Metal (culture)
As a metal , metal scene , -Culture , -Community or Association of a around the same musical style resulting scene called. In the late 1980s, an age-independent, heterogeneous social network developed from the initially youth-cultural community , whose common point of reference is metal music, which is often excessively referred to as heavy metal, and its continuously evolving sub-styles.
The metal scene, which is constituted by the preoccupation with music, is considered to be a community that defines and identifies itself through scene-internal and metal-specific symbols, fashion elements, media and meeting points. So preoccupation with music is the central aspect of communityizing the scene. Other associations and thus identity-creating references to topics such as art , worldview or fashion are mostly provided with references to music, sound carriers, events, song texts or performers.
The stereotypical, fashionable identifiers that create a communicative common ground in the group include items of clothing printed with band names or album motifs, especially T-shirts. Such band shirts and other distinctive signs such as tight black leather clothing, long hair, tattoos referring to aspects of metal or so-called frocks , denim vests with band and album patches, are common in the scene, but not with every fan of metal -Culture encountered.
The most significant aspect of acceptance within the metal community is the individually ascribed authenticity of the sociocultural identity as a follower of the scene. The authenticity of the individual is measured within the scene in terms of cultural capital , in the form of knowledge, activity and participation in and around the scene and the music that makes it up. In addition to dealing with the music itself and fashionable factors, aspects of leisure activities, such as attending concerts and festivals, are taken into account in the question of authenticity. Furthermore, credibility and congruence of the presented identity serve to locate it within the scene. This claim to authenticity requires the scene to be constantly skeptical of internal innovations, especially in music, which are nevertheless often assimilated by the scene within a short period of time . As another Community determining values , which are always based on the relationship of the individual to the scene and the music, abstract apply ideals such as freedom , dedication and community .
A differentiation within the scene can usually be made out through different musical currents with their own events, discos, media and fashion elements. In sub-areas, further differentiations are made through ideological aspects, which are based in particular on the song texts of the performers. Some of these different cultural currents are incompatible with one another and expressly differentiate one another.
In addition to the music, certain content-related complexes, which are repeated in many sub-currents and are counted in the content-related scene canon, offer additional points of contact with one another. Confrontations with the figure of the devil , literary genres such as fantasy , science fiction and horror , Nordic mythology or negative emotions such as hatred and anger or fear , horror and sadness often take place. Music as well as the social good of the scene take up an independent set of topics. The representation of the scene and the music are accompanied by idealized descriptions of parties , sex and drugs .
Central community aspect
The tendency towards the musical spectrum of metal is considered to be the central community aspect of the scene, to which all scene-goers have focused and which is common to all followers . The habitual commonalities of the scene-goers in appearance, attitude, preferences and behavior are based on this narrative . The metal community, based on this personal focus of interest, is entered voluntarily by the individual. The further acculturation , the adoption of ideals, themes and communalization practices of the scene meanwhile stands in constant interaction between the individual, the scene and the music. This marks the permanent identification of the individual with the scene and the permanent acculturation through the medium of music. According to the pedagogue Christoph Lücker, metal represents the basis and the framework “for a collective self-stylization of the scene-goers with regard to everyday behavior, attitudes, special knowledge about symbols, clothing styles and accessories”. Other authors consider the genre to be scene-generating , constituting and titled to create identity within the scene .
Social structure
The scene is described in cultural and social science treatises as a large international and increasingly male network with a pronounced mix of ages and a higher level of education. According to folklorist Bettina Roccor, what unites the scene is the “love of music. What separates them are age, gender, ethnic origin, social background and political convictions. ”Correspondingly, the metal scene is seen as a global phenomenon that“ relies on the same stock of content, visual and musical components worldwide ”, but not itself be limited to one milieu.
The educational scientist Werner Helsper already speculated in 1997 that metal culture had followed the “general trends” of the 1980s and 1990s in its development. The youth culture that has emerged in the British and American workforce cannot be relegated to a single milieu after "an ever faster turnover rate of youthful cultures, a stronger media penetration of youthful styles, a stronger mixing and milieu-specific release of youth cultures and finally an internal pluralization in individual youth cultural styles themselves" assign more. In particular, analogies and attributions with regard to a connection between social class and the scene have been considered obsolete since then. The frequently used stereotype that metal is received exclusively or primarily by white male youths from the lower social classes is now seen as refuted. Only the origin of the community is located in this milieu. These attributions regarding sociocultural background, which were valid until the late 1980s, were increasingly negated as the scene developed. The theologian Sebastian Berndt states that the thesis of the white working-class youth must be "disproved".
internationality
In 1998 Roccor still assumed that the spread of the scene was linked to the degree of industrialization . The educational scientist Anré Epp, however, described Metal 2011 as “a global phenomenon that first emerged in Great Britain, spread to the USA, Europe and the rest of the world, but [...] permeates the countries of the so-called third world or emerging countries as well as the former States of the Eastern Bloc and also does not stop at the Arab and Islamic world. ”So no“ religious, ethical, political or nationalistic classifications ”could limit the global spread of the scene.
Popular scenes in Asia and South America contradict the cliché of a predominantly white subculture. The often assumed social homogeneity of the scene "which has not existed or can no longer exist in Heavy Metal since the end of the 80s at the latest [...]" is contrasted by an internationally heterogeneous network of regional sub-scenes and local peer groups . At the national and continental level, large scenes were located in Europe , Japan , Brazil , Russia , Australia and North America by 2011 . Smaller national scenes were also named in the MENA region , Indonesia , India and South America . The media scientists Rolf F. Nohr and Herbert Schwaab come to the conclusion that the attempt to "declare metal to be a white, Anglo-American-European industrial project [...] the innovative strength and success of, for example, Sepultura [ ignored], [...] also overlooks the enormous power and spread of local and regional bands and communities almost all over the world ”.
With different forms of Folk Metal and Viking Metal , various mostly European cultural areas shaped their own forms of the metal scene, which musically refer to regional peculiarities. However, the industrial nations are assigned a pioneering role in the development of national scenes.
Scene size
Exact figures on the size of a national or international scene do not exist. In the scientific literature on metal culture, approximate and estimated values are dispensed with.
Lücker assumes that due to the dynamics, the pluralization and the size of the scene, no nearly exact numbers can be named. This assessment is based on the free accessibility, the informal structure and the blurring of scenes as juvenile communities. As a result of these properties, no clear boundaries and therefore no estimates of a scene size can be given. Estimates can only vaguely approximate such values. However, confirmed figures on its media and events can be used as indicators of a vague impression of the size of metal culture.
The German Wacken Open Air , as the largest metal festival in Germany in 2010, counted around 75,000 paying visitors. The Summer Breeze counted around 30,000, the With Full Force around 25,000 and the Bang Your Head 22,000 visitors. The number of visitors increased in part in the following years. The French Hellfest recorded up to 110,000, the Austrian Nova Rock and the Belgian Graspop Metal Meeting recorded around 50,000 visitors.
The German-language metal magazines with the highest circulation have a monthly circulation of around 64,000 ( Metal Hammer ), 47,000 ( Deaf Forever ), 38,000 ( Rock Hard ) and 14,500 ( Legacy ) copies. The British Kerrang! has a monthly circulation of 18,000, the American magazine Revolver even 150,000 copies. The German-language online magazine Metal.de is accessed by 147,000 visitors every month.
According to a study from 1997, 12% of German young people “enjoyed” metal. According to another study, 3.1% of German young people identified themselves as part of the metal scene in the same year. In 2007, 16.1% of Austrian young people between the ages of 15 and 18 stated that metal was their favorite music genre.
age structure
A survey carried out by Roccor about advertisements in Rock Hard magazine from 1998 indicated that people entered the scene in early adolescence, between 10 and 14 years of age. Most of the 121 metal fans surveyed were between 16 and 26 years old. The respondents attached importance to an age-independent affiliation to the scene and its music. In 2007 the overwhelming majority of rock-hard readers (80%) were between the ages of 18 and 39. Most of the people surveyed by the non-fiction author Roland Hesse during concerts, festivals and metal markets up to 2013 were made up of 84 people in the age column from 20 to 29 years. The age group from 30 to 39 years followed with 51 respondents.
As a consequence of such surveys, the authors point out that the metal scene cannot be viewed as an exclusive youth culture . According to authors such as Roccor, Lücker or Nohr and Schwaab, entry into the scene usually occurs in adolescence, but long-term membership of the metal scene beyond the early stages is common. Accordingly, it is common for young people and older adults to meet at concerts and festivals.
Gender ratio
The data of rock-hard readers collected in 2007 resulted in 91% of the readership being predominantly male. In the course of 2012, Hesse surveyed various concert-goers at several events. In this survey, a significantly more pronounced male fan culture was once again named. Out of 209 people questioned, only 29 were women.
In sub-style currents such as Gothic Metal , Symphonic Metal and Metalcore , the often underestimated proportion of women is put into perspective. In contrast to the increasingly male supporters of Power , Thrash , Death and Progressive Metal within the metal scene, women tend to resort to adjacent media, including - depending on their preferred music - print media of the alternative or black scene . As a result, surveys based on most of the scene media and on death, power or thrash metal concerts that are rather unattractive for women only record the proportion of women to a limited extent.
For a long time women were marginalized in the metal scene and separated as “exotic fringes”. The metal press was particularly critical of women as musicians.
The portrayal and perception of female musicians has, however, become relative with the continuing expansion of the scene, the increase in female musicians and increasing liberalization in Western society. Lücker assumes that in reports on groups with female musicians the reference to gender has largely been relativized since the 1980s and early 1990s. With symphonic metal, a widely accepted sub-style emerged in the mid-1990s, which is considered to be dominated by front women.
Level of education
Since 1998 studies have indicated a high level of education among Western listeners and fans of metal. Global studies are not available.
Roccor concluded the results of their 1998 survey by pointing out that “the idea that heavy metal fans only deal with young male workers and unemployed youth” was misguided. The majority of the rock-hard readers surveyed in 2007 (86%) had a high school diploma. A study conducted by Cadwallader and Campbell study on music consumption of the gifted in 2007 revealed "that a large percentage of well-educated young people like this music."
Political stance
Many supporters of the scene reject political authorities. Helsper described this as a skeptical attitude towards rulers and political parties, which result of the social experiences of the followers of the scene as “regulation, standardization and control”, as well as which “diverse feelings of insecurity regarding the development of nature, society, but also one's own Future ”. In addition to these insecurities, there is a feeling of “social injustice and inequality” in society, the victims of which are often seen by the followers of the scene. This skepticism extends to such a person towards powerful and particularly wealthy people. Beyond this skepticism, however, the followers of the scene have no political convictions in common. Rather, the rejection of economic or political elites harbors points of contact for a large number of political currents, so that political convictions vary widely within the scene.
According to Berndt, metal is “not just ' left ' or ' right '.” In fact, a political orientation that dominates the music is “a hindrance.” The music itself must “be accepted as good metal,” then the political content introduced could be considered legitimate be assessed. Meanwhile, dogmatism is rejected by the majority of the scene, which means that interpreters with concrete political content can mainly be found in separate sub-scenes. The dissemination of a political message as a band concept, on the other hand, under which the music becomes the vehicle of the message, “is largely rejected.” According to the literary scholar Frank Schäfer, however, preoccupation with the song lyrics is mostly of secondary importance in the scene. Transported content can even be contrary to one's own convictions without affecting the popularity of the music.
Ideals
Authors such as Helsper, Roccor or Lücker, who present overall representations of the scene, as well as articles in the compilation Metal Matters published by Nohr and Schwaab, outlined abstract values based on the preoccupation and identification with music, which are linked to music and the community. In particular, ethical ideals are implicitly applied to the entire scene and understood as essential aspects of mutual belonging. Such values that determine the community are mostly freedom , authenticity , devotion and community . Against the background of these values and the statistical preponderance of male scene-goers, some authors refer to the discussion of the concept of masculinity, as another weighty but rather latent scene ideal. In addition, individualism and body experience are named as aspects that determine the scene. The ritualized community and body experiences of the scene are equated by some authors with spaces of religious experience.
"The ideal image that the scene creates about itself and for itself shows a conspiratorial community of archaic 'tough' men and women who know no fear of nothing and nobody, face every ugly truth and do not submit to any authority - robust types, who express their clear feelings in uncompromising words and thus give their world a manageability that can no longer be found on this side of all visions. "
Although many of the ideals can be identified in all areas of the community with different weightings, the metal scene, like other scenes , is variable in its ideological and thematic spectrum and the named cornerstones are seldom considered absolute and just as rarely exclusive.
Freedom and individualism
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In the metal scene, the concept of freedom rarely has a political context. Rather, the term is used in the sense of a lifestyle that is perceived as individualistic. The art historian Jörg Scheller refers to an exalted " rock 'n' roll lifestyle" cultivated in the metal scene , which is lived out without a tendency to activism and without a common political agenda. According to Scheller, freedom in the metal scene is shaped by an aestheticization of cultural criticism . Metal itself is an instrument of demarcation and distance from the outside world. The freedom to be a fan of Metal is an expression of personal freedom, individualism and non-conformism for the respective scene-goer , without taking an ideological position. Political dogmatism is rejected beyond the ideologically shaped fringes of the scene. Rather, demands for lived individualism, rejection of authorities and calls for self-determination are formulated across genres.
In more authoritarian states, however, the concept of freedom in metal was and is placed in an oppositional context. Some metal bands that are based in such countries presented texts that were critical of the system. In other states, especially in the MENA region, metal supporters are in opposition to the prevailing conditions because of their external appearance and are threatened by censorship and repression . As a result, belonging to the metal scene there is seen as an expression of civil disobedience .
authenticity
The term authenticity is also applied to the perceived authenticity of a band or a person in a way that is also common in everyday life . The distinctive conferring of authenticity takes place exclusively within the scene. Helsper sees an expectation of reliability applied to metal that is closely linked to the concept of authenticity. In relation to the music, fans of the scene refer to a direct and unaffected craftsmanship. The attributed intention of the musicians to play metal seems to be of great importance to many followers. A partial rejection of mainstream adaptation is emphasized. This is based on the assumption that the musicians would “not create metal as a product, but rather see it as a creative means of expression and see music initially less as a profession than as a calling and passion.”
Likewise, the claim of lived authenticity is transferred to all people of the metal culture. Analogous to the understanding of freedom within the scene, authenticity is linked back to the ideal on the scene trailer itself. The claimed authenticity, which is sometimes ironically referred to as Trueness within the scene, is measured on the one hand by in-depth knowledge of the subcultural capital of the scene contained in music, albums, bands and the scene, and on the other hand by the willingness to represent one's own scene to outsiders.
“In view of the dissolution of fixed identities and self-designs, the softening of traditional orientations and values, the persistence of the self in heavy metal is asserted here: In heavy metal, one remains true to all changes, fashion trends, and external constraints - one gets on the unsteady boards of the world the mast of heavy metal identity is set. "
dedication
Buzzwords such as devotion and passion are seen in the scene as part of the authentic positioning of others and oneself. The self-staging, which is based on metal in its entirety of scene and music, and the ongoing preoccupation with subcultural capital, including the communicative exchange among like-minded people, is evaluated as an expression of personal devotion. Lücker sees this scene value as the source of constant sales of sound carriers. The willingness to spend financial resources on sound carriers including their design is greater in metal than in comparable scenes. The emotional bond and community of artists and listeners is also effective. The implied relationship between the actors and the followers of the scene therefore justifies a symbolic willingness to make sacrifices to music, which is expressed not least through the purchase of products and attending concerts and festivals. This goes hand in hand with the parallel expectations of the interpreters' dedication. Their “commitment and passion count more than the appearance”.
Community
The prevailing ideas of freedom and authenticity in the scene require an intense sense of belonging and community, provided that each other is accorded the necessary authenticity, which is elevated to an ideal in the scene itself. Helsper and Berndt refer to a seemingly religious aspect of the community experiences that take place during concerts and festivals.
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The emotional bond between the fan and the artist is confirmed in a mutual fan-star relationship . The identification of the fan with the scene finds a projection surface in the actor perceived as a scene representative and scene supporter, which allows the scene to appear as a barrier-free community of solidarity . Lücker describes the purchase of merchandise items from fans of the scene as an expression of the solidarity with which music fans consciously support their stars.
In a psychoanalytic interpretation it is pointed out that the interaction of scene actors and followers as “imagination and community” helps to maintain such a world of ideas together. In this community, authenticity, freedom and the extreme would be “as values that are perceived as suppressed or mutilated in everyday life, recognized and lived in their revolutionary significance.” This is how identification with the scene, its ideals and the lyrical, musical and cultural leads Aspects during scene events to the seemingly religious experience of a collective community that affirms the individual. The individualism programmatically invoked by the scene, which finds its expression through belonging to the scene, is in direct interaction with its identification with the scene. According to the historian Tomislava Kosic, followers of the scene can have strengthening, affirming and cleansing experiences in the community. Helsper similarly evaluates the experience of metal concerts as extreme "forms of self-awareness", in which young people in particular have a community experience. Here the "youthful-ecstatic-extreme community stands against social hierarchy [sic!] And regulation."
masculinity
References to masculinity and gender stereotypes take place in both broken and heteronormative forms and are often reoccupied in different sub-scenes. Accordingly, in scientific work on the scene, it is not masculinity that is viewed, but rather the examination of the concept of masculinity as a constantly resonating ideal of the scene. The concept of masculinity in the scene is occupied and negotiated in many ways.
The cultural anthropologist Amber R. Clifford-Napoleone describes the metal scene and its communal places as an open, heterotopic and “transitory space” in which it is possible to break up stereotypical role models. The visual and intertextual play with androgyny , expectations, shock effects and identities is an essential part of metal culture. In contrast, parts of the metal scene are said to have a patriarchal and heteronormative staging of masculinity. In doing so, stereotypes of muscular, lonely and warlike heroes in some sub-genres, especially true metal , would be taken up as an idealizing recourse to the premodern . "Femininity as well as marginalized and subordinate forms of masculinity are discriminated against", and on the basis of terms such as fame , honor and pride, a male alliance against a "harsh outside world" is invoked. The patterns present in some sub-styles are thus broken in other varieties of metal. The sociologist Deena Weinstein differentiates between the exclusively masculine staged masculinity of Thrash , Death and Black Metal , the romantically staged masculinity of Gothic Metal and the vulnerable masculinity of Nu Metal .
According to the art educators Jan Grünwald and Birgit Richard, the archaic and solitary image of men of the wild destroyer and warrior cultivated in Black Metal is deliberately extremely artificial and, especially in the context of fan culture, characterized by excessive self-irony . In the course of the partly hyper masculine, partly broken masculine self-portrayals in 2015, Clifford-Napoleone examined the importance of homosexual, bisexual and transsexuality in metal and the associated aesthetic influence of the LGBT community on the metal scene. She also names the metal scene as a potential opportunity for young LGBT supporters to break up stereotypical role models and images of masculinity in the scene in the context of the scene. Sackl-Sharif, who also examined the visual processing of gender concepts in metal in 2015, also points out that the idea of masculinity in metal is not limited to gender identity and can be understood in an abstract, figurative sense. Accordingly, "Metal fans can identify with masculinity and power in Metal regardless of their gender". The term male in metal can indeed designate hyper- masculine aspects such as strength and freedom, but as such it can also be used regardless of gender.
Physicality
Dealing with the music that defines the scene is characterized as a physical-sensual experience, which is considered to be of immanent importance for the scene. It is emphasized that the metal scene draws sensual experience from the music and the scene's own rituals. Helsper sees in this physicality an excessive youthful self-discovery and at the same time youthful-adolescent demarcation from the previous generation and the social expectations of the individual. According to Sackl-Sharif, metal music is an expression of a physical state of excitement, which in turn has a stimulating effect on the listener through its high degree of distortion and intensity, its speed and its volume. In the religious interpretations of metal, especially in those who value concerts and festivals as cultic events, the ecstatic corporeality has a meaningful and community-generating character.
“[Metal] creates that connection in a production that unleashes youthful narcissism, appeals in music and symbolism to ideas of greatness and omnipotence, to the› fire of youth ‹, to ecstasy as opposed to asceticism and thus turmoil and revolt of the youth appeals. "
Thematic focus
As thematic focal points of the scene, some content complexes are named in scene representations, which can be found in many subcurrents. These are propagated through lyrical and creative elements in the scene, picked up and received by fans and serve as further internal points of contact between the scenes. Most of these core topoi can be found in the designs of sound carriers, advertisements, stage productions, music videos and song texts by various actors in the scene as well as in the textiles and patches that often refer to such elements. These are in turn carried by followers of the scene in the sense of self-positioning, the presentation of belonging and the knowledge of subcultural capital. Discussions within the scene on the various main topics, such as the relevant literature, games and films, referring back to the music, are part of the regular communication within the scene and serve as a supplement to the self-positioning and external positioning in the scene spectrum.
These thematic focal points, which co-determine the community practice of the scene, are confrontations with the figure of the devil , including various forms of occultism , literary genres such as fantasy and horror , the premodern or negative emotions such as hate and anger or fear , horror and sadness . The emotions perceived negatively are contrasted by those of Roccor, based on Weinstein, as Dionysian topics of sexuality, drug and alcohol consumption and party descriptions. Last but not least, persistent cultural self-references represent a weighty complex of topics in the scene. Metal , the ideals supported by the scene and the cultural community in the scene form their own complex of topics of great importance. Such a listing can neither be regarded as exclusive nor as absolute. Further topics can be of immanent importance for individual performers, styles, peers or sub-currents of the scene, while hardly any current or style is devoted to all topics.
Development of the metal scene
The history of the metal scene is characterized by the constant renegotiation and replacement of the term metal and the differing understanding of the corresponding music. Alongside the discourse about the authenticity of new expressions, the affiliation of corresponding fans to a common scene was constantly questioned and discursively opened up. Particularly in line with this question, some of the trends emerged as a demarcation from temporarily popular developments in metal. This is how the black metal scene emerged in contrast to death metal and true metal in contrast to crossover and alternative derivatives.
Starting out from developments in the scene that were at times regionally shaped, new ways of playing have been constantly emerging since the 1980s, which often developed their own sub-scenes and thus pushed further developments. Since then, along these developments, definitions of the entire spectrum of music, the complete scene and sub-scenes and their preferred music styles have been continuously negotiated from within the scene and in research on the scene.
"Which sub-fields are included in metal and which are not, is just as different depending on the point of view as the assignment of individual bands to a sub-field."
Many newly emerged currents brought fashionable aspects of other subculture circles into the scene or generated new ones from other references. These were mostly assimilated by the scene with a time delay. With the emergence of new subcurrents, older, previously questioned currents were often accepted by the scene. So the learned glam metal by the success of the grunge scene Metal acceptance in. Other currents such as Thrash Metal were accepted as part of the scene after a brief resistance. The resulting cultural field of metal developed a multitude of community-creating symbols, signs and rituals, which are charged with the values of the scene or its sub-scenes and thus represent the catalog of values of the scene.
Many of the sub-currents emerged parallel to each other and occasionally developed further independently of each other, from which an immense wealth of styles with their own titles and sometimes their own fan circles is subsumed under the term metal. In addition, styles of music and the trends in the scene that refer to them were often staggered in time, which is why a straight line continuity of the scene's history cannot be traced.
Note: Therefore, the scene currents following the NWoBHM and Power Metal, their development and the central stylistic terms are presented separately, chronologically and causally in different influence courses. A musical classification and demarcation of the styles is only marginal. A differentiated breakdown of the musical development, on the other hand, is offered by the article on Metal itself and the articles on the various genre terms subordinate to this.
Emergence
The exact period of the first youth cultural expression, which developed from the rock , hippie and hard rock scene of the 1960s and 1970s to metal, differentiated and independent forms of expression and identification patterns, cannot be clearly stated due to a flowing transition. The spatial allocation of the origins of the original metal scene also varies between the United States and Europe, depending on the researcher.
Despite the longer musical tradition, which is sometimes traced back to releases by Deep Purple , Led Zeppelin and Black Sabbath at the beginning of the 1970s, the cultural development is mostly considered to be a mutually influenced parallel to punk and post-punk that emerged in the New Wave of British Heavy metal took its origin. Some representatives of the NWoBHM like the Iron Maiden singer Paul Di'Anno or the groups Tank and Raven directly referred to cultural roots in punk.
Common distribution structures similar to the do-it-yourself ethos of punk through publications in small or self-publishers emerged in the early days of the scene. In some cases, metal bands were marketed through some independent labels in the punk scene as early as the 1980s . So moved the American company SST Records and Alchemy Records alongside hardcore punk -Bands albums by metal group such as The Melvins and Saint Vitus , and the British label Earache Records moved next to hardcore punk bands groups of grindcore and death metal .
NWoBHM
The New Wave of British Heavy Metal in the 1970s and 1980s and their mostly young listeners at the time are considered to be the first largely independent development of metal culture . Its popularization and spread in the 1980s is often seen as a period for the increasing establishment of the scene. Music groups such as Iron Maiden and Judas Priest are therefore considered to be important catalysts for the development of an independent youth culture emancipated from hard rock.
Power metal
Power Metal originated in the early 1980s based on the NWoBHM outside of Great Britain. According to Berndt, "almost all metal groups that were influenced by the NWoBHM without coming from England themselves, and neither cultivated a pronounced satanic image nor achieved the speed and severity of speed and thrash metal, were referred to as power" metal.
First establishment
In the early 1980s, a British radio and television strike popularized metal. The sales of pop music in Great Britain collapsed for a short time in response to the strike, as a result of which metal, which was continuously selling because it was not marketed via radio and television, entered the charts and became known to a larger audience. From 1981, Sounds magazine promptly published the Kerrang as a supplement to the magazine, discussing Hard Rock and the NWoBHM. Other independent magazines such as Metal Hammer and Rock Hard followed in the course of the 1980s.
With the Monsters of Rock , one of the first annual hard rock and heavy metal festivals took place in Leicestershire from 1980 . Other festivals such as the American Milwaukee Metal Fest or the German Metal Hammer Festival also emerged in the course of the 1980s. Until the mid-1980s, the metal scene consolidated as a grown sociocultural network independent of other scenes in the form of specialized label operators, music journalists as well as musicians and consumers with their own media, companies and events. Beyond overlapping with the mainstream and punk, Metal "closed itself off completely from outside influences". In the late 1980s, metal as a music style and scene seemed "almost completely developed and mapped out".
Further development
Musical developments built on the media, commercial and cultural success of the NWoBHM initiated in this way, from which different sub-currents arose. Since the NWoBHM does not describe a narrowly defined musical genre, but represents a collective term related to hard rock and heavy metal with cultural similarities, subsequent culture and style developments could relate to the common cultural origin and at the same time develop in different musical directions. Accordingly, the upswing and spread of the NWoBHM in the 1980s enabled the international emergence of regional scene offshoots, which in turn derived their own Metal variants from the NWoBHM. Primarily in Germany, Sweden and the United States, variations of “the vocal style, the instrumentation and the speed” as well as “new content orientations” created their own sub-scenes, which from then on were known in their entirety under the term Metal. In part, these regional scene appearances generated their own expressions of the scene, which sometimes differed radically from one another. Sub-style directions that emerged further renewed existing trends in the scene or transferred cultural elements of the scene into the mainstream. This development, which began with the NWoBHM, became radicalized in the course of the following years.
Since the NWoBHM, new scene currents have emerged continuously, which have often been accompanied by their own musical, aesthetic and ideological characteristics. In the late 1980s, there was increased musical and cultural style overlap with other musical styles.
With continuous further developments, which included a large part of the scenes characterized by youth culture at that time, an abundance of new cultural and musical styles emerged, all of which referred to metal. Many of these fusions and style innovations were initially rejected by the scene.
Interaction with the mainstream
Until the mid-1980s, American-influenced, hard rock-oriented glam metal emerged. The music, which was adapted to the new format of music television by the record companies, was aesthetically prepared and produced in a manner suitable for radio, reached a broad, mostly female audience under the umbrella term metal. Glam Metal was seen as a "product of the energy of Heavy Metal, the MTV glitter and a remnant of the seductiveness of Hard Rock". Successful glam metal representatives such as Poison , Mötley Crüe and Bon Jovi were rejected by the metal scene as poser and hair bands. According to Berndt, the success of this music was "wrongly viewed as a triumph of heavy metal", since the discourse about the genre was still in its early stages, which is why there was no clear distinction between hard rock and heavy metal.
Metal's correlation with mainstream and chart success was continued through sleaze rock by groups like Guns n 'Roses and Skid Row in the late 1980s and early 1990s . The success of metal at the beginning of the 1990s led to the radio, club and chart successes of hard rock and metal bands such as Guns n 'Roses, AC / DC and Metallica . The programs Heavy Metal Mania and Headbangers Ball on the music television station MTV contributed to the success of metal in the 1980s and 1990s . Later music broadcasts from various broadcasters were increasingly devoted to subcurrents and adjacent scenes. The programs broadcast on MTV in the 1990s, for example, presented 120Minutes and Alternative Nation alongside other representatives of the alternative interpreters of alternative metal. The program Schattenreich on Onyx.tv , on the other hand, mainly presented rock and metal bands from the black scene.
In the decades that followed, metal music found repeated recognition in the western mainstream, which was expressed through chart placements, feature articles as well as reports and reviews in the general press. Musicians like Lemmy Kilmister or Ozzy Osbourne or groups like Black Sabbath, Guns n 'Roses, AC / DC, Metallica or Iron Maiden were generally considered to be established greats in the music business. Accessories referring to such recognized artists were sold in large textile stores such as C&A or H&M to an audience that was often unrelated to music. In addition, high-quality film documentaries were dedicated to some of these established artists, including Metallica: Some Kind of Monster , Lemmy , Iron Maiden: Flight 666 or Black Sabbath: The End of the End .
The proximity of hip-hop and metal was promoted by the music broadcaster MTV in the early 1990s. Groups like Faith No More and Living Color appeared on the hip-hop show Yo! MTV raps on. With the programs Alternative Nation and 120Minutes , the music broadcaster set up two broadcast formats for alternative rock and alternative metal in the course of the 1990s . The following high chart successes increased the audience of alternative metal, whereby the appearance, which is oriented towards the skater and hip-hop scene, increasingly established itself in parts of the metal scene. The success of alternative metal and grunge in the early to mid-1990s was followed by that of nu metal, which was geared towards a young audience, in the late 1990s. In the late 2000s, modern metal based on Thrash Metal and Metalcore emerged as New Wave of American Heavy Metal without a clear style description in the music mainstream of radio rotation and chart successes and reopened the metal scene to a broad audience. Other styles of metal, such as Neue Deutsche Hütze and Symphonic Metal in the 2000s, as well as individual performers such as Metallica or Black Sabbath , were received in a similar manner and, at least in phases, were perceived as part of the mainstream music. A transfer of the success to all of metal, however, failed to materialize.
The currents reaching into the mainstream were always opposed to other metal variants. These new styles were seen as a return to or intensification of the values and forms of expression of metal and the scene. The style hybrids of metal and hardcore punk such as thrash metal, metalcore and speed metal that emerged in the late 1980s , which significantly shaped the musical development of metal, are seen as a counter-movement to the mainstream and chart-compatible exploitation of metal. The sociologist and musicologist Susanne Sackl-Sharif describes these styles in particular as a development that was provoked by "Glam Metal and its connection to MTV USA [...]". "The glittering image of Glam Metal should be replaced by more toughness".
Development of the metal industry and press
Parallel to the developments in the punk scene, the metal fan culture emerged at the beginning of the 1980s into a self-designed metal industry with independent labels, music magazines, pubs, festivals and concert promoters, which in their entirety were decisive for growth and existence as well contributes to the ongoing communitarization of the scene. Due to the recurring interactions with the mainstream and selective chart successes of various sub-currents, metal as a product of the music industry repeatedly received increased attention. Such phases of success led to interaction with major labels, radio, music television and fan culture. The first independent metal media and companies emerged from the 1980s. Some of these independent companies subsequently developed into large institutions in the scene with permanent employees. Magazines like Rock Hard , which started out as a fanzine, became glossy magazines. Labels such as Century Media , Roadrunner Records and Nuclear Blast become internationally operating and established companies. Other companies and magazines followed directly in a corresponding format, while at the same time specialized independent companies and fanzines appeared as niche products.
Change along the musical style development
Along the central community aspect of the scene, the musical spectrum of metal , the habitual commonalities of the scene-goers are based on appearance, attitude, preferences and behavior. The development of the music that constitutes the scene continually affected the inner development of the scene. The ongoing expansion and change of music is mutually related to the development of culture, its inner conflicts and the stereotypes generated from it. The overlaps with other scenes as well as the continuity claims of the classical scene are primarily tied to the musical developments.
Inner development
Although most of the musical developments in metal refer to cross-influences, thrash metal, doom metal and true metal, which fall back on the tempo of punk, are culturally regarded as the inner development of the metal scene. Sometimes these styles are described as reconsideration or intensification and rarely as watering down or change.
Thrash Metal and Speed Metal
The new, faster and often more aggressive forms of game Thrash Metal and Speed Metal that emerged in the mid-1980s appealed to a younger audience and were largely rejected by the supporters of NWoBHM and hardcore punk. Meanwhile, the music, which was provided with a socially critical attitude, was seen as a reaction to the Cold War, its mostly young followers rebelled against the pop culture appropriation by means of Glam Metal. Accordingly, Speed and Thrash Metal were seen as an aesthetic, musical and ideological return to original interpreters of music such as Motörhead . Speed and Thrash Metal were considered to be "varieties that brought heavy metal to new fan circles all over the world in the course of the 1980s, but with the exception of METALLICA never succeeded beyond the boundaries of the genre".
Thrash Metal is generally seen as an important catalyst for the development of the metal scene. Many of the subsequent style and scene developments are traced back to it. In particular, Black Metal and Death Metal, as well as some developments under the generic term Alternative Metal, are seen as a consequence of Thrash Metal.
Doom metal
The current trend around traditional Doom Metal referred aesthetically and musically to Black Sabbath , but only formed in the course of the 1980s. The music journalist Garry Sharpe-Young describes the groups Trouble , Pentagram and Saint Vitus as the holy trinity of American Doom Metal . Together with the Swedish band Candlemass, the success of Doom Metal and the associated establishment of the first Doom Metal scene in the 1980s are attributed to these three groups .
Doom Metal barely achieved mainstream success in the following years, but it continued to have an impact on the development of metal and the metal scene. Due to the mostly left-wing liberal attitude of the supporters, the small Doom Metal scene was culturally and economically close to the crust-punk scene and thus favored subsequent cultural and musical overlaps such as sludge or post-metal . Within the metal scene, relatively few Doom bands achieved higher prominence in the 1980s and 1990s. From the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, however, Doom Metal influenced a large number of newly emerging sub-currents, which such as Gothic Metal or Stoner Doom could sometimes achieve success, which is why Doom - next to Thrash Metal - can be considered a further catalyst for the development of the scene .
After the turn of the millennium, the Doom Shall Rise , the Dutch Doom Days or the Malta Doom Metal Fest were specially geared towards Doom Metal and its subcurrents, which served as starting points for the small trend. The genre soon revived with performers such as Reverend Bizarre , Witchcraft and Blood Ceremony . This revival resulted in an abundance of new artists and increased attention within the metal scene.
Death metal
Thrash and speed metal experienced their first musical continuation with the emergence of death metal in Florida and Stockholm in the first half of the 1980s. The musicians radicalized the style, increased the tempo and intensified the singing to a guttural growl popular as growling . Many representatives of the genre cultivated a content and aesthetic orientation based on horror and gore.
In contrast to previous sub-currents, the music industry, which had discovered metal as a market segment for itself, took an early interest in death metal and sold artists of the genre to mostly young audiences. Death Metal could be marketed on the basis of the shock characteristics in the form of visual and lyrical brutality and achieved commercial success. The scene, which was initially concentrated on Sweden and Florida, expanded during its first success and an abundance of molds, mixed forms and variations of Death Metal followed. In addition to the developments that were directly oriented towards Death Metal, the success of the genre provoked the emergence of the second wave of Black Metal.
Black metal
The first wave of Black Metal with groups like Venom , Bathory and Hellhammer is seen as a development between NWoBHM and Speed and Thrash Metal. “A characteristic of this sub-field was the creation of an image around the topic of devil and hell.” The supporters of the first wave are not yet understood as a musically, aesthetically or ideologically homogeneous group. It was not until the second wave that an independent sub-scene emerged, which had a number of consequences.
From the diversity of the NWoBHM, early Heavy Metal and the original groups of Thrash, the so-called Second Wave of Black Metal emerged at the beginning of the 1990s . While the first wave groups like Hellhammer and Bathory understood satanically influenced texts only as provocation or metaphor, groups of the second wave radicalized and internalized the content as ideology. These newer bands based their habitus and music on the first wave. Groups like Burzum , Darkthrone and Mayhem wanted to distance themselves from the representatives of Death Metal, whose appearance in casual everyday clothing contradicted their understanding of Metal. The representatives of the second wave of Black Metal presented a version that was dangerous and not mainstream compatible and explicitly directed against the recent popularity of Death Metal. They understood Black Metal as satanic, dangerous, misanthropic and nihilistic. A gloomy and occasionally chilling demeanor underlined the satanic background.
On the basis of the black metal scene of the early 1990s, a large number of other subcultural developments arose, which mostly referred to the second wave musically, but distanced themselves lyrically and thus ideologically from it. In particular around the styles NSBM , Viking Metal and Pagan Metal emerged in part independent subculture currents, which subsequently increasingly distanced themselves from the musical origin in the second wave of Black Metal.
In the 2010s, musical influences of Black Metal were placed in other cultural constellations. With the mixing of the music of Black Metal with elements of shoegazing to Blackgaze as well as the adaptation of the musical style of the Norwegian second wave in the context of an ecological awareness, American and Central European interpreters perverted the once nihilistic ideology of Black Metal. In doing so, these interpreters opened up parts of the style for new target groups such as the hipster and alternative scene. The original black metal scene consistently rejected these and many other developments that musically referred to black metal.
True metal
In a deliberate differentiation to more modern derivatives of metal, which fall back on punk, hip-hop and other outside influences, Manowar , who musically can be assigned primarily to power or simply heavy metal, coined the term true metal . Manowar appeared as "strict advocates of traditional aspects of classic heavy metal [s]". True Metal developed as a demarcation from more modern metal derivatives and a return to the metal playing styles of the 1980s.
“The grunge boom, like all the other transgressions, ultimately led to a renaissance of 'True Metal'. The randomness with which some metal magazines reported about hardcore, punk, grunge, crossover, industrial and gothic bands and ignored the actual metal bands, especially annoyed those people who wanted the 80s back - and that To contemptuously turn their backs on the watered-down present, the good old bands from the NWoBHM and early US Metal were actually brought back out of oblivion. "
The true metal representatives and their supporters draw a desired development limit for metal around the original styles of Power Metal and NWoBHM and maintain an aesthetic that corresponds to them. So they kept many of the original identifiers of the scene and sometimes exaggerated them. Lyrically and aesthetically, the genre primarily refers to the repertoire of mythology and low-fantasy literature. A hyper masculine self-staging is maintained, which is mostly characterized by images of warlike masculinity. In addition to sexist content, song lyrics sing about strong feelings of we and abstract-archaic values such as fame , honor and pride . In True Metal, for example, solidarity between men and women against a “harsh outside world” is conjured up.
Hip-hop and hardcore hybrids
In contrast to the development out of metal, representatives of hardcore punk as well as representatives of hip-hop experimented with styles that were previously regarded as incompatible with them. Black Flag acted with stylistic devices of Doom Metal on the album My War , released in 1984, and favored the emergence of later hardcore, rock and metal styles such as crust and grindcore , sludge , post-metal or grunge, which in the early 1990s had cultural overlaps encouraged alternative scenes like the Crusties and Slackers . Subsequent developments from hard and metal core such as math core , death core or djent were picked up by the metal scene.
The crossover between metal and hardcore punk, which began with thrash metal and post-hardcore , produced an abundance of heterogeneous rock music oriented towards youth culture, which stood out from punk as well as from metal and was mostly provisionally rejected by the core of both subcultures. Nevertheless, the crossover paved the way for descending style hybrids. Following this overlap, parts of the metal scene took on musical, fashion, aesthetic and ideological aspects of punk. Just like previous style hybrids, which only partially referred to metal, most of these developments were initially rejected by the metal scene. Nevertheless, with festivals such as the Gathering of the Tribes , the Lollapalooza or the reorientation of the Dynamo Open Air , events took place from the end of the 1980s onwards, which were dedicated to fans of this new genre, subsumed under the term Alternative Metal in America . These festivals appealed to fans of different musical camps and encouraged further rapprochement. MTV also promoted the approximation of the various scenes. Metal and hard rock groups like Faith No More and Living Color appeared on the hip-hop show Yo! MTV raps on. Later, the broadcaster set up Alternative Nation and 120 Minutes, two separate broadcast formats tailored to Alternative .
In this way, the new styles created partly independent scenes, partly the metal scene, and partly subordinate cultural currents to other scenes. High chart successes increased the audience of alternative metal, which increasingly used the rooms and media of the metal scene for itself, with which in the long term the metal scene grew by a large spectrum of alternative metal. As a result, the skater and hip-hop scene-oriented appearance established itself in parts of the scene.
Rap Metal and Nu Metal
Parallel to the emergence of new and more extreme variants of metal, some of the leading representatives of Thrash Metal varied their appearance in the mid-1980s, took off their leather clothing and appeared in jeans and sneakers . Anthrax in particular was increasingly criticized by the scene as a fun project. As one of the first representatives of metal, they mixed their music with rap and thus forced an approach to hip-hop culture . The appearance of the group with baseball caps , sneakers and jogging suits was originally considered a parody , but flowed into the stage appearance and was not only picked up by the audience and the following music groups, but also resulted in a tour with Public Enemy . Further approximations between the scenes emerged from the first experiments. Performers such as Biohazard , Body Count , Rage Against the Machine and Clawfinger presented rap-infused metal in the early 1990s and became popular with this mix of styles. With the success of rap Metals and Metal cores the establishment was an independent, to professional-value metal and hip-hop culture scene flow , the end of the 1990s in the nu-metal scene of groups like Korn , Limp Bizkit and Ill Niño ended. However, there was no permanent cultural link between the hip-hop and metal scenes.
Metalcore and NWoAHM
Metalcore emerged parallel to Thrash Metal in the course of the 1980s in the renewed combination of the metal and hardcore punk scenes that had been further developed up to then; he is considered one of the pillars of the crossover or alternative metal scene.
With an increase in socially critical and political topics using a guttural roaring song , the genre was attributed more to the hardcore punk scene and the alternative until the 1990s from the metal scene . Culturally , the skater scene was addressed , especially by early metalcore groups such as Agnostic Front and Suicidal Tendencies . Performers such as Dirty Rotten Imbeciles , Corrosion of Conformity and SOD favored a hesitant rapprochement between the hardcore and metal scene. At the end of the 1980s, the music experienced a short period of success with performers such as Carnivore , Biohazard and the Cro-Mags , which contributed to an increasing relaxation in the barriers between the scenes that had been maintained until then.
During the 2000s, metalcore's brief success was reflected in that of the New Wave of American Heavy Metal . During this time, metalcore experienced an upswing "with bands like Heaven Shall Burn , As I Lay Dying or Bring Me the Horizon ", which was sometimes noticeable in the metal scene. Based on the success of the metal core and related playing styles, modern American groups received increased attention under the collective name New Wave of American Heavy Metal. Modern Metal, based on Thrash Metal and Metalcore, got into the mainstream of radio rotation and chart successes as NWoAHM without a clear style description and reopened the metal scene to a wide audience that was aesthetically and ideologically somewhere between hardcore punk, metal and alternative.
Groove metal
At the beginning of the 1990s, groups like Exhorder and Prong shaped another variant of Thrash Metal attributed to Alternative Metal, which, as Neo Thrash or Groove Metal, with the success of the bands Pantera and White Zombie, appealed to mainstream successes and at the same time metal fans. The aesthetic and lyrical appearance of the artists corresponded to Hardcore Punk and Metalcore, while the music presented itself as an accessible variant of Thrash Metal.
Interaction with the spectrum of the music of the black scene
At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, post-industrial , dark wave and metal converged for the first time . As a result of the first style hybrids between the black scene and metal, popular as industrial metal and gothic metal , both scenes repeatedly approached each other and resorted to the cultural capital of the respective counterpart for their own developments. Other styles of music followed this development. In addition to the musical crossover, fans of both scenes reflect on the common interest in dark, morbid and scary topics.
Joint tours of metal bands with projects from the field of black music took place increasingly from the mid-1990s. At the end of the 1990s, metal artists became an integral part of festivals on the black scene. In addition to groups that represented bridging, metal bands such as Entombed , Marduk and Immortal performed at the Wave-Gotik-Treffen in 2000 . Since then, representatives of the black scene have also appeared at metal festivals such as Summer Breeze, Wacken Open Air or the Roadburn Festival . In addition, groups such as The Gathering , Type O Negative , Sentenced , Therion , Lacrimosa , Lacuna Coil or Cradle of Filth have trailers from both scenes and influenced both aesthetically. Since then, disco events have also taken place, which are aimed at the intersection of the two scenes.
Industrial metal
North American representatives of post-industrial such as Ministry , Skinny Puppy and Frontline Assembly experimented with stylistic elements of metal and hard rock in the late 1980s. The Godflesh project by British grindcore musician Justin K. Broadrick and the multinational KMFDM project pursued similar ideas. In a short time, industrial rock or industrial metal became a cultural crossover. "From then on, there was a colorful mix of metalheads, hardcore fans and traditional music lovers at concerts by these bands." Industrial metal is considered part of the counterculture, especially with regard to the North American representatives and their supporters. The music conveyed predominantly socially critical content and in its heyday was received equally by punk, metal, alternative and black scenes.
Gothic metal
Gothic Metal arose primarily from Death Metal, especially from Death Doom . Groups like Paradise Lost , My Dying Bride , Anathema and Tiamat took up elements of Gothic Rock and Neoclassic at the beginning of the 1990s . The influence of these groups favored the success of other bands such as Crematory , Theater of Tragedy and Moonspell . As a result, established artists of the black scene such as Lacrimosa or Secret Discovery recorded metal elements and other artists of the metal scene such as the thrash metal band Kreator recorded dark wave elements. Similar to industrial metal, the market quickly became saturated and interest in gothic metal decreased rapidly after a short time.
As a result, there were various cultural and aesthetic overlaps between the black and metal scene. From the mid-1990s onwards, this acceptance created a fluid boundary between the two scenes, which are addressed with musical styles such as dark metal , dark rock and symphonic metal . The expression Gothic Metal quickly became a synonym for the musical and socio-cultural crossover between Metal and the music of the black scene. The short trend of the original Gothic Metal thus formed the breeding ground for a flowing following following in the common field between black and metal scene. With Gothic Metal and the developments that followed, the proportion of female fans in the Metal scene increased.
The short-lived musical trend Gothic Metal did not develop an independent following, but shaped on the one hand the increase in mutual social acceptance that had not existed until then and on the other hand the musical opening up of both scenes to one another.
Symphonic metal
The releases by Lacrimosa and Therion, which were still in the heyday of Gothic Metal and already distanced themselves from the original style, founded symphonic metal. From then on, this was fed from both scenes and achieved success, which reached the mainstream, in the late 1990s through groups such as Nightwish and Within Temptation . The success of the Nightwish group with the albums Oceanborn 1998 and Wishmaster 2000 is used in particular to formulate an independent genre . As a result, many of the other performers orientated themselves optically and musically, especially in their vocals, to Nightwish. Groups acting in a similar way were marketed more strongly by the music industry. In addition to Nightwish, groups like Within Temptation, Xandria , Epica and Delain became popular and successful. By the mid-2000s, a number of music groups established the genre on the music market, sometimes with high chart successes. Over the course of the decade, the Netherlands, Fennoscandinavia and the German-speaking area emerged as a predominantly European region of origin for the representatives of the genre. Singers like Tarja Turunen and Sharon den Adel optically set themselves apart from previous metal stereotypes and appeared emphatically feminine, often in medieval or fantastic-looking clothes. Berndt describes the appearance of the female singers as a specifically female role model, in which the high and clear singing contrasts with the “aggressiveness of the guitars (and sometimes the growling of a male singer). The classic role models of the strong, aggressive man and the peaceful, conciliatory woman are assumed. "
Dark metal
The short-term success of Gothic Metal was followed by the establishment of unspecific Dark Metal. This collective and generic term established itself in the 1990s for darkly associated metal. The dark metal debut album by the group Bethlehem and the promotional texts of the debut by the group Katatonia Dance of December Souls, advertised as Sorrowfilled and harmonous Northern Dark Metal , contributed in particular to the spread of the term . The term dark metal subsequently established itself as a generic term for metal bands who played a mixture of symphonic, black and gothic metal and could not be clearly assigned to any of these styles. With the increasing popularity of groups such as Dimmu Borgir and Cradle of Filth and the associated commercial exploitation of some stylistic elements initiated by Norwegian representatives of the second wave of Black Metal , the number of well-known, similarly oriented music groups increased. For these groups, Dark Metal was increasingly used as a genre term, without generally losing its meaning as a collective term.
The stage show cultivated by the popular representatives of the genre, the music videos and the design of the sound carriers are described as exaggerating the image of Black Metal. Performers like Cradle of Filth are even condemned as the “Disneyland version of Black Metal”, but with their vampire-quirky and juvenile-provocative demeanor appeal to a young audience between the metal and black scene.
New German hardness and medieval rock
In the mix of styles between post-industrial and metal, groups like Die Krupps and Oomph! with electro- metal style hybrids in appearance, whose metal foundation is primarily located in groove metal . In the course of the 1990s, many groups from metal and from the black scene intensified the rapprochement between electro and metal. An increasing reference to the post-industrial band Laibach emerged in German-speaking countries . With the success of Rammstein , the term New German Hardness established itself for these German-speaking electro-metal groups . In addition to industrial metal and gothic metal, the NDH formed another important factor for the growing mutual cultural influence of the metal and black scene.
Rammstein was the first band to achieve their commercial breakthrough with their second album Sehnsucht in 1997 and made the NDH popular in Germany and abroad. From 1997 onwards, along with the commercial success of Rammstein, numerous other NDH bands also became famous. Among the projects that became popular in the aftermath of Sehnsucht were significantly more moderate rock and metal performers who had little in common with the original music. Performers like Megaherz , Weissglut , Witt and Oomph! became popular beyond the boundaries of the two scenes.
A temporary proximity of the New German hardness to the Middle Ages rock helped this to its own popularity. After Rammstein had paved the way for German-language metal, popular performers of medieval rock were in some places still attributed to the NDH at the end of the 1990s. Groups like Subway to Sally , In Extremo or Tanzwut recorded success in both scenes as well as in the mainstream as a result of the NDH's success.
Community practice
Common ground within the metal scene is created through codes and symbols that are generated from the scene. In particular, items of clothing printed with band names or album motifs serve to locate oneself in the scene, to present one's affiliation and knowledge of subcultural capital. The common ground is primarily created in heterotopic social spaces in the scene such as on concert and festival grounds, in discos and trendy pubs. Concerts and festivals have specific rituals that support communalization within the limited space. Exchange also takes place on the letters to the editor of well-known print magazines. Specialized internet forums have established themselves as virtual meeting places for the scene. In addition, groups have come together in social networks and on video portals .
The scene is neither musically nor fashionably understood as a homogeneous group. It is divided into different currents, some of which are diametrically opposed in their musical ideas. The musical preferences of the different currents within the scene are sometimes made clear by independent fashions and maintained by specific meeting points and events tailored to the respective subcurrent.
Be trueness and metal
There is a separation in the metal supporters between the supporters who only hear the music and the people who also identify as part of the scene. This separation is sometimes due to the lack of a common ideology which makes it possible to hear the music without at least sympathizing with the culture. According to the historian Tobias Winnerling, it is true that no follower of the scene who does not hear the music can be conceptualized in a meaningful and comprehensible way, but it is conclusive that people feel connected to the music without “further identification with the figuration” of the scene and without taking over anything Build scene codes. This identification and the internalization of the codes are, however, considered necessary in order to gain comprehensive access to the scene. The communal appearance, the ritualized behavioral patterns and the aesthetic and musical stylistic devices used for this purpose form the codes that formally shape the scene. In their totality, these codes create a demarcation from the outside world and an identifiability of the scene's inner world.
Conformity with the code, knowledge of the presented subcultural capital and the construction of authenticity in the presentation are considered to be essential factors for identification within the scene. The conformity of the individual is measured in the form of knowledge, activity and participation in and around the scene and the music that makes it up, which is what the description 'being metal' stands for. In addition to dealing with the music itself and fashion factors, aspects of leisure activities such as attending concerts, festivals and clubs are taken into account in terms of authenticity, as well as the willingness of the financial expenditure to purchase music (mostly in the form of sound carriers, concert tickets and similar). Furthermore, credibility and congruence of the presented identity serve to locate it within the scene. The acceptance within the metal community is therefore based on the individually ascribed authenticity of the presented sociocultural identity as a follower of the scene, sometimes referred to as 'Trueness'. Trueness and being metal are therefore considered terms of authenticity and congruence within the scene.
Belonging to the scene is constantly being negotiated anew in the scene's various meeting rooms. Since the codes are constantly evolving and differing in the sub-flows, those that are valid at a specific point in time in a specific location may be insufficient in a varied environment.
Appearance
Over the decades of existence of the metal scene, an aesthetic awareness has developed, which shapes the appearance. Roccor describes the clothing typical of the scene as “the result of a bricolage that dragged on for years.” The origins of this style lay in the socially poorly situated milieus, who showed their affection for representatives of hard rock in the 1960s and 1970s by marking the band names with felt pens T-shirts and denim jackets wrote. In the course of the 1970s, this self-made reference clothing was transformed into T-shirts with prints, buttons and iron-on images.
Only with the success of the NWoBHM "did a separate market for heavy metal-specific clothing and accessories emerge." The original style that emerged in the 1980s continued to develop, which is why there are a multitude of subcurrents and mixed forms within the scene refer back to the person's musical preferences. A central type of the metal trailer cannot therefore be named. Rather, the scene is internally highly divergent in terms of fashion and has been in constant interaction with other juvenile forms of community since the 1990s. In the course of the years, with the fragmentation and differentiation of the subscenes, various new fashion elements have spread.
Since the described phase of increasing differentiation and crossover in the 1990s, there have been clear references to the fashion of the 1980s, alongside those of the fashion styles of some sub-scenes and countless mixed forms between the currents. Fashionable influences of the different currents, up to unique selling points such as those of Glam Metal, Nu Metal or Black Metal, are also common. Since its inception, the metal scene has differentiated a large number of such sub-scenes, from which constantly different gradations in terms of style, inner cohesion, independence and proximity to the supposedly ideal-typical stereotype are generated.
According to media scientist Julia Eckel, clothing should not be underestimated for "the importance that the self-design and appearance of the actors in metal culture have for the delimitation and thus the constitution of this scene [...]." The scene clearly expected devotion and authenticity, as it always refers to the preferred music. The clothing is on the one hand an expression of the respective scene knowledge and on the other hand a written event log of the individual fan biography.
Classic scene stereotypes
Leather and jeans are typical of the classic scene, so the colors black and blue dominate the style of clothing. Jewelry is mostly worn in the form of silver rings or pendants. The jewelry often depicts skulls, swords, weapons and dangerous animals or refers to Indian, religious, mythological or occult symbols.
The clothing items typical of the scene that were already present at the beginning include the so-called cowl, the band shirt, belts or bracelets studded with rivets , long hair and leather clothing. They form a cultural capital that is further cultivated in particular by fans of the original styles and true metal. Motorcycles and leather clothing are part of their appearance. As a further aspect, the representatives of True Metal added a “male martial fantasy warrior image”.
While motorcycles and frocks were borrowed from the rocker scene, Judas Priest singer Rob Halford transferred leather clothing as a fashionable influence from the leather scene onto the metal scene. Although leather clothing was previously considered a fashionable aspect of metal culture, Halford's appearance in tight black leather, some of which was studded with rivets, influenced the scene. Further fashion and cultural influences on the metal scene were borrowed from the rocker milieu such as the cowl or the hippie culture, to which the long hair worn in particular corresponded. In addition to the supporters of the NWoBHM, the style was continued by musicians and fans of speed and thrash metal in the late 1980s and early 1990s, occasionally in a slightly more casual form. The appearance in tight jeans, leather jackets and cowls was supplemented by sneakers , band shirts as well as rivet and cartridge accessories.
Across wide sub-currents in the scene, the visual representation of individually preferred music in the form of frocks or band shirts is predominant. Since such items of clothing are not worn by the entire scene, they are considered to be essential scene stereotypes alongside long hair.
Figurative clothing
The media scientist Julia Eckel describes the visualization on the clothes of the followers of the scene, referring back to sound carrier designs and similar elements, as an expression of an “affinity for the visual”, which is “based on the exploration of the boundaries inherent in the genre”. The two most common variations of this clothing are frocks and band shirts. “Cowl and band shirt can [...] be seen as double media: on the one hand, they are the medium of the wearer who uses them as a means of intended information transfer [...], on the other hand they are media carriers of central motifs of metal culture and on this level with print media such as Compare CD covers, magazines and posters. "
The conscious choice of clothing that visually refers to the metal separates the wearer from inside and outside the scene. On the one hand, it presents itself externally and internally as part of the scene and, on the other hand, locates itself within the scene, depending on the motif, in a certain trend. According to Lücker, such an inner signaling effect can be seen especially in rare and old copies, as these refer to the duration of the scene membership or the special knowledge of the cultural capital of the scene.
The proceeds from the sale of merchandise items are considered "the most important factors for the economic survival" of many professional musicians in the metal scene, whereby the purchase of clothing and accessories is often seen as an expression of inner community and solidarity.
habit
A cut-off denim vest is referred to as a cowl, usually decorated with a large back patch and various "small, close-together badges". It was adapted from the rocker milieu and filled with new content. Roccor describes the cowl as a non-verbal means of communication, which in the chosen form is exemplary for “male young people from socially disadvantaged backgrounds”.
Roccor draws comparisons to ice hockey and football fans and refers to the cowl as an instrument of “mass communication via appearance. Clear, easy-to-decipher emblems indicate belonging to a specific subculture or group and enable the other person to be quickly identified as a friend or foe. ”In this function, a robe allows the differentiation of preferred musical tastes within the scene itself. The patches referred to as patches refer to music groups and, as a result, to one or more preferred styles of music, which in turn provide information about assumed or at least tolerated values. Furthermore, the habit, which is usually provided with many different patches, depicts the knowledge of the cultural capital of the scene. As a rule, kutten do not refer to a preferred musical group, but to different performers, concerts and publications. This way they clarify the individual preferences and knowledge of the wearer.
Band shirt
While the wearing of frocks is limited to parts of the scene, that of band shirts is, according to Lücker, "the most significant correspondence in the external presentation of metal fans of all stripes."
Band shirts usually have a similar aesthetic, based on sound carriers and motifs. Often it is black textiles printed on both sides. The front shows “usually the logo, ie the band name in the significant notation, a current record cover including title or emblems specially designed for the design of the specific shirt.” On the back, however, in addition to the repetition of the band name - each Depicted on the occasion of the shirt - concert dates, lyrics excerpts, song lists, slogans, pictures of the band or the like.
There are only a few such band shirts in retail. While textile companies such as H&M sell replicas that are printed on one side, the original items of clothing can usually be obtained directly from the band, the label or from specialized mail order companies.
Death metal
The death metal scene, especially that of Florida death metal , moved away from parts of the gap between NWoBHM and thrash metal. Jackets and tight jeans did not correspond to the prevailing temperatures in Florida. Instead, they expanded the style in the mid-1980s to include cargo pants and Bermuda shorts instead of jeans and band long sleeves instead of band shirts.
Glam metal
Glam metal proponents cultivated an aesthetic based on hedonism and androgyny - aspects that were only picked up and accepted by parts of the metal scene years after the success and decline of glam metal in the 1980s. Some chroniclers of the scene like Roccor or Berndt also rated the music and its supporters rather negatively in their writings. With the ironic glam metal revival in the late 1990s, the eccentric, metrosexual and androgynous appearance with teased hair and make-up experienced increasing acceptance in the metal scene. In particular, the androgynous self-portrayals and the associated subversive play with marginalized and hegemonic notions of masculinity are considered the aesthetic basis of Glam Metal.
The scene-goers who are inclined to glam metal often adapt, especially to concert and disco evenings, the stage appearance cared for by the artists with teased and dyed hair, colorful leggings and scarves, made-up faces and leather jackets.
Black Metal and its aftermath
In Black Metal , a preferred monochrome black aesthetic established itself from the Norwegian scene, which is supposed to represent the nihilistic attitude of the scene. These often leather clothing, rivet jewelry and cartridge belts, mostly black-dyed hair, rodent feet and St. Peter's crosses are part of the scene. Performers often pose with corpse paint and archaic weapons such as swords, axes or sticks.
The media scientist Andreas Wagenknecht cites the album A Blaze in the Northern Sky by Darkthrone as an example of a constitutive symbol and design world of the black metal scene. Body-hugging black clothing mostly dominates, while cowls are rarely found here. If available, these denim vests are made of black fabric and decorated with black and white patches. The hair, which is preferably worn long here, is often dyed black. Common accessories include chains, rivet and spiked bracelets, as well as rivet and cartridge belts and jewelry. The latter show Petrus crosses, pentagrams, runes as well as mythological, pagan and anti-Christian symbols. On the other hand, a trend towards corpse painting among the scene-goers that was still common in the early 1990s has subsided.
In the following of the pagan generated from black metal as well as in that of the viking metal, symbols and clothing items are often worn that refer to the ideological background of the current. These include Thor's hammers , runes , skins and clothing that looks like an early medieval period. Many of the performers perform such productions in more depth and appear completely in the attire corresponding to the respective topic. Such self-presentations are sometimes picked up by supporters of the respective sub-scenes.
Crossover, Alternative Metal and aftermath
The alternative metal coined after the worldwide success of the second Nirvana album Nevermind in 1991, a youth culture hype that was reflected musically fashionable in the metal scene. The "cleverly stoked mass hysteria about anti-stars, Gen X lifestyle, teenage rebellion and grunge look" offered an "ideal hook for the effective marketing of youthful identification poles"
The increasing blending of media, art and commerce led to the commercial use of alternative metal for advertising purposes, such as the grunge song Inside for a commercial for the jeans brand Levi’s , which gave the previously unknown band Stiltskin a number one hit in the British charts. The audience of the alternative could not develop a close fashionable or cultural connection. Instead, many of the fans assigned themselves to different sub or major groups such as crossover, grunge, alternative or metal. The mixing of musical influences and the marketing of the musical-juvenile rebellion resulted in fashionable and ideological overlaps with adjacent scenes.
The two generic terms crossover and grunge were the new names for an alternative and independent lifestyle of the supposedly young generation. The rebellious interest of this group, which is characterized in particular by nominal refusal to consume, became a relevant economic factor with the success of the different musical styles. Skateboard, snowboard, energy drinks and corresponding everyday and sportswear such as baggy pants , baseball caps and sports jackets were marketed in particular through the popular crossover styles Rap Metal , Funk Metal and Metalcore and were able to gain a foothold in the successor genre Nu Metal . The artists and supporters of crossover and nu metal deepened the adoption of fashionable aspects of hip-hop culture, which increased the appearance in baggy pants and sports shirts in the metal scene. Some interpreters of Thrash-oriented Groove Metal such as Pantera and Machine Head appeared in similarly casual clothes in the early 1990s and continued the style initiated by the crossover in the metal scene.
Grunge, on the other hand, was represented by a simple, occasionally dingy-looking jeans look with a lumberjack or similar everyday shirt, which was used successfully by the shoe and jeans industry.
Fashionable and ideological overlaps such as dreadlocks , camouflage pants or the shaved heads of the crusties or lumberjack shirts of the slackers also moved into the appearance of the metal scene from the increasing crossover between metal and post-hardcore with styles such as industrial metal , sludge and the like.
Gothic metal and its aftermath
With Gothic Metal and the developments that followed it, the proportion of female fans in the Metal scene increased. Unlike before, many of these new followers appeared feminine, corresponding to the appearance of many singers of the genre. Garments such as corsages and long skirts were thus introduced into the appearance of the metal scene. The symphonic metal singers in particular set themselves apart visually from previous stereotypes and appeared emphatically feminine, often in medieval or fantastic-looking clothes.
There was also the use of make-up and an overall staging described as vampiresque . This step was especially forced by the hybrid between black music and metal that followed Gothic Metal and was permanently anchored in the intersection of both scenes. Groups of dark and symphonic metal such as Cradle of Filth , Therion or Nightwish contributed significantly to a development that, based on Gothic Metal, produced fashion elements that corresponded to the content and themes of both scenes. Christofer Johnsson from Therion describes the scene hybrids that emerged with the rise of Gothic Metal as a reversal of the stereotypes that were valid up to this point in time. The "black leather with spikes, along with the inevitable noisy motorcycle that goes with it, was exchanged for soft, soft leather and black make-up, which is also very feminine for men." With the reference to Cradle of Filth, he added that the "angry metal warrior [ …] [Transformed] into a being that sometimes “reminds me of a sex-obsessed vampire.
Communication and encounter
The moments of the scene encounter are regarded as moments of visualization. Scenes manifest, produce, reproduce and develop in communicative exchange. Accordingly, the social rooms and the media play the role of catalysts. In the moments of encounter and exchange between different individuals and peers who feel they belong to the scene, the various groups and people condense to form a superordinate social network . The organization and design of events, scene-specific meeting points, virtual platforms, scene media and similar communication and encounter opportunities serve as a space to experience and develop for those involved in the scene.
Meeting rooms
Own time and meeting points ensure the stability of the scene. These phases of communalization are "indispensable prerequisites for the scene-goers in order to be able to intensify and (re) produce their culture." In such phases, the "subjective sense of belonging and group awareness are experienced and strengthened." Such structured get-togethers are considered to be an important factor in the " Being a fan ”. Concerts and festivals in particular are assigned an immanent, sometimes cultic, meaning with regard to the encounter. Other social and meeting rooms, in which the communicative exchange takes place, are specialized metal markets , pubs, discos and internet forums.
Since a scene only manifests and reproduces itself in the communicative exchange and the subjective feeling of belonging arises in precisely this exchange, the social spaces are of great importance for the development and existence of the scene. In addition to major events such as festivals, some of which are internationally known, knowledge of local meeting places, especially pubs and discos, is part of the scene's cultural capital.
Concerts
The appearances of the metal performers are very important. Many people in the scene take long journeys, alone or in a group, to attend such concerts and festivals. Attending a concert is “both a social event and an individual experience” for the respective audience. Belonging to the scene becomes a real, seemingly religious community experience. In these events the idea of the scene finds its real echo and maintains the imagination of the scene. Everyday repressed values such as authenticity, freedom and extremes are experienced in the community. The identification with the scene, its ideals and the lyrical, musical and cultural aspects at events is seen as a seemingly religious experience of a collective community that affirms the individual. The programmatically evoked individualism, which finds its expression through belonging to the scene, interacts with the identification with the scene. In the community the followers have strengthening, confirming and cleansing experiences. Helsper describes the experience of metal concerts as an extreme variant of self-awareness, in which young people in particular experience the scene community ecstatically.
The concert also acts as a social catalyst, making it easier for the people in the scene to get to know each other. While the scene offers a protected setting, the concert or the band can serve as a communicative point of contact. The time before and after the performance is loaded with the expectation of the event, meanwhile creates a framework for possible conversations with one another. At the same time, the followers are given the opportunity to present “belonging to the scene, specialist knowledge and preferences” about their appearance. Further aspects of the classification of concerts as an individual experience are emotional and social experiences, ritualized behaviors in the interaction between the audience or the audience and the performing performers, as well as the physical experience of the music itself. “Volume and bass variation can even be felt and changed demonstrably to some of the concert the vegetative system (e.g. pulse rate). ”Various authors who approached the scene scientifically in an interdisciplinary manner, including Kosic, Berndt, Helsper, Lücker and Roccor, describe attending a successful metal concert as a transcendental experience with group dynamic , religious and catharsic effects on the Visitors.
“When […] the band enters the stage, the first riff sounds, the headlights light up and the spectacle breaks out, everything that was before is forgotten. You sink into sound and light, get carried away by the euphoria of the bystanders, let off steam, shout frustration from your soul, free your anger from the dungeon of the unconscious, fear, mosh, slam, scream as much as you can. Clear rules prevent anyone from being harmed. [...] When a concert is really good, you feel neither pain nor exhaustion, you forget who you are and where you come from, you get absorbed in the mass experience, you feel free from the boundaries of the self. "
The ritualized and informally regulated behaviors, such as the headbanging , moshing and slam dancing named by Roccor , which take place in the interplay of the audience among each other or the audience and the performing performers, Lücker attributes to a transmission of stimuli. This transfers energy via the music from the artist to the listener and, via encouraging the audience, in turn from the latter to the artist. The cheering activity of the audience varies depending on the genre of the performers "analogous to the higher intensity, speed and brutality of the music."
Festivals
A special variant of the concert experience are usually multi-day events that offer a sustained sequence of performances by mostly well-known performers over a longer period of time. Due to the number of performers, a larger audience is often addressed, which is why festivals are larger scene gatherings than concerts. The established and ritualized behaviors remain part of the scene, part of the experience. The duration of the experience itself is extended or repeated through the performances of several performers, depending on the viewer's individual interests. While there is space for conversations between the various performances during the renovation phases, festivals offer additional experience spaces in addition to the performances.
The concerts, the meeting of the scene and the usually obligatory “ camping with a party character” are only part of the experience, especially at large events. There are also drinks and food carts , stalls of merchants and metal labels in audio recordings and merchandise articles; autograph sessions and club and disco nights. Some festivals offer an extended supporting program with shows, readings, party programs or special themed areas.
When choosing the area theme, the scene is based on the theme pool. Accordingly, themed areas such as medieval markets , for example at the Ragnarök Festival , or the post-apocalyptic staged Wasteland of Wacken Open Air , are lavishly designed. The sales and entertainment staff appear in appropriate disguise. Overlapping to cosplay can also be practiced by the audience. These sales and show areas are usually separated from the rest of the festival area.
Festival visitors are particularly dependent on camping for overnight stays at open-air events . The infrastructure of festival sites is, often geared towards the short term, equipped with mobile toilet and shower cubicles. Minimalism and dealing with the adversities of nature are highlighted as part of a festival experience. In particular, the physical confrontation with rain, mud and mud is celebrated by some visitors as "great fun" during the major events that take place in the summer months.
The festival events of high socio-cultural importance for the scene and different sub-scenes included and still count various events. The large-scale gathering events can be large-scale events dedicated to the broad scene and presenting various forms of metal. Nevertheless, events specializing in sub-malfunctions such as the Doom Shall Rise , which only addressed a small audience with 500 visitors, were and were just as well established.
The German Wacken Open Air was one of the largest metal festivals in Germany, followed by Summer Breeze , With Full Force and Bang Your Head . The French Hellfest is one of the largest European-wide events, followed by the Austrian Nova Rock and the Belgian Graspop Metal Meeting .
Specialized festival cruises such as Full Metal Cruise or 70,000 Tons of Metal are organized as additional offers . The travel program of such boat trips is designed as a multi-day metal festival (usually between three and five days) with a large number of band appearances. Due to the spatial limitation, "the direct contact between the bands and the fans" becomes a special focus.
The number of performers and the size of events such as the Summer Breeze shown appeal to a larger audience than individual concerts.
Most multi-day metal festivals, such as Wacken Open Air, have their own camping area
Meals are often offered in the form of food and beverage trolleys. Especially large events like the Wacken Open Air shown here have so-called fast food miles.
As with the Reload Festival shown , mobile toilets and showers are usually offered for sanitation purposes .
Delimited themed areas such as the post-apocalyptic Wasteland of Wacken Open Air represent their own, comprehensively designed experience space within some festivals.
Show interludes such as Viking exhibition fights at the Ragnarök Festival 2011 can be found in particular at festivals with delimited themed areas or festivals with an overall concept
Festival cruises such as the 70,000 Tons of Metal cruise, here during a Kreator concert at Independence of the Seas 2018, offer the scene a community experience over a longer period of time.
Discos
Discos rarely specialize in metal events. Rather, they organize themed evenings, which then attract a large number of regular customers. Alternatively, discos serve a wider range of music. Common events for metal fans with rock music fans or punks and hardcore punks or alternative or the black scene are common combinations.
Central to the gatherings advertised with flyers, posters or on the Internet is the music program designed by one or more DJs, on the basis of which the community of the scene can be experienced. In addition to the factor of enjoying music, such events are considered to be leisure activities among like-minded people with the option of escaping from everyday life for a while. In addition, a visit to the discotheque offers a more moderate experience of concerts and festivals. In particular, the ritualized scene dances and gestures are cultivated here. “Emotional balancing moments and relaxation effects arise [...] through the temporary fading out of personal everyday life. Community is celebrated and the people in the scene move rhythmically to the music [...]. In addition to the entertainment function, the visitors are able to project or compensate moods and emotions with the help of music, which in turn corresponds to emotional affect regulation. ”New social contacts can arise in these get-togethers, but these are not considered a central aspect of the community experience.
Pubs
Metal pubs and bars are another meeting point. These venues address the scene in particular through the background sound system presented. Most pubs were not designed as such, but mostly through the preferred music of the staff to the scene meeting point. They are primarily used for communication with one another, their addresses are often exchanged on the Internet.
Heavy metal clubs
One form of organization that was particularly popular in the late 1980s and has been in decline since then is heavy metal clubs. They are usually initiated as an association with statutes , statutes, chairman and treasurer. These clubs organize their own events and carpooling for events, maintain communication with each other and offer a retreat among like-minded people. Roccor ascribes an important role to these clubs for the socio-emotional development of their mostly young members. These could try out, organize and develop within the protected framework, while collective and social needs for continuity and security would be met. The preferred activities vary according to the age of the members. "Depending on the pubertal stage of development, the social aspect with drinking games, listening to music together and fooling around, or the maintenance of heavy metal - by organizing small festivals with bands from the region predominates."
Heavy metal clubs often have parallels to classic clubs and motorcycle clubs in their appearance and internal structure. The members are entrusted with tasks in the association's work and pay a regular contribution to the association's treasury. Members are required to attend club meetings. Women are often excluded from full membership. To the outside world, the clubs demonstrate unity and unity, among other things by means of common badges that are presented in a manner similar to the rocker habit . Symbolic initiation rites, which present the willingness to make sacrifices of new members, are also part of the admission process. The self-image of the clubs describes the group as an exclusive community of elite individuals with special knowledge. It thus offers a contrast to the perception as a social outsider, which was still common, especially in the heyday of heavy metal clubs.
Metal markets
Sales events geared towards the scene, so-called metal markets, are part of the supporting program of most festivals, but also exist in their own form. Rooms, mostly concert halls or discos, are rented from an organizer for these events. He leases stand space by the meter to interested parties. Professional sound carrier distributors and labels appear as sellers, but also scene-goers who sell parts of their private collections. Mainly sound carriers, videos and merchandise items from the musical spectrum of metal are offered. There are often autograph sessions and similar attractions. In addition to the commercial aspect, such markets function as a scene meeting point with a bar, topic-oriented exchange and an occasional supporting program.
media
High-circulation magazines such as Metal Hammer , Deaf Forever , Rock Hard , Legacy , Kerrang! , Revolver , webzines such as Metal.de , Metal4 , Vampster and Metalinjection as well as fanzines act as a link between music fans, performers and the music industry. The fact that metal on radio and music television hardly ever took place outside of the mainstream styles means that fans of music can mainly get information about new releases and events this way. The music industry, on the other hand, finds access to music fans primarily through the medium of the metal press. The importance of the metal press, which has mainly grown out of the scene, is correspondingly high in the scene, both among industry and among scene fans. The spread and establishment of the metal press went hand in hand with the development of the scene. Commercial successes brought new magazines and programs with them, while new styles of music and the associated trends in the scene often brought their own web and fanzines, which, depending on their success, could develop into magazines.
Note: The following focus on the German-language media is due to the literature and is therefore an example of analog developments in almost all nations with their own large metal scenes.
Print media
The Dutch Aardschok and the British Kerrang are the first print periodicals devoted exclusively to metal . While Aardschok began as a fanzine, Kerrang was introduced as a supplement to the rock music magazine Sounds . Both magazines first appeared in the early 1980s and were the only consistent sources of information until the mid-1980s. In Germany, the first fanzines were produced with Metal Maniacs Germany and Shock Power, but these did not last. Only Rock Hard was able to establish itself as a magazine and develop from a fanzine to a professional music magazine. Published for the first time in 1983 with 20 pages and sold at concerts, it developed into one of the leading German-language periodicals by the end of the 1980s - alongside Metal Hammer , which was first published in 1984 and conceived as a kiosk magazine from the start . A large number of other magazines were produced up until the mid-1990s. The success of alternative metal in particular caused the rise of various fanzines as well as the establishment of glossy magazines. In the course of the increasing cultural overlaps, new and old magazines were also oriented towards sub-areas of metal and the interfaces with other scenes. In addition to magazines and fanzines such as Legacy or Iron Curtain, both of which were dedicated to the extreme metal sub-areas, magazines from other scenes such as Sonic Seducer and Visions Metal took up as part of cultural overlaps with their respective core clientele. The waning of the selective success of music led to the discontinuation of some of these media. Others asserted themselves on the market beyond the partial high phase and expanded the canon of the current metal press. Metal Hammer, Rock Hard, Legacy and Deaf Forever are considered to be the highest-circulation and most consistent German-language magazines , which arose from an editorial split from Rock Hard after internal conflict.
Radio, cinema and music television
Even in phases in which music as an economic factor was booming, metal only took place marginally on music television and radio. Much of this media was limited to playing popular pieces that had entered the mainstream. Roccor particularly names Guns n 'Roses and Metallica as the groups that enjoyed such success in the early 1990s. Nevertheless, the “gap between heavy metal as fashion and heavy metal as cultural practice” persisted. There was no extensive penetration into the mainstream. Instead, this scheme was repeated in the success of upcoming performers and style variations. The scene hardly received any information on new releases, concerts and new artists on music television.
Video clips are arranged differently in metal. There are two main focuses: on the one hand narrative videos that tell a story, on the other hand performative videos that show the performers making music. Both variants have proponents in the scene who reject the opposite form of representation. Despite the long existence of the scene, the music and the sometimes elaborate video clips, Metal did not hold its own on music television over the long term. According to Sackl-Sharif, metal gradually disappeared from mainstream music television in the mid-1990s. Previously, NWoBHM and Glam Metal videos had been broadcast sporadically in general programming. With the MTV broadcast Headbangers Ball , Metal found its own broadcasting period in the television program for the first time in 1988. The show was followed by other similar formats that turned out to be short-lived. The station VIVA , initiated in 1993, offered the metal audience the broadcast Metalla . Other formats such as RTL telecast Mosh or Tele-5 series Hard 'n Heavy talked only briefly in the late 1990s on the market. The music television stations responded to the success of alternative metal in the 1990s with appropriate programs. Lücker stated in 2011, however, that metal bands “were generally avoided by TV and radio stations, despite the sometimes complex video clip productions and single releases […]”.
In contrast, various TV magazines report on particularly large metal festivals, in particular Wacken Open Air and Hellfest are often accompanied and processed by the media. Metal cruises get just as much attention. In particular, entertainment and cultural channels such as Arte , One and ZDFneo show documentaries dedicated to individual artists or scenes. Various documentaries were created internationally, devoted to bands, scenes, sub-genres or the entire spectrum of music. The cultural anthropologist Sam Dunn was responsible for the cross-genre documentaries Metal - A Headbanger's Journey , Global Metal and the equally oriented series Metal Evolution . In addition to such overview presentations, various documentaries were published that focused on partial scenes, including the Until the Light Takes Us and Once Upon a Time in Norway dedicated to Black Metal and the film Slow Southern Steel, which depicts the extreme doom scene of the American southern states .
Online media
With the increasing spread of the Internet, the production of print fanzines decreased and that of webzines increased. Webzines are considered a more cost-effective variant that enables a high degree of topicality and greater dissemination. Popular webzines such as the German-language Metal.de , Vampster and Metal4 or the English-language ones such as Metalsucks, Cvlt Nation or Metalinjection contrast with the major magazines and prove to be a “time-consuming and busy hobby” or even a professional field for their editors. Leading webzines are subject to the conditions of the digital market. "Only those who offer a good concept, daily updates and competent reports have the chance to retain a large number of readers, and only those who are up-to-date, work on schedule and have high access rates will continue to receive material samples from record companies and promotion agencies." Likewise, the advertising revenue, which is mostly used to keep the webzine active and up-to-date, depends on the number of hits.
In addition to the webzines, which noticeably expanded the canon of the metal press, the Internet, with Web 2.0 and its forums and platforms, became a further collecting and exchange factor in the scene. Music groups can present their music videos on video platforms independently of music television, and fans of the scene can join forces and exchange ideas in forums and social networks. The Internet also promoted the exchange between scene designers such as festival organizers, performers, magazines and online editors. In addition, the scene with Krachmucker TV, The Dark Parable Knight , Banger TV by Sam Dunn , the Vegan Black Metal Chef and similar actors has produced its own YouTubers .
Rituals
In particular in the heterotopic spaces of the scene, various behaviors as habitualized or ritualized behavior of the scene-goers have emerged. In addition to the appearance, these forms of behavior in particular belong to the codes and symbols of the scene. Concerts and festivals in particular have their own rituals with stage diving and crowd surfing, which support communalisation within the limited space in the form of group-dynamic trust exercises and increase the individual's identification with the community. Other dance rituals such as pogo and headbanging are sometimes seen as acted out aggression and frustration within the informal norms of the scene. An important norm in this respect is that nobody is intentionally injured and that the scene members protect each other from possible harm. Another common dance behavior of some fans of the scene is the air guitar. Mimicking the playing of the instrument is mostly seen as an expression of enthusiasm for the music. The Mano-cornuta-gesture, which is used in a variety of positive ways, is an additional habitualized gesture.
Just as the ideals and themes of the scene in all sub-areas of the community can be identified with different weightings, the rituals of the scene in subcurrents are also variable and the forms of behavior described below are neither absolute nor exclusive. Parts of the rituals, such as the pogo, were adapted from other scenes, other forms of behavior, such as the presentation of the mano-cortuna gesture, were adopted from other scenes from the metal repertoire.
Mano cornuta
The mano-cornuta gesture, which is sometimes referred to as a “french fries fork” in the German-speaking world, in which the index and little fingers are spread apart from a clenched fist, is stretched out towards the musicians during performances and swung rhythmically to the beat of the music. During the concerts it is considered an expression of enthusiasm and encouragement. In addition, the gesture is used as an expression of the group feeling and general enthusiasm for the music. Scene supporters present the gesture to one another, often with ironic exaggeration, as a symbol of identity or for mutual confirmation, comparable to a raised thumb. In these uses, the gesture was separated from previous forms of use and given a new meaning in the context of the scene.
Stage diving and crowd surfing
In crowdsurfing, one person is passed over the heads of the front rows by the audience. During stage diving, a concert-goer or a musician jumps from the stage into the crowd, is caught by them and then carried and passed on. The internal rules are that the jumper is safely caught by the audience, that he is safely lowered and that the jumper does not jump feet first into the audience. Lücker describes stage diving as a group dynamic and at the same time hedonistic experience. On the one hand there would be subjective joy and excitement, on the other hand the social communal experience. Due to the necessary mutual trust, stage diving and crowd surfing should be seen as an expression of solidarity and community.
dance
Building on the central role of music and its stimulating effect, different variants of dancing play an important role within the scene. According to Lücker, music has “a stimulating function in a rationalized, differentiated and affect control-oriented society.” This can be observed particularly at concerts in the form of physical participation in scene life, in the form of headbanging, air guitar playing and variations of the pogo. The physical activity increases in relation to the intensity of the music presented. During the experience of a hard rock concert, fans standing close to the stage would express themselves “by singing along, stretching their fists, presenting the Cortuno gesture, clapping and singing along as well as headbanging”, whereas this behavior is expressed during a thrash metal concert Variations of the pogo and stage diving are added.
Headbanging describes fast rhythmic movements with the head in time with the music. Usually long hair is swung around the head. The head movement is usually carried out back and forth, sideways or in a circle. The air guitar game is the imitative playing on an imaginary electric guitar to the music. The posture of the arms and hands is based on the regular posture of the guitarist, the movement sequences are based on the music. The air guitar is an expression of participation in the scene. It only functions “in a control loop of aesthetic production and reception” from the guitarist to the reproducing fan into the scene in which it became an expression of participation. In pogo, sometimes referred to as moshing in metal, the dancers form a crowd by pushing and pushing each other on the arms and shoulders. Blows and kicks are frowned upon and behavior in the mosh pit is subject to a code of conduct. “Anyone who falls down is pulled up, whoever falls over is passed over their heads outside. Willful thugs are rudely called to order, just like stage divers who jump feet first into the audience. "
reception
The reception of the metal scene was determined in the first years of the scene's existence by ascribing unconfirmed stereotypes. In addition to tabloid journalistic articles, religious groups in particular showed an interest in the youth cultural network and judged the scene. Press reports often took up the negative generalizations. Further arguments turned out to be biased, pseudoscientific, one-sided and laden with clichés from sexist, brutal and stupid followers of the scene. With the increasing spread of the scene, the reception changed. The media reception was occasionally positive in the 2000s. Major events were favorably accompanied by the general press and processed by the media. TV and print documentaries about festivals have been common since then. The documentary film Full Metal Village by Sung-Hyung Cho, which was awarded the Max Ophüls Prize , is one of the most popular publications of this form of preparation. Major events, such as the rampage of a young metal fan in Erfurt , nevertheless led to the exclusion of the metal scene. Some reports of such events attempted to construct a causality between music, scene and deed.
Scientific debates on sociocultural aspects of metal took place for the first time in isolated cases in the 1990s, and the reception increased significantly in the 2010s. Most of the specialist literature that is specifically interested in metal is devoted to music, but the culture of the scene was rarely looked at until the 2010s. Sociologist Deena Weinstein provided the first approaches to cultural and social science considerations in 1991 with Heavy Metal: A Cultural Sociology , educational scientist Werner Helsper in 1997 with the essay Das »Echte«, »Extreme« and the symbolism of evil, and folklorist Bettina Roccor in 1998 Heavy metal: the bands. The fans. The opponents. and heavy metal - art, commerce, heresy . In the following years, popular scientific and cultural historical works such as the book Sound of the Beast written by Ian Christe became increasingly popular . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. published, which tries to trace an overall history of metal as a scene and as a musical direction. Cultural and historical considerations on individual currents appeared more frequently. In addition to such considerations, the authors Garry Sharpe-Young and Martin Popoff in particular appeared with a large number of books on music. Many of these books summarized interviews, reviews or short encyclopedic accounts from her journalistic work.
The interest in cultural and social science studies of the metal scene increased from 2010. This was followed by publications devoted to different cultural aspects of the metal scene. With Metal Matters. Heavy metal as culture and world of the media culture scientists Rolf F. Nohr and Herbert Schwaab has published a comprehensive anthology on various cultural aspects. Other specialized works such as Queerness in Heavy Metal Music by the cultural scientist Amber R. Clifford-Napoleone from 2015 or God hates the disciples of the lie by the theologian Sebastian Berndt from 2012 dealt with partial aspects of cultural identity. Clifford-Napoleone deals with the aspect of homosexual, bisexual and transsexuality in metal , while Berndt looks at the meaning of everyday evil in metal and the associated Christian disputes with the metal scene. With the methods of heavy metal research published by the religious scholar Anna-Katharina Höpflinger and the musicologist Florian Heesch : Interdisciplinary Approaches from 2014, possible methods of scientific investigations of the metal scene were canonized and reflected on from an interdisciplinary perspective. Since the beginning of the 2010s, the scientific reception in the form of specialist days has also increased.
literature
- Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 (English).
- Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 .
- Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 .
- Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 .
- Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 (English).
See also
Individual evidence
- ↑ a b c d Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 115 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 52 .
- ↑ a b Julia Eckel: robe & Co . On the textile typeface of heavy metal. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 55 to 70, here p. 55 .
- ↑ a b Julia Eckel: robe & Co . On the textile typeface of heavy metal. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 71 to 87, here p. 85 .
- ↑ Tomislava Kosic: Heavy Metal as a cultural system . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 109 to 124, here p. 120 .
- ↑ Imke von Helden: Glocal Metal . Local phenomena of a global heavy metal culture. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 379 .
- ↑ Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 116 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 45 .
- ↑ a b Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 30 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 93 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 146 .
- ^ André Epp: Heavy Metal and Islam . For the reception and dissemination of heavy metal in MENA states. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 343 to 356, here p. 343 .
- ↑ a b c d e f Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 46 .
- ^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 117 to 121 .
- ^ André Epp: Heavy Metal and Islam . For the reception and dissemination of heavy metal in MENA states. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 343 to 356 .
- ↑ a b Imke von Helden: Glocal Metal . Local phenomena of a global heavy metal culture. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 379 to 398, here p. 386 f .
- ^ A b Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab: V. Politics and Culture of Heavy Metal . Focus. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 389 to 391, here p. 390 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 50 .
- ↑ Ronald Hitzler, Arne Niederbacher: Life in Scenes . 3rd completely revised edition. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2010, ISBN 978-3-531-15743-6 , pp. 24 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 112 ff .
- ↑ a b Hellfest. Festival ticker, accessed on September 13, 2017 .
- ↑ a b Nova Rock. Festival ticker, accessed on September 13, 2017 .
- ↑ a b Graspop Metal Meeting. Festival ticker, accessed on September 13, 2017 .
- ↑ Information community to determine the distribution of advertising media e. V. (Ed.): List of editions . No. 2/2017 . Berlin 2017, p. 227 f .
- ↑ Bauer Media Group with a new special issue: KERRANG music magazine! in stores from November 9th in Germany. Bauer Media Group, accessed September 13, 2017 .
- ↑ Eric Young: South SF publisher buys another magazine. Biz Journal, accessed September 13, 2017 .
- ↑ metal.de. Information community to determine the distribution of advertising media e. V. (IVW), accessed on September 13, 2017 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 9 .
- ↑ Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 117 .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 15 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 146 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 147 .
- ^ A b Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 46 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 147 .
- ↑ a b c d Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 50 f .
- ↑ Florian Heesch: Performing Aggression . Masculinity and war in heavy metal. In: Andrea Ellmeier, Doris Ingrisch, Claudia Walkensteiner-Preschl (eds.): Gender Performances . Knowledge and gender in music, theater, film. Böhlau, Vienna, Cologne Weimar 2011, ISBN 978-3-205-78651-1 , pp. 49 .
- ↑ a b Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 86 .
- ^ A b Amber R. Clifford-Napoleone: Queerness in Heavy Metal Music . In: Routledge Studies in Popular Music . No. 5 . Routledge, 2015, ISBN 978-0-415-72831-7 , pp. 118 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 152 .
- ↑ Jakob Ehmke: Heavy Metal as the musical world of young people . Consequences for social work. In: Anna-Katharina Höpflinger, Florian Heesch (Hrsg.): Methods of Heavy Metal Research . Interdisciplinary approaches. Waxmann, Münster 2014, p. 85 to 100, here p. 87 .
- ↑ Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 126 .
- ↑ a b Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 163 .
- ^ Frank Schäfer: Notes on Metal . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 23–37, here p. 36 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 92 f .
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 50 (English).
- ↑ Jörg Scheller: From the scream to the scream school . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 279 to 289, here p. 283 .
- ↑ Jörg Scheller: From the scream to the scream school . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 279 to 289, here p. 286 .
- ↑ Jörg Scheller: From the scream to the scream school . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 279 to 289, here p. 285 .
- ↑ Tobias Winnerling: "The Same Song and Dance" Collective Individualism and the Heavy Metal Universe . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 457 to 476, here p. 457 .
- ^ Franz Sz. Horváth: Protest, provocation and peer group formation . Heavy metal in Hungary. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 329 to 342, here p. 335 .
- ^ André Epp: Heavy Metal and Islam . For the reception and dissemination of heavy metal in MENA states. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 343 to 352 ff .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 40 .
- ↑ a b c d Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 121 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 60 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 64 .
- ↑ a b c d Tomislava Kosic: Heavy Metal as a cultural system . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 109 to 124, here p. 120 f .
- ↑ a b Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 122 ff .
- ↑ a b Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 257 ff .
- ↑ a b c Herbert Schwaab: Heavy metal parodies and their relationship to the (media) reality of metal . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 137 to 152, here p. 144 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 92 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 87 f .
- ^ A b Christian Heinisch: Between Cult and Culture . Claims of continuity in heavy metal. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 411 to 430, here p. 423 .
- ↑ a b Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 124 .
- ↑ 'Metal leger altid med identitet'. Information.dk, accessed September 14, 2017 .
- ↑ Imke von Helden: Wikinger sucht Walküre: To depict the Viking Age in Heavy Metal . In: Elisabeth Cheauré, Sylvia Paletschek, Nina Reusch (eds.): Gender and history in popular media . transcript, Bielefeld 2013, ISBN 978-3-8376-2373-4 , p. 299-308, here p. 307 .
- ↑ Marion Gerards: I'm a man - staging of masculinity in popular music from a socio-educational perspective . In: Caroline Spelsberg (ed.): Insights and prospects: An interdisciplinary prelude . LIT Verlag, Münster, ISBN 978-3-643-12141-7 , pp. 53–70, here p. 62 .
- ^ A b Marion Gerards: I'm a man - staging of masculinity in popular music from a socio-educational perspective . In: Caroline Spelsberg (ed.): Insights and prospects: An interdisciplinary prelude . LIT Verlag, Münster, ISBN 978-3-643-12141-7 , pp. 53–70, here p. 58 .
- ↑ Marion Gerards: I'm a man - staging of masculinity in popular music from a socio-educational perspective . In: Caroline Spelsberg (ed.): Insights and prospects: An interdisciplinary prelude . LIT Verlag, Münster, ISBN 978-3-643-12141-7 , pp. 53–70, here p. 66 .
- ^ Deena Weinstein: Playing with gender in the key of metal . In: Florian Heesch, Scott Niall (Ed.): Heavy Metal, Gender and Sexuality . Interdisciplinary Approaches. Routledge, New York 2016, ISBN 978-1-4724-2479-2 .
- ↑ Jan Grünwald, Birgit Richard: Wild men, frosty rooms and anti-social fan art of Black Metal on flickr, YouTube and Vimeo . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 43 to 53, here p. 43 f. and 50 ff .
- ^ Amber R. Clifford-Napoleone: Queerness in Heavy Metal Music . In: Routledge Studies in Popular Music . No. 5 . Routledge, 2015, ISBN 978-0-415-72831-7 .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 46 .
- ↑ Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 119 .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 38 f .
- ↑ Christian Heinisch: Between Cult and Culture . Claims of continuity in heavy metal. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 411 to 430, here p. 418 f .
- ↑ Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 123 f .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 111 ff .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 60 f .
- ↑ a b c Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Videoclips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 30 .
- ↑ a b Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 71 f .
- ^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 30th ff . (English).
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 55 (English).
- ↑ Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 49 ff .
- ^ Amber R. Clifford-Napoleone: Queerness in Heavy Metal Music . In: Routledge Studies in Popular Music . No. 5 . Routledge, 2015, ISBN 978-0-415-72831-7 , pp. 79 .
- ↑ a b c d Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 73 .
- ↑ Tom Küppers: The early makers . Between success and failure. In: Metal Hammer . Axel Springer Mediahouse, Berlin August 2010, p. 43 .
- ↑ Holger Stratmann: 1983 to 1991: The definitive rock hard history! In: Rock Hard . No. 50 , May 1991.
- ↑ a b Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 76 .
- ↑ Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 72 .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 32 .
- ↑ Heiko Heinemann: Metal post Heavy Metal . In: Uwe Deese, Peter Erik Hillenbach, Dominik Kaiser, Christian Michatsch (eds.): Jugend und Jugendmacher . Real life in the scenes of the nineties. Metropolitan, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89623-050-6 , pp. 61 to 65, here p. 62 .
- ↑ a b c d Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 76 ff .
- ↑ a b Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 68 .
- ^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 159 (English): “Glam metal was the product of heavy metal energy, mtv glitz, and a remnant of hard rock leer”
- ^ Philip Auslandser: Performing Glam Rock: Gender and Theatricality in Popular Music . University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor 2006, ISBN 0-7546-4057-4 , pp. 232 .
- ↑ Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 69 .
- ↑ a b c Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Videoclips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 34 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 95 .
- ↑ a b Marcel Anders: Alternative: How much longer? In: Uwe Deese, Peter Erik Hillenbach, Dominik Kaiser, Christian Michatsch (eds.): Jugend und Jugendmacher . Real life in the scenes of the nineties. Metropolitan, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89623-050-6 , pp. 55 to 60, here p. 57 .
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 210 .
- ^ A b Garry Sharpe-Young: New Wave of American Heavy Metal . Zonda Books Limited, New Plymouth 2005, ISBN 0-9582684-0-1 , pp. ix (English).
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 33 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 296 ff .
- ^ A b Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 115 .
- ↑ a b c Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 186 f . (English).
-
↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 33 . Tom Küppers: Metal in the pot . Part 5. The nineties. In: Thorsten Zahn (Ed.): Metal Hammer . Axel Springer Mediahouse Berlin GmbH, October 2010, p.
83 . - ^ A b Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 95 f . (English).
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 111 ff . (English).
- ↑ Aleksey Evdokimov: Doom Metal Lexicanum . Cult Never Dies, London 2017, ISBN 978-0-9933077-6-8 , Trouble, pp. 244 f . (English).
- ↑ Götz Kühnemund: Candlemass: Nightfall . In: Deaf Forever . November 2014, p. 21 .
- ^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperCollins, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 345 f .
- ↑ Aleksey Evdokimov: Doom Metal Lexicanum . Cult Never Dies, London 2017, ISBN 978-0-9933077-6-8 , pp. 11 (English).
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 192 f . (English).
- ↑ a b Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Videoclips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 33 f .
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 125 (English).
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 62 .
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 139 (English).
- ^ Ian Christe : Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York, NY 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 272 .
- ↑ Thor Wanzek: Life in Scenes . Forms of juvenile communalization today. Ed .: Ronald Hitzler, Arne Niederbacher. 3rd completely revised edition. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2010, ISBN 978-3-531-15743-6 , pp. 40 to 44, here p. 40 ff .
- ↑ Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 81 .
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↑ Robert Iwanetz: Strip the dead skin of the cliché. Taz, accessed September 12, 2017 . Heiko Behr: The avant-garde is screaming. The time, accessed September 12, 2017 .
- ^ Watain . Black Metal Militia. In: Slayer . No. 20 , 2010, p. 9 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 35 .
- ^ Adam Stone: The Roots of Sludge. The Sleeping Shaman, accessed September 11, 2017 .
- ↑ Marcel Anders: Alternative: How much longer ? In: Uwe Deese, Peter Erik Hillenbach, Dominik Kaiser, Christian Michatsch (eds.): Jugend und Jugendmacher . Real life in the scenes of the nineties. Metropolitan, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89623-050-6 , pp. 55 to 60, here p. 57 f .
- ↑ Dave Thompson: Alternative Rock . Third Ear - The Essential Listening Companion. Miller Freeman Books, 2000, ISBN 978-0-87930-607-6 , pp. 124 f . (English).
- ^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 108 (English).
- ^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 177 f . (English).
- ↑ Stefan Gnad: Gothic Metal . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 189–199, here p. 190 .
- ↑ Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 82 .
-
^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 300 f., 325 ff . (English). Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , pp.
42 . - ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 33 ff .
-
^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 177 f . (English). Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , pp.
37 f . - ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 91 (English).
- ↑ Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 81 f .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 35 .
-
↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 173 f . (English). Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p.
76 . -
↑ Hans Wanders: The Wonderful and frightening World of… In: Andreas Speit (Ed.): Aesthetic mobilization . Unrast Verlag, Hamburg 2002, p. 23–68, here p. 38 . Judith Platz: The black music . In: Axel Schmidt, Klaus Neumann-Braun (Hrsg.): The world of the Gothics. Scope of dark connotations of transcendence . VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, Wiesbaden 2004, ISBN 3-531-14353-0 , pp.
253–284, here p. 282 . - ^ Judith Platz, Alexander Nym, Megan Balanck: Black Subgenres and Styles . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 145 to 181, here p. 170 f .
- ↑ Stefan Gnad: Gothic Metal . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 189–199, here p. 197 .
- ↑ Stefan Gnad: Gothic Metal . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 189199, here p. 197 ff .
- ^ Judith Platz, Alexander Nym, Megan Balanck: Black Subgenres and Styles . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 145–181, here p. 171 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 78 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 79 .
- ^ Judith Platz, Alexander Nym, Megan Balanck: Black Subgenres and Styles . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 145–181, here p. 172 .
- ↑ a b Stefan Gnad: Gothic Metal . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 189–199, here p. 196 f .
- ↑ Stefan Gnad: Gothic Metal . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 189–199 , here p. 193 ff .
-
↑ Stefan Gnad: Gothic Metal . In: Alexander Nym (Ed.): Schillerndes Dunkel. History, development and topics of the Gothic scene . 1st edition. Plöttner Verlag, Leipzig 2010, ISBN 978-3-86211-006-3 , p. 189–199, here p. 196 f. and 193 ff . Wolf Röben: History . In: Sonic Seducer (Ed.): Starfacts . 15 years of Gothic Metal. No.
6 . T. Vogel Musikzeitschriftenverlag, Oberhausen 2005, p. 4 . - ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 51 .
- ↑ Jasmine Froghy: Nightwish . In: Sonic Seducer (Ed.): Sonic Seducer . Special edition icons. T. Vogel Musikzeitschriftenverlag, Oberhausen 2016, p. 14 .
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^ Amber R. Clifford-Napoleone: Queerness in Heavy Metal Music . In: Routledge Studies in Popular Music . No. 5 . Routledge, 2015, ISBN 978-0-415-72831-7 , pp. 118 f . Jasmin Froghy: Tarja . In: Sonic Seducer (Ed.): Sonic Seducer . Special edition icons. T. Vogel Musikzeitschriftenverlag, Oberhausen 2016, p.
36 . - ↑ Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p. 222 .
- ^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 35 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 70 .
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 161 (English).
- ^ Wolf-Rüdiger Mühlmann: Last exit: Germania . Jeske / Mader, Berlin 1999, ISBN 3-931624-12-9 , pp. 18th f .
- ^ Wolf-Rüdiger Mühlmann: Last exit: Germania . Jeske / Mader, Berlin 1999, ISBN 3-931624-12-9 .
- ^ Wolf-Rüdiger Mühlmann: Last exit: Germania . Jeske / Mader, Berlin 1999, ISBN 3-931624-12-9 , pp. 179 .
- ↑ Tobias Winnerling: "The Same Song and Dance" Collective Individualism and the Heavy Metal Universe . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 457 to 476, here p. 471 f .
- ↑ Tobias Winnerling: "The Same Song and Dance" Collective Individualism and the Heavy Metal Universe . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 457 to 476, here p. 459 .
- ↑ Tobias Winnerling: "The Same Song and Dance" Collective Individualism and the Heavy Metal Universe . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 457 to 476, here p. 470 .
- ↑ Tobias Winnerling: "The Same Song and Dance" Collective Individualism and the Heavy Metal Universe . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 457 to 476, here p. 470 ff .
- ↑ a b c Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 220 .
- ↑ a b c Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 133 .
- ↑ Julia Eckel: robe & Co . On the textile typeface of heavy metal. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 55 to 70, here pp. 59 and 62 f .
- ^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 72 .
-
^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 73 . Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p.
133 . Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp.
221 . - ↑ Brett Stevens: Interview: Amber R. Clifford-Napoleone. Death Metal Underground, accessed September 7, 2017 .
- ↑ Julia Eckel: robe & Co . On the textile typeface and imagery of heavy metal. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 55 to 70, here p. 67 .
- ↑ Julia Eckel: robe & Co . On the textile typeface of heavy metal. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 55 to 70, here p. 64 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 88 f .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 89 .
- ↑ a b c d Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 221 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 85 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 86 .
- ↑ Axl Rosenberg, Christopher Krovatin: Hellraisers . A Complete Visual History of Heavy Metal Mayhem. Race Point Publishing, New York 2017, ISBN 978-1-63106-430-2 , pp. 140 (English).
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 134 .
- ↑ Jakob Ehmke: Heavy Metal as the musical world of young people . In: Florian Heesch, Anna-Katharina Höpflinger (Hrsg.): Methods of Heavy Metal Research: Interdisciplinary Approaches . Waxmann, 2014, ISBN 978-3-8309-3064-8 , pp. 85–100, here p. 91 ff .
-
^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 134 . Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p.
68 . -
↑ Thor Wanzek: Life in Scenes . Forms of juvenile communalization today. Ed .: Ronald Hitzler, Arne Niederbacher. 3rd completely revised edition. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2010, ISBN 978-3-531-15743-6 , pp. 40 to 44, here p. 40 ff . Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , pp.
29 . - ↑ Andreas Wagenknecht: Taking evil with humor . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 153-164, here p. 155 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 92 .
-
^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , pp. 30 . Imke von Helden: Glocal Metal . Local phenomena of a global heavy metal culture. In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p.
380 ff . - ↑ Marcel Anders: Alternative - how long will the new way? In: Deese, Hillenbach, Kaiser, Michatsch (Hrsg.): Jugend und Jugendmacher . Metropolitan, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89623-050-6 , pp. 57 .
- ↑ a b Marcel Anders: Alternative - how long will the new way? In: Deese, Hillenbach, Kaiser, Michatsch (Hrsg.): Jugend und Jugendmacher . Metropolitan, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89623-050-6 , pp. 55 ff .
-
^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 325 ff . (English). Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp.
300 f . (English). Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , pp.
42 . - ^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , pp. 32 f .
-
^ Adam Stone: The Roots of Sludge. The Sleeping Shaman, accessed September 11, 2017 . Marcel Anders: Alternative: How much longer? In: Uwe Deese, Peter Erik Hillenbach, Dominik Kaiser, Christian Michatsch (eds.): Jugend und Jugendmacher . Real life in the scenes of the nineties. Metropolitan, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89623-050-6 , pp.
55 to 60, here p. 57 f . - ^ A b Christofer Johnsson: Building bridges . In: Peter Matzke, Tobias Seeliger (eds.): Gothic! The scene in Germany from the point of view of its makers. Schwarzkopf & Schwarzkopf, 2000, ISBN 3-89602-332-2 , p. 79–85, here p. 83 .
- ^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 74 f .
- ^ A b Ronald Hitzler, Arne Niederbacher: Life in Scenes . 3rd completely revised edition. VS Verlag, Wiesbaden 2010, ISBN 978-3-531-15743-6 , pp. 22nd ff .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 110 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 136 .
- ↑ a b c Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 120 .
-
↑ Werner Helsper: The "real", the "extreme" and the symbolism of evil . To heavy metal culture. In: SPoKK (Hrsg.): Kursbuch Jugendkulturen . Bollmann, Mannheim 1997, ISBN 3-927901-86-5 , pp. 116 to 128, here p. 122 ff . Sebastian Berndt: God hates the disciples of lies . An experiment about metal and Christianity: Metal as a social phenomenon of time with ethical and religious implications. tredition, Hamburg 2012, ISBN 978-3-8472-7090-4 , p.
257 ff . - ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 137 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 122 f .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 122 .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 123 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 137 f .
- ↑ a b Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 138 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 112 f .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 115 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 138 f .
- ↑ Saint Vitus: Doom Shall Rise II. Saint Vitus, accessed February 19, 2019 .
- ^ A b Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 85 .
- ↑ a b c Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 116 f .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 117 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 51 .
- ^ A b Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 58 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 124 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 50 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 127 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 118 ff .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 96 .
- ^ Ian Christe: Sound of the Beast . The Complete Headbanging History of Heavy Metal. HarperEntertainment, New York 2003, ISBN 0-380-81127-8 , pp. 38 f . (English).
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 98 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 152 ff .
-
^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 152 ff . Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p.
98 . - ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 119 f .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 189 f .
- ↑ Susanne Sackl-Sharif: Gender - Metal - Video clips . Budrich UniPress, Opladen 2015, ISBN 978-3-86388-702-5 , p. 74 f .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal. The bands. The fans. The opponents. CH Beck, Munich 1998, ISBN 978-3-406-42073-3 , p. 159 f .
- ↑ Marcel Anders: Alternative - how long will the new way? In: Deese, Hillenbach, Kaiser, Michatsch (Hrsg.): Jugend und Jugendmacher . Metropolitan, Munich 1996, ISBN 3-89623-050-6 , pp. 55 f .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 101 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 101 f .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 126 ff .
- ↑ a b Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 56 .
- ^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 93 .
- ^ Roland Hesse: Metal - music, scene and attitude to life . Herbert Utz (Literareon), Munich 2013, ISBN 978-3-8316-1711-1 , Metal from and in other countries, p. 97 .
- ^ Mathias Mertens: Media aesthetic considerations on the air guitar . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 225 to 241, here p. 226 .
- ↑ Christoph Lücker: The heavy metal phenomenon . A scene portrait. Nicole Schmenk, Oberhausen 2008, ISBN 978-3-943022-03-2 , p. 8 .
- ^ Bettina Roccor: Heavy Metal - Art, Commerce, Heresy . Iron Pages, Regensburg 1998, ISBN 3-931624-07-2 , pp. 8th f. f .
- ↑ Press - press release. Max Ophüls Prize, archived from the original on October 5, 2007 ; accessed on March 25, 2019 .
- ^ Frank Schäfer: Notes on Metal . In: Rolf F. Nohr, Herbert Schwaab (Ed.): Metal Matters . Heavy metal as culture and world. Lit-Verlag, Münster 2011, ISBN 978-3-643-11086-2 , p. 23 to 37, here p. 34 f .