • No end of the crisis in sight

The publicist Ovidiu Pecican prophesied “months of political paralysis” after the referendum. Monica Macovei was certain: "Ponta will further destabilize the country."

Andreea Pora from the conservative weekly magazine Revista 22 said that with the new appointments in the cabinet reshuffle, Ponta was increasing the pressure on the constitutional court: “Rus understood very well that it is now a matter of recalculating the electorate and that this is a great illegality. [...] That would have ruined his career. His resignation puts a wedge between the PSD and the Pontas actions. Now instead of Rus comes a devoted party soldier: Mircea Duşă, who will undoubtedly carry out the order - in contrast to Rus, who thinks similarly to Victor Dobre. He will be replaced by Radu Stroe. […] Duşă and Stroe will tweak the electoral lists until the USL has the desired number of eligible voters, and then they will again put great pressure on the constitutional judges. "

The newspaper Dilema Veche said: “No matter what the final result looks like, one thing is certain that we need new politicians who respect the institutions. But we don't have that yet. Until then, the crisis will continue and we will lose ourselves in elaborate opinions instead of seeing the facts: that we have a problem with political culture. "

  • Power struggle of powerful political cliques

The Romanian political scientist Cristian Pirvulescu analyzed the situation in Die Presse as follows: "The problem in Romania is that, like other transition states, we do not have real parties, but client parties that are in the service of their bosses." Was to blame for the crisis not only Ponta, but also Băsescu, who was constantly interfering in government affairs. Building a democracy is "a very long and arduous process".

Péter Eckstein-Kovács, human rights lawyer and politician of the Hungarian minority in Romania, stated that with the attacks on Augustin Zegrean, the deep political and state crisis in Romania had reached a new level of escalation. “The rule of law in Romania is not really developed. A concerted attack is taking place on the few areas of the rule of law that work. "

The power struggle between Ponta and Băsescu is a conflict between two large interest groups, said the head of the Romanian Association of Historians, Bogdan Murgescu, on Deutschlandfunk. However, the two groups between which it is held cannot be reduced to specific parties. One crowd around the president, the other is "very colorful ideological". The groups also fought because of Romania's judiciary becoming more independent. Judges began to crack down on representatives of all parties without looking at the party register. Many do not like that.

Political scientist Alina Mungiu-Pippidi explained that it was not about ideologies or political content: "In this crisis, the real political structure of Romania is expressed". In Romania there is “competitive clientelism, various cliques are waging a life-and-death struggle to conquer and plunder the state. The political parties in our young democracy are like medieval armies whose recruits are not paid and which only live from robbery and conquest. Hence the intensity of political struggles as we are now experiencing them. "

The blog portal Voxpublica blamed the politicization of state institutions for their weakness and said that the “great rift in society” did not run between supporters of Băsescu or Ponta, but between partisans and non-party members. The distribution of offices and thus the control of power does not depend on competence, but on loyalty to the clan.

The Romanian power struggle is not the cause of the crisis, but the acute symptom of a much deeper problem of self-perception in politics, argued the writer Ovidiu Pecican in the daily Romania Libera : “Not all political decision-makers are directly or indirectly elected, some of them are elected Appointed according to non-transparent, even apparently partisan standards. Even the elected politicians are more loyal to their own leader and party than to the program for which they have been approved by the voters. This leads to an immediate rift between the population and elected politicians. The political sphere thus becomes, in an unfortunate way, autonomous. [...] And the majority of the rest of the population is no longer worth anything when the politicians weigh up their interests. The political establishment is becoming a self-sustaining caste. [...] Nobody is safeguarding the interests of society and the public any more. "

Gândul regretted the bottom line that Romanian democracy was the big loser: “Democracy was the victim of collective abuse. First by Prime Minister Victor Ponta and Acting President Crin Antonescu, who joined forces and on the verge of legality did everything to remove the President from his office. Then by the president himself, who abused the democratic character of the referendum by calling for a boycott. And finally by the people who did not appreciate the essence of democracy. "

In view of the existing conditions, many people in the country would have the feeling that there was no longer any legal security and that the rule of law could be dismantled by influential cliques of corrupt politicians and their clientele within a very short time if necessary: ​​“Can you tell me, dear readers, a single institution or Name the person of the state that you still trust? ”Asked Cristian Tudor Popescu.

Bogdan Murgescu said the Romanian population was divided. There are supporters for both camps, but some people also tried to judge what was happening in a non-partisan way and despised both Ponta and Băsescu.

The newspaper Gândul wrote: “The USL does not understand that the majority of Romanians no longer trust the politicians and are no longer interested in their war. They don't understand the message: Many are disappointed with Băsescu and his arrogance, but they are equally or even more shocked by the policies of the USL. "

  • Romania and the EU

In view of the gruff reaction of the Romanian government, the news portal Ziare fears consequences: "One thing is certain: Romania can say goodbye to Schengen this year. Until the summer only the Netherlands were against it, now there are more opponents, especially Germany. If the USL continues like this, the judicial report additionally announced for this year will be as devastating as that of July. Then it is very likely that accession to Schengen will even be postponed for years. If the Ponta government continues to come so defiantly to the EU Commission and insult it, there can be a terrible first: the application of Article 7 of the EU Treaty and the associated suspension of rights. "

The dispute over the referendum was really good entertainment, said the daily Adevărul ironically on August 14: “It is very likely that the carnival won't be over anytime soon. [...] Many will wonder why the EU is still dealing with us. Quite simply: the Germans make good cars, the French know their way around foie gras, the British can do the Olympics - and we provide entertainment. On the international stage, we are the clowns who get a kick in the buttocks. […] The circus performers are doing well, they collect fat state salaries, in contrast to the poorly dressed spectators. [...] Can't we hold a referendum to expel all incompetent politicians from the country? Would that be constitutional? We would have to ask the Constitutional Court. "

Voices on corruption

Protest in Bucharest on January 15, 2012, “Stop corupţiei!”, German  stop corruption!

The Secretary General of the Authority for Integrity (ANI) Horia Georgescu said that local politics is the most vulnerable area to potential conflicts of interest and incompatibilities in Romania: “There are hundreds of cases where county councils participate in the preparation and approval of local budgets and then in apparently correct tenders in which the money is actually diverted in favor of companies that belong to the politicians or their families. ”Although the legislation postulates an incompatibility between the status of politician and business relationships with one's own institution, the penalties are low and the procedure for their punishment is low downright bureaucratic. So it is quite possible that a member of the district council is running for another mandate while the proceedings against him in the judiciary are disproportionately delayed despite the conflicts of interest. A study by the ANI showed that a quarter of Romanian local politicians have meanwhile concluded contracts as entrepreneurs with the district councils of which they are also members.

The Romanian-German writer and head of the Literaturhaus Berlin, Ernest Wichner, feared that the arbitrariness, indifference to democracy and corruption revealed by Victor Ponta were not only characteristics of the supposed elite, but also the tip of a social iceberg. This is not a new phenomenon, because Romanian society was deeply influenced by it during the brief democratic phase in the 1920s and 1930s. “There is and was no functioning democratic game of forces. Every time […] a party came to power through elections or a constructive vote of no confidence, or whatever, it was ruled through. […] Their own followers were then brought to power up to the counties and districts, and not to change anything politically, to implement a new, different, alternative political program, but to benefit their own clientele participate, and unfortunately that has remained with the fall of Ceaușescu and until today in Romania. ”The political scientist Stelian Tănase stated:“ The state is seen as spoil by politics. Whoever has power also has access to the state budget. He can then squander that with his clientele. That is the logic by which Romanian politics works. It is a corrupt world where it is only a question of securing access to public funds. "

The judicial expert Laura Ștefan ( Expert Forum ) said with a view to the anti-corruption struggle in the country that the imprisonment of Adrian Năstase was unacceptable for Ponta's party friends. “It is the first time in Romania that such a high-ranking politician is held accountable for his actions. Until now, such leaders have always been above the law. Nobody had the right to ask her: Why did you steal, why did you abuse your power? Now this idea has been shaken. "Suddenly," other greats from the guild of kleptocrats began to tremble. "The journalist Ioana Ene described the refusal of the parliamentary majority in July 2012 to suspend twenty parliamentarians who had already been accused and to exclude legally convicted representatives from parliament , as the "revolution of those at risk of imprisonment". It began immediately after the alarm signal that triggered the condemnation of Năstase and will not end until the reform of the judiciary is either reversed or finally succeeded. Another interpretation of the situation on hotnews.ro was: “Revolution of the bush thieves”.

World press reaction

German-language press

Before the referendum

"The parties are primarily special-purpose associations of the powerful to enforce their interests", according to the Neue Zürcher Zeitung . "Ponta, which has no electoral mandate, rules thanks to liberal democratic defectors who fear that they could lose their privileges in the event of an election defeat."

The legal scholar Otto Luchterhandt spoke of disrespectful governance: “The rules of a constitutional state were blatantly abused in order to enforce one's political will. Unfortunately, we did not experience a change of elite in Romania during the post-communist period. There is a political class in power that is highly corrupt and which unfortunately still stands for a stereotype of the communist era: that power and the orientation towards power are more important than the law and the observance of the law. "

Keno Verseck added in Die Zeit : “In fact, this dispute is about the exact opposite of the rule of law. Instead, an elite tries to defend its benefices, which have become rich and powerful through abuse of office, semi-illegal or illegal business, criminal privatization and corruption, and which see government as authorization to plunder. The USL party alliance has a particularly large number of such representatives, from the notorious Securitate officers to ex-communist company directors to billion-dollar oligarchs and convicted criminals. The non-Romanian public still underestimates the power these post-communist clanships have, what criminal energy they develop and to what extent they block the rule of law when it comes to their interests. "

The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung called the behavior of the political caste of many parties “smacking at the troughs of power”.

Political scientist Roland Erne from University College Dublin warned on Deutschlandradio Kultur that President Băsescu's democratic convictions were “very questionable”. “There has not been a government in recent years that has resorted to emergency laws as much as Băsescu's Boc government or Băsescu's Ungureanu government.” Between 2009 and 2012, more than 15 laws were passed in Romania without a parliamentary debate - “interestingly also the austerity program, that the EU brought with it. So, democratic practices or the rule of law, the EU Commission does not get away particularly well on this point, "criticized Erne and further accused the EU Commission of insisting on the" undemocratic participation quorum "of more than 50 percent to have. This means that "Romanian politics will be blocked for another three years", "because President Băsescu has already indicated that he will no longer appoint a prime minister who does not play according to his taste."

Peter Mario Kreuter from the Institute for East and Southeast European Studies said: “Traian Băsescu is anything but a good democrat. He is at least as corrupt as those he allegedly fights. ”Kreuter believes the impeachment proceedings against Băsescu are another threat to democracy and the rule of law in Romania. “I'm really not sorry for the person himself. But the way in which it happens is questionable. "According to the political scientist Anneli Ute Gabanyi , the current action against Băsescu is now" with the same verve and ruthlessness with which Băsescu himself has shifted the weights in recent years. "

Karl-Peter Schwarz from the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung added: “The fight that has now broken out in Romania is not about right or left, nor about the person of the president, it is about whether or not the rule of law will prevail whether cross-party, mafia-like clusters seize power and abolish the separation between the legislative, executive and judicial branches. "

Christoph Prössl from Westdeutscher Rundfunk Köln commented: “The suspicion arises that states that have been under communist influence for years still have difficulties with the standards of European democracy.” The “BILD” newspaper asked bluntly in an article headline: “Belongs to Country like Romania in the EU? ”The ZDF announced:“ Democracy is upside down in Romania. ”The Berliner Zeitung called Romania a“ madhouse ”.

After the referendum

Karl-Peter Schwarz from the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung said: "The cold coup was only slowed down, it was not stopped." "A relaxation in the tough power struggle of the politicians is not to be expected," said Euronews. "The showdown between Traian Băsescu and Victor Ponta is far from over," says Wolfgang Scheida, Die Welt. “It will be crucial to adhere to the rules of the democratic system. So that the winner remains a European ”.

the daily wrote: “With the return of Băsescu to the presidential palace, the power struggle between the head of state and the government is by no means over. The parliamentary elections coming up in the autumn will inspire the warring actors to take further coup-like offensives. In order to restore the credibility of the entire political class in Romania, the exposed persons would have had to draw conclusions. A voluntary resignation of the ailing president and a premier compromised by plagiarism allegations as well as early parliamentary and presidential elections would have been the right steps. In this way, society remains deeply polarized. And the fight goes into another round. "

The Neue Zürcher Zeitung said: “A large part of the population was faced with the dilemma of either taking the side of the head of state, even though he had lost almost all of his credit, or following the request of a government that would defend Bucharest's reputation has caused lasting damage abroad in just a few weeks. Many only left the decision for what they saw as the less great evil. "

Against the background of the power struggle between the government and the president in Bucharest, the Schweizer Tages-Anzeiger also blames the EU for Romania's democratic deficit: “For the Commission, investments in the rule of law, education and civil society in the new member states are not a priority. Money from Brussels is primarily used to expand the infrastructure. But corruption is greatest there, with billions disappearing into the pockets of mayors and building contractors. Western managers also bear responsibility for the misery. Anyone who believes that Austrian or German corporations bought Romanian energy companies and banks without bribes is very naive. As long as the returns were right, that wasn't a problem. Not even for the EU. For example, the West has brought up a 'classe politique' in the new member states, which now believes with excessive arrogance that it can defy all the rules of the game. It will be difficult to get rid of them. "

The Süddeutsche Zeitung was of the opinion that Romania's tense economic situation as well as the unfinished reforms in all areas of society really urgently demanded that the political nagging finally ends and concrete problems be solved. Robert Schwartz from Deutsche Welle commented: “It is high time that the old political cliques in Romania […] say goodbye. Young and credible politicians must be given a real chance so that democracy and European values ​​can continue to exist in Romania even after this absurd summer theater. "

The Neue Zürcher Zeitung was after the postponement of the decision of the Constitutional Court on the validity of the referendum of view: "While the pithy words that here as well as falling over the extent of the disruption in the Romanian political landscape illustrate, is the more serious aspect of the relentless power struggle in that the country has de facto come to a standstill. Little more has been seen of Ponta's ruling cabinet since May than a radical upheaval of power structures. "

After the Constitutional Court's call for help to European institutions, Die Zeit commented: “There has never been such a call for help in an EU member state. The outrageous gesture is an expression of the madness of the power struggle that has been going on in Romania for almost two months between the government majority and the President. "

Karl-Peter Schwarz from the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung saw the admission of the pogrom denier Dan Șova into the Romanian government, strengthening the assumption that Ponta was showing less and less consideration for international criticism.

However, there were increasing signs of cracks in the three-party alliance USL. The Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung said the PNL emerged weakened from the government reshuffle. In the PSD there is increasing dissatisfaction with Crin Antonescu, who uses the alliance for his personal ambitions. The socialist prime minister Victor Ponta himself has already pleaded several times to accept the defeat in the fight with the head of state. However, Keno Verseck said on Deutsche Welle that Ponta has apparently not been able to prevail against the hardliners in his party with this stance. Observers assumed that he had little authority in the PSD he led and that the so-called “local barons” had a great influence on his political fate: powerful local politicians who politically and economically control individual regions of Romania.

The absurd war against the president and the independent judiciary, far removed from the real world and the real problems of the Romanians, which has caused almost irreparable damage to the country, is not over yet, said the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung .

After the judgment of the Constitutional Court on the invalidity of the referendum, Jutta Sommerbauer ( Die Presse ) said that the rather damaged Traian Băsescu was not the winner. He would be well advised if he did not stylize his return to office as a triumph of democracy. “Basescu has already proven several times that he is not so strict about democratic procedural rules. You will look in vain for a real winner in this inglorious debate. And the biggest loser is still Romania's democracy. "

Bulgaria

The magazine Capital Daily wrote: "The former captain of a merchant ship Traian Basescu managed to find the right way in the political storm that his tenure in the presidential palace Cotroceni shook, and kept his post. However, the tailwind proved to be treacherous and Băsescu only survived because less than half of the Romanians eligible to vote had decided to go to the ballot box on the hot summer day on July 29th [...]. From now on, the Romanian ship seems to have got stuck in low tide - Băsescu won the battle but will almost certainly lose the war with the government. There will be regular parliamentary elections in the fall and the president is unlikely to regain his popularity for his party to win. [...] Even worse for the passengers in the ship is the danger that hovers over the financial aid of the International Monetary Fund of five billion euros, which Romania is hoping for. "

In Sofia , the Sega newspaper stated that “the devastating report by the European Union does not prevent Tsvetanov from bragging rights.” Interior Minister Tsvetan Tsvetanov had made a “desperate attempt” in front of Parliament a few hours before the European Commission's report was published to mitigate the criticism from Brussels: "We followed the European recommendations 100%." ​​According to the report, however, this is not the case and organized crime remains the greatest challenge for Bulgaria. Given what many considered "the worst report since the country joined the EU in 2007", some made an effort, such as B. the newspaper Standart to make a good face to the bad game: “With the lecture from Brussels we are moving away from Schengen. On the other hand, it protects us from a wave of illegal immigrants. "

For Andreï Kovatchev, MEP and member of GERB , the center-right party of Prime Minister Boyko Borissov , it was “good news” that separate reports were now being drawn up for Bulgaria and Romania. The unprecedented criticism of Bucharest preoccupied the Bulgarian commentators, who wondered what effects this turnaround would have, because so far Bulgaria has always been behind Romania. For the popular daily Trud , on the other hand, it is not a very European stance to say “we are better because our neighbors are worse”.

France

The magazine Le Monde wrote: “The weak turnout in the July 29 referendum has - according to the preliminary results - saved Romanian President Traian Băsescu: in order to confirm his removal, decided by an overwhelming majority [...] by Parliament, there was a turnout of 50 Percent necessary. Unfortunately, the country is not saved - neither from the political crisis nor from the economic one. […] For the European Union, this situation is uncontrollable. In fact, given the crisis that the EU itself is traversing, it is dangerous. [...] The EU and its member states must now absolutely increase the pressure on Romania, as they did with Hungary, in order to bring the political class in Bucharest to reason. "

Historian and Balkan specialist Catherine Durandin said she did not see a real coup in Romania as both a referendum was held to impeach Băsescu and the Constitutional Court upheld the 50 percent hurdle, albeit with pressure from Brussels. Yet the grip on power was carried out in a way that was by no means democratic. The coalition government trample over any institution that could prevent it from seizing full power. In terms of political customs, there is a gap in Europe between East and West, between the formerly socialist countries and Western Europe. “After the fall of the USSR, I thought that democratization was possible. But we don't have the same political culture. ”The system in Romania promotes the accumulation of power. Although the fear [of the former system] no longer exists, power is still used as an instrument. Democratic engagement or the integration of the rule of law are not imaginable; if a law is unpopular, it is changed, and the law is also an instrument. “And we didn't even mention corruption. The imprisonment of Năstase was the real trigger [for the government's grip on power]. ”The constitutional court really scared the socialist barons when it dared to target the former prime minister and possible president. This made it clear to them that they could find themselves in a similar situation.

“Hungary, Romania: Is the real crisis in Europe taking place in the east?” Asked Mediapart after the referendum on the removal of Băsescu. The French news portal noted that "the dubious measures of the Romanian government, similar to what happened in Hungary by Viktor Orbán, seem to illustrate the collapse of democracy in the Union countries that have been particularly badly hit by the economic crisis." Romania is limping, Mediapart quoted an expert on Romania who stressed that in both countries "entry into the Union was not accompanied by the expected benefits, namely higher prosperity". Although they react very differently, “the Romanian Prime Minister Victor Ponta and his Hungarian counterpart would be the product of this bitter disappointment”. "Some observers see the current crises in Romania and Hungary as proof that the expansion of the European Union to Eastern Europe has happened too quickly," said Mediapart, but added: "If Europe is responsible for something today, it is for its impotence in the face of it such authoritarian excesses that it can only condemn in its discourses. "

Luxembourg

The magazine Luxemburger Wort wrote: “The referendum in Romania was not just about whether or not the Conservative President Traian Băsescu was allowed to stay in office. The Romanians also commented indirectly on the bitter power struggle between Băsescu and the socialist head of government Victor Ponta. Băsescu says he won because the voter turnout of 50 percent required for the referendum to be valid was not achieved. For its part, Ponta sees its desire to get rid of Băsescu confirmed by the people who voted for the removal of the president by the 86 percent of voters. No matter how one interprets the result, the fact that this referendum had to come about has seriously damaged Romania's image. "

Russia

In 2010 around 120,000 of Moldova's 3.6 million inhabitants already had Romanian passports, and according to the Romanian government, more than 800,000 were waiting for the approval of applications that had already been submitted. At the time, President Traian Băsescu promised to approve 10,000 citizenship applications a month.

The Russian foreign broadcasting service, Voice of Russia, said in connection with the “passport distribution” of Romania to citizens of its neighboring country, that the “Romanians living abroad” were an important electoral resource. Băsescu had succeeded in getting the overwhelming majority of those who hold Romanian passports in Moldova and Ukraine to vote for him or his party in all elections. A unique situation would have arisen in the 2009 elections: Traian Băsescu lost the elections in his own country, but thanks to the votes from abroad he still became president, including the “Moldovan and Ukrainian Romanians”. Before the recent referendum, the Mayor of Chișinău , Dorin Chirtoacă , had called on Romanian citizens living in Moldova to boycott the referendum so that it could be declared invalid. It is therefore easy to see why this situation does not necessarily help to improve the relationship between Romanian citizens within Romania and the “Romanian passport holders” who live in Moldova and Ukraine. “Who is this Dorin Chirtoacă that he dares to influence my fate?” The Romanian journalist Victor Ciutacu would have asked angrily. Even if Băsescu should actually remain president, one can assume that the government of Victor Ponta will hold the "Moldovan Romanians" against their behavior for a long time.

During the presidency of Traian Băsescu, there would have been formal features indicating that Romania was ruled by a military junta. This is the dictatorship of "Băsescu colonists".

Spain

El País magazine wrote: “Romania is politically paralyzed. The referendum to remove Băsescu failed because less than 50 percent of the electorate took part. Prime Minister Victor Ponta was then so arrogant to declare that the President had lost his legitimacy and should resign. In the power struggle with the conservative Băsescu, the social democrat Ponta does not shy away from resorting to impermissible and undemocratic means. His recent remarks do not bode well. They show that he has not changed his posture. The EU should hold him accountable. "

Hungary

The Pester Lloyd wrote: "Does Hungary saved democracy in Romania? After all, the open call to boycott the Hungarian minority in Romania contributed significantly to the failure of the dubious referendum on Băsescu. The Romanian head of government is raging, in the medium term Orbán will have done quite a disservice to his compatriots in the neighboring country. Both Viktors are very similar, both lack any respect for democracy and their people. "

“How Ponta will deal with the 'betrayal', the 'disloyalty' of Romania-Hungarians is still open. Because simply punishing them by removing their nationality privileges or, at best, ignoring their needs, can prove to be a boomerang if he can possibly use the easily convincing Democratic Union of Hungarians in Romania as an ally in a narrow election. On the other hand, Ponta is not the kind of social democracy that shrinks from playing the national card in the election campaign in order to gain more votes in the Romanian Romanian camp. Either way, the election campaign will be very ugly. "

“Orbán's course, on the other hand, is as clear as it is harmful, he will continue to 'represent all Hungarians in the Carpathian Basin' as long as it helps him to maintain power internally, and so far it is still doing so. He is not interested in the price the 'represented' have to pay for it. "

United States of America

Before the referendum

The Wall Street Journal commented that many countries in Eastern Europe are not very far from dictatorship and that membership of the European Union does not guarantee that governments will always behave democratically. Democracy only works if both sides accept that they sometimes win and sometimes lose, and only if there are fair losers and magnanimous winners. Romania's decline into the criminalization of political differences is a dangerous erosion of democratic principles.

After the referendum

The New York Times reported that the unexpected announcement of the delay in the decision to remain in office had plunged the country into further political turmoil and uncertainty.

With regard to the austerity measures in Romania, the paper said that although Europe wanted to curb anti-democratic tendencies in the country with its energetic reactions, the citizens of Romania should not be forced to pay the bill for democratic mistakes elsewhere in Europe. The crisis "simmered" long enough, but [European] observers largely ignored it for many years. Critics have mainly dealt with corruption and the judicial system and too seldom addressed the core problem of Romania, namely the deeply dysfunctional political processes. The result was a poisoned political environment that lacked real political debate. "The artificial creation of a number of outlawed countries on the geographical and political fringes of the continent means a dangerous balancing act for us in the direction of a renewed division of Europe."

Reaction of the financial world

Before the referendum

The power struggle had serious economic consequences for the young EU member. The Romanian national currency Leu fell to a record low. A market watcher from Unicredit wrote in a comment: "It is unlikely that the political situation will calm down until the president and government majority focus on economic policy rather than political power struggles." Investors feared that the International Monetary Fund could cut credit lines for Romania.

Steven van Groningen, President and CEO of Raiffeisenbank Romania, stated that there is “a state of great uncertainty” in Romania, “and that not just since yesterday, but for a long time. If an investor does not know what taxes to pay, whether there will be economic growth or not, whether labor law will be changed overnight, then he will not invest. Predictability is very important for someone looking to get involved in the long term. This means that there needs to be a framework that shows which direction the government is leading the country in - a strategy that does not currently exist. In addition, every modification should be preceded by a dialogue between the government and the private sector. "This does not exist at all:" Before that there must be debates and an analysis of the consequences. Such changes must not be brought through by means of emergency decrees. ”The private sector creates jobs, contributes to economic growth and pays taxes and duties. Any problem could be addressed with such a dialogue. Van Groningen also referred to the poorly developed capital market, almost 100 percent of the financing is provided by the banking system, with around half being raised through the capital market in a developed market. Another problem is the infrastructure. The current political crisis is already being felt in the economy and there is considerable concern. Investors would wait until after the general election in hopes of a more stable period. "The risk that we will see an impact is quite high." Groningen expected higher interest rates and thus higher prices. “In Romania, governance has been carried out for years by means of emergency decrees, even though there is no emergency situation.” He cited as an example: “An EU directive must be implemented within three years, Romania does absolutely nothing for two and a half years. Finally, the directive will be implemented by an emergency decree in order to meet the deadline. It's not a democratic process. And nobody has complained about this system for ten years. "

In its July report, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) expected the Romanian economy to grow by only 0.8 percent in 2012 and 1.8 percent for the coming year. The forecasts in May were still 1.2 percent for 2012 and 2.6 percent for 2013. The main reasons for the cooling economy are said to be the slowdown in growth in the euro zone, which primarily affects the export economy, as well as the continuing decline cross-border financing of banks. The country's political crisis was cited as a risk to short-term growth, and financial support from the IMF and other international financial institutions was cited as an important buffer.

Management consultant Werner Stein, who has been in Romania for 20 years, was optimistic: “The economy has freed itself from these political gimmicks because it has just learned that the ministers come, the ministers go, and we have to concentrate on the economy, i.e. on what is going on in Romania, in Europe, in the world. ”Markus Piuk, partner at the Schönherr law firm, said that legal security is basically given in the country, but authorities make arbitrary decisions, especially on tax issues. He saw another problem in the volatile legislation.

After the referendum

On August 2, the Romanian National Bank ( Banca Națională a României , BNR) kept its key interest rate at 5.25 percent. This decision was expected by market analysts considering the weakening economy and rising inflation , but also due to the lack of predictability in Romanian politics. After the referendum, the exchange rate of the leu against the euro rose slightly, but then lost ground again. Mugur Isărescu , former prime minister and head of the BNR in 2012, warned of the serious economic consequences of the power struggle and the paralysis of the state. He said the deteriorating world market conditions and the continued political unrest in Romania resulted in an outflow of capital from the country. An improvement in the political situation in Romania would be "a great help for the economy". Isarescu urged the political opponents to end the dispute in order to calm the markets: "Those who are incapable of dialogue should go home."

A successor solution to the expiring aid agreement worth 5 billion euros was to be found with the IMF. A visit by an IMF delegation planned for the beginning of July was initially postponed until after the referendum, as clear political conditions had been expected at that time. After the adjournment of the Constitutional Court on the validity of the referendum, it was still pending. IMF negotiator Erik de Vrijer said on August 7th, as part of a review of compliance with a current loan of 3.6 billion euros for Romania before a meeting with acting President Antonescu: “To be honest, we are a little worried about this situation and about the effects that the current political situation is having on the economy. ”According to Finance Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Florin Georgescu , the negotiations with the review mission of the IMF, the EU Commission and the World Bank began on April 14 August "successfully completed". In particular, the talks focused on the key economic and financial policy data until June 30; Romania had met the requirements of international creditors.

The IMF had lowered its forecast for Romanian economic growth. In 2012, only an increase of 0.9 percent was expected after an initially estimated 1.5 percent, said the IMF Romania representative Erik de Vrijer on the same day. The recent political instability had a negative impact on the economy and damaged confidence in the country. In addition to the political situation, the ongoing drought and recession in Europe are also slowing down Romanian economic growth. Vrijer called for a series of reform efforts to comply with the conditions of the program until the end of September, including the call for EU funding and the sale of minority shares to transport and energy companies.

In an analysis on August 16, Sven Krupp, an analyst at Bondscheck Research , said that uncertainties in Romania had increased in the short term, but it was to be expected that the situation would stabilize again as the year progressed. Despite ongoing political unrest, the country offers attractive returns. The stable bond prices of the two-year Romanian bonds would indicate that the market is expecting a stabilization. The bond and the issuer were rated "Baa3" by Moody’s , which Krupp rated as "barely investment grade status". The issuer's liabilities are a moderate credit risk.

Both the Bucharest stock exchange and the currency reacted only moderately to the decision of the Constitutional Court on August 21.

The Romanian representative of the Federal Association of Medium-Sized Enterprises , Mircea Dascălu, was of the opinion that the political crisis had also caused an economic crisis: “In order to be able to repair Romania's damaged image, tremendously positive energies would have to be released - both political and social. And in the current constellation, this is rather difficult to imagine. We therefore assume that Romania has lost much of its attractiveness for direct investments. "

Web links

Commons : State Crisis in Romania 2012  - Collection of pictures, videos and audio files

International

  • gov.ro , website of the Romanian government, in English
  • uslonline.ro , website of Uniunea Social Liberală (USL), in Romanian
  • pdl.org.ro , website of the Partidul Democrat Liberal (PD-L), in Romanian
  • pna.ro , 2011 activity report of Direcția Națională Anticorupție (National Anti-Corruption Authority ), in Romanian and English
  • ec.europa.eu , website of the European Commission

Germany

Individual evidence

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Remarks

  1. The monthly average net wages in Romania in December 2011 were 354.53 euros
  2. Crin Antonescu later qualified this statement.
  3. In 2012 around 1.8 million people lived in Hamburg. The city benefited from the increasing migration from the countryside to the cities, but also from the influx from abroad. Immigration from Bulgaria and Romania has recently grown noticeably. According to the North Statistics Office, 557 Romanian and 901 Bulgarian nationals moved to Hamburg in 2007, while in 2011 Romanians and 2,250 Bulgarians came to Hamburg as early as 1917. Nationwide, immigration from both countries had more than tripled in just a few years.
  4. The Attorney General has been investigating since August 13th for manipulating the vote during the referendum. The first evidence of multiple votes and presumably massive electoral fraud in favor of Băsescu's dismissal was already available at this point.
  5. Hungary had previously amended its legislation on the naturalization of people of Hungarian descent in Eastern Europe. Bulgaria also issued more than 60,000 passports to Macedonians.