|logo||Plenary Hall of the Hamburg Parliament|
|Seat:||City Hall in Hamburg|
|Legislative period :||five years|
|Current legislative period|
|Last choice:||February 23, 2020|
|Next choice:||Early 2025|
Carola Veit (SPD)
Seating arrangements - 22nd legislative term
|Distribution of seats:||
The citizenship of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg , or Hamburg Citizenship for short , is the state parliament of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg and thus one of its three constitutional organs , in accordance with Article 6 Paragraph 1 of the Constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg of June 6, 1952 (abbreviated: HmbVerf . As one of 16 state parliaments in the Federal Republic of Germany , the citizenship in the state of Hamburg, which is both a city-state and a unified municipality , also performs local political tasks.
The citizenship as a parliamentary body was first elected in 1859. The Hamburg Senate , until then an autonomous institution, became constitutionally dependent on the citizenship deputies from 1860. The election to the citizenry remained a class suffrage until 1918 despite several constitutional changes . After the November Revolution, the mandates of the citizens were determined for the first time in free, secret and, above all, equal elections and the institution was granted full sovereignty . After the National Socialists came to power, the Hamburg Parliament was dissolved by Reich Governor Karl Kaufmann in autumn 1933 . It was not until February 1946 that a citizenship established by the British occupying power was reconstituted. In the autumn of the same year, the first democratic citizenship after the Nazi era was elected using majority voting for a three-year term. From the 1949 election, the electoral term was extended to four years and a combination of majority and proportional representation was introduced. The citizenship elected in 1957 was then determined by pure proportional representation. Since 1991 it has consisted of 121 members. In contrast to other state parliaments, the parliamentary activity was carried out as an honorary office until the general election in 1997. Nevertheless, the citizenship is still occasionally referred to as the after-work parliament , since the citizenship mandate has since been considered a part-time activity that does not exclude the exercise of another profession.
In the Middle Ages, the term citizenship was also used, but understood as the entirety of all citizens (male residents with civil rights). From this, from the 15th century, the hereditary citizenship was formed, a body that, in addition to the council, was supposed to direct the fortunes of the city.
Origins (from 1410)
If the city council was originally a representative of the citizens (mostly merchants) vis-à-vis the sovereign as well as the owner of the actual power , the self-image of the council changed to an authority by the grace of God, with councilors for life. When a council member died in the late Middle Ages, the remaining council members elected the new member. Since the council increasingly separated itself from the citizens, the need arose within the citizenry to control the council. So as early as the 13th century, so-called Wittigest , the wisest, were involved in the city administration as elected representatives of the citizens. The fact that the council continued to complete itself on its own continued until 1859.
For the first time, their rights were set down in 1410 in the so-called “First Recess ”, a comparison between the council (government) and the city's adult citizens. This was preceded by a protest by 60 citizens who were elected by a citizens' assembly to protest against a decision by the council. This protest was triggered because the council had the citizen Hein Brandt (contemporary form of name: Heyne Brandes) thrown into prison without interrogation and without judgment at the request of Duke Johannes von Sachsen-Lauenburg , 1401–1411 co-regent Eric IV , who was in the city . Johannes had overdue debts with Brandt and felt bothered by his demand for payment. In addition to the successful protest, fundamental constitutional guarantees were won. The personal right to arrest only by judgment (except when the perpetrator was caught in the act) was taken directly on the basis of the events. In addition, it was stipulated that in serious cases such as war, contracts with foreign powers or in questions of the amount of taxes, the whole of the citizens (citizenship) had to decide after the recess. This citizens' assembly was called in these cases and met as a general assembly in front of the town hall. With a total population of around 10,000 people (in 1350) this was not a problem, especially since not all residents had citizenship. From these assemblies, the "Erbgesierter Bürgerschaft" developed, an assembly whose members had to own property in the city. Further recesses followed, which took up the rules of jurisdiction between the citizenry and the council.
Towards the end of the 17th century the citizens' resentment about the behavior of the council increased again. The main allegations were nepotism and creeping curtailment of civil rights. In 1684 Mayor Hinrich Meurer was arrested because he had campaigned for the suspended councilor Nicolaus Krull with the emperor. Meurer fled to the Braunschweig-Lüneburg ische partial principality Lüneburg of the Guelphs with the capital Celle and the speakers of the citizenry Hieronymus Snitger and Cord Jastram de facto ruled the city from then on for two years. When they asked the Danish King Christian V for assistance against the cellic threat, he demanded a high contribution , the handing over of the city keys and tolerance of a Danish occupation. As a result, the mood in the city turned overnight in favor of an alliance with Lüneburg-Celle, and with their help the attack by the Danes on August 26, 1686 was repelled. Snitger and Jastram were subsequently arrested and executed. Meurer returned to the mayor's chair on November 10th. The domestic political crisis was only finally resolved through a recession 13 years later. Since then the council has been dependent on the citizenry.
In the "Long Recess" of 1529, after the Reformation, it was constitutionally stipulated that the city council had to give an account of several committees of the hereditary citizenship, the so-called bourgeois colleges.
The bourgeois colleges developed from the church community self-government and remained part of it, which is why only a member of these bodies could be who were male, a citizen with landed property and Lutheran . The central body of the parishes was the council of the administrators of the poor funds, twelve deacons each, who were chosen from the citizenry. The electoral process changed. If the deacons and sub-deacons were initially elected by the hereditary residents, they later made election proposals and the respective higher bodies supplemented the lower ones.
The three oldest members of the council of deacons stood as parish elders, called Oberalte, at the head of the parish. The elders of all parishes together formed the college of the senior elders . In addition to their church activities, the senior elders were responsible for ensuring that the agreements negotiated in the recess between the council and the citizens were kept. In addition, the senior elders called and chaired the general assemblies of the citizenry.
The hereditary citizenship did not vote as one, but separately by parish. Therefore, four, later five, meetings took place in succession in the town hall hall. The Hamburg urban area was divided into four parishes: St. Petri , St. Nikolai , St. Katharinen and St. Jacobi . In 1687 the new town was added with the fifth parish of St. Michaelis . The central body of the now 5 times 12 deacons was now called the Collegium of the Sixties .
The initiative for new laws came from the committee of the 144er (from 1687: 180er ), an association of deacons and sub-deacons of all parishes, in which the laws were formulated and discussed before they were submitted to the council and the citizens for a vote. These three colleges formed a bourgeois counterpoint to the council, but since the deacons and thus the elders also held their office for life, these representatives were usually very old.
However, even this system of civic colleges was no guarantee of peace within the city. Around 1708, for example, an Imperial Commission had to use armed force to restore order in the city and force the various groups around council and citizens to negotiate, which ended in 1712 in the so-called main recession . This stipulated, among other things, who was allowed to take part in the meetings of the citizenship, how many councilors (24) and mayors (four) formed the government, how the citizenship and council should work together.
Pre-March and Revolutionary Period (1842 to 1859)
After the Hamburg fire in 1842, in which the old Hamburg town hall was destroyed, criticism of the state and administrative bodies increased. In the pre-March period, which provoked criticism of the political situation all over Germany, various currents also emerged in Hamburg. On the one hand stood the Liberals, who called for a representative constitution based on the English model. But they wanted to give preference to the wealthy and educated bourgeoisie over the poorer classes in the elections. The group of Democrats, on the other hand, wanted “unconditional popular sovereignty” and the participation of all layers in the political process. The hereditary citizenship, from which the Senate was elected, braced itself against both directions.
German Revolution and Hamburg Constituent Assembly
On March 13th, the Senate and the hereditary citizenship responded to the increasingly massive demands in the winter and spring of 1848 with a joint deputation . She should collect and advise on all claims. Surprisingly, the mood calmed down, even if only members of the two bodies were involved in the deputation. The first modern election from April 18th to 20th took place not for a Hamburg parliament, but for the Frankfurt National Assembly . The three liberal politicians Edgar Daniel Roß , Ernst Merck and Johann Gustav Wilhelm Moritz Heckscher were elected .
Since the deputation could not agree on a new electoral law or a constitution and it became clear that they wanted to adhere to the status quo, the political associations in Hamburg demanded a “Constituent” (constituent assembly) based on the model of the Frankfurt National Assembly. The Senate and the hereditary citizenship could hardly escape the pressure of the people because the citizens' military also sympathized with the new political ideas. But the free elections promised by the Senate on August 18, 1848, resulted in a dispute between the liberal and the democratic currents. The main points of contention were the question of a relative or absolute majority vote and the diets of the MPs.
On September 8th the electoral law was promulgated with the consent of the hereditary citizenship. With few exceptions, all male citizens aged 22 and over should be eligible to vote. Hamburg was divided into eleven electoral districts, from which a total of 188 members were to be elected. The two main groups that ran for election were the progressive “Liberal Election Committee” and the more conservative “Patriotic Association”. Participation in the election from October 5 to December 4 (it was elected one after the other in the constituencies) was sobering with 50% of the 38,000 eligible voters. The Liberal Election Committee emerged as the clear winner of this election with more than two thirds of the votes. David Christopher Mettlerkamp became senior president of the Constituent Assembly and demanded at the beginning of the deliberations: "Equal political and civil rights for all citizens [...] is an unavoidable requirement of reason and a moral will."
Johannes Versmann , who was to become the first president of the citizenship in 1859 , was temporarily president of this constituent assembly . The adoption of the "Constitution of the Free State of Hamburg" on July 11, 1849 can be seen as an outstanding success. The Constituent Assembly met in the rooms of the Patriotic Society from 1765 until it was dissolved in 1850 .
The restoration after the revolution did not stop at Hamburg either. When Prussian troops were stationed in Hamburg from August 1849 as part of the Schleswig-Holstein War and Hamburg joined the three-king alliance of Prussia , Saxony and Hanover , the democratic forces were pushed back and the conservative forces got the upper hand. On June 14, 1850, the Constituent Assembly was dissolved. Before that, she had been adjourned indefinitely on May 2 because of the ongoing lack of a quorum. As a result, there were many discussions and also a draft of a new constitution by the “Nine Commission”, but it was not until 1859/1869 that hesitant reforms in electoral law and constitutional questions were implemented.
The hereditary citizenship met on November 24, 1859 for their last meeting. Between 1,200 and 1,600 men with voting rights were present and abolished themselves and the senior elders as bodies. "Access to this [d. H. of the hereditary citizenship] had everyone who had the citizenship as well as one of the old houses ('heirs'). About 4,000 to 5,000 men were entitled to have their say, who, as in the original Swiss cantons, spoke only for themselves. "
Parliamentary citizenship (1859 to 1918)
The status of citizenship was upgraded by the Hamburg constitution of September 28, 1860. From that moment the Senate was partly dependent on the citizenship. Through the constitution, which was passed by the Senate and the citizenship, the members of the citizenship could for the first time elect the senators. Previously, the senators had been determined by "self-completion" of the Senate. Furthermore, the office of senator was laid out for life.
The constitution and thus also the election for citizenship were not democratic until 1918, but for the most part timocratic (rule of the property owners). Even if other currents (such as social democracy) gained limited political influence from the beginning of the 20th century, the system of rule remained rigid.
The seat of the newly created Hamburg citizenship was the premises of the Patriotic Society , which the Hamburg Constituent Assembly had already used from 1848 to 1850. The town hall, the actual site of a city parliament, was destroyed in the Hamburg fire of 1842 and a new one had not yet been built by the end of the 1850s. The New Town Hall was inaugurated on October 26, 1897 and became the home of the Hamburg Parliament and the Senate.
From the first elected citizenship in 1859
In 1859 citizenship was first determined in elections. In a mixture of census suffrage and class suffrage , 192 members were sent to the citizenship (from 1879 only 160 members). Active participation in the elections was tied to a wide range of requirements: on the one hand, only men aged 25 and over were allowed to vote, on the other hand they had to be citizens of Hamburg and pay taxes regularly.
Of the 192 seats in the citizenship in 1859, 84 resulted from the census elections that were held from November 14 to 21, 1859. This meant that the Hamburg Constituent Assembly's demand of 1848 to determine the citizenship through general elections was only partially fulfilled. The right to vote, which excluded many classes and residents of Hamburg, did not yet allow for a free, equal and general election. Only around five percent of Hamburg's residents even enjoyed the new right to vote. Another 48 were MPs from the Erbgesessenen (the land owners) and 60 of the deputy or the dishes (the so-called Notabeln determined). The “Hereditary Citizenship” elected their representatives for the new parliament at their last session on November 24, 1859. In part, a person could choose in two or even three areas; this gave her voice a disproportionate weight.
The citizenship was constituted on December 6, 1859 and elected the lawyer Johannes Versmann as its president. The fact that Versmann had already sat as a liberal in the “Hamburg Constituent Assembly” makes it clear that despite the restricted electoral law, a “reformist majority” prevailed in the citizenship. Secretaries and syndici continued to be determined by the Senate itself.
In the first citizenship, two factions formed: the right-wing fraction (mainly merchants and notables ) and the left-wing fraction (mainly craftsmen and small businesses ). The faction of the Left Center (predominantly industrialists ) did not join in until 1868 and demanded that factual issues be brought to the fore again and not political convictions. The directional designations used by the three parliamentary groups nevertheless had more to do with social origin than with political convictions. The emancipation of the Jews went hand in hand with the new citizenship. Nine Jewish MPs sat in the first citizenry. Among them were Gabriel Riesser , Isaac Wolffson , Adolph Alexander and Anton Rée . Their constitutional equality only came a year later with the newly enacted Hamburg Constitution.
1860s to 1880s
Soon after its founding, the citizenship approached many institutions that were no longer up-to-date or felt that they were. As a first step, the gate lock was lifted in 1860 , which quickly earned sympathy for the new institution. In 1865 a trade law followed, which disempowered old guilds and brotherhoods . This law was one of the first major issues in the citizenry. Due to the constitution of 1860 and the associated separation of state and church , church records were abolished; instead, the civil status registers were introduced. In addition, the mandatory civil marriage was added in 1876 . With the Education Act four years later, schools and educational institutions were placed under state supervision. With these measures, Hamburg “finally caught up with the ideas of the new era”.
The Hamburg constitution of 1860 was fundamentally reformed in 1879. This reform, which was lively discussed in the citizenship, also changed the institution itself: the number of parliamentarians was reduced from 192 to 160. The voting mode has also been changed. Half of the MPs were now elected by direct and secret ballot. The right to vote remained linked to civil rights and excluded broad sections of the population. In 1879, of the approximately 450,000 inhabitants of Hamburg, only 22,000 had the right to vote for citizenship, while 103,000 were allowed to vote in the Reichstag election. 40 further mandates each for the Hamburg parliament were awarded by election within the landowners and the notables. According to Article 30 of the Constitution, the notables are composed of judges, commercial judges, members of the guardianship authority, civil members of the administrative authorities, and the Chamber of Commerce and Industry.
In May 1881, the citizens, together with the Senate, agreed to join the German Customs Union . A compromise between the Hamburg Mayor Johannes Versmann and Otto von Bismarck provided for a free port area in which the goods would remain duty-free, even if they were further processed or refined there (e.g. coffee roasted). The controversial project, which resulted in one of the largest building programs ( Speicherstadt ) in the city, was completed with the final accession in October 1888.
The new factions
The Social Democrats got their first seat in parliament in 1901 through Otto Stolten . The 1904 election gave the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) 13 seats (out of 160). This small proportion compared to the results of the Reichstag elections was due to Hamburg's electoral law. Of the three Hamburg constituencies in the Reichstag elections, the SPD was able to win one in 1880, two from 1883 and all from 1890. In free and equal choice of all male residents, she received more than 58% of the vote.
In 1906, in order to ward off social democracy, class voting rights were tightened (the so-called electoral robbery ). The faction of the “ United Liberals ” was formed to protest against this, and its members - such as Carl Wilhelm Petersen - had previously mainly belonged to the right-wing group. However, individual MPs also came from one of the other two traditional parliamentary groups.
November Revolution (1918/1919)
On the night of November 5 to 6, 1918, sailors under the 20-year-old mate Friedrich Zeller took power in Hamburg. The chairman of the USPD , Ferdinand Kalweit , took over civil responsibility on the morning of November 6th. In the morning, a “provisional workers and soldiers council” was formed under the leadership of Zeller and Kalweit. By noon, power was de facto with this council, even if officially the position of the citizenship and senate remained untouched. The Great Workers' Council was formed in Hamburg on November 8th . Two days later, the council's executive body was elected. The historian and left-wing radical Heinrich Laufenberg , who had only been in town for a few hours, was immediately elected to the thirty-member committee and confirmed as chairman a little later by a battle vote. Laufenberg and the sailor Wilhelm Heise thus formed the head of the workers 'and soldiers' council that governed Hamburg .
On November 12th, the citizenship was officially removed against the opposition of the majority SPD and the majority of the trade unions under pressure from Laufenberg, but a few days later, on November 18th, it was reinstated as a “municipal administrative authority”. Like the authorities, it was supposed to continue its day-to-day business, but had no political decision-making power. There was thus a collaboration between the workers 'and soldiers' council and the citizenship. The cooperation between the two bodies resulted from the fact that the council could not do without the knowledge and experience in the field of administration . On the other hand, a problem for the citizens was that they were no longer accepted as a decision-maker by a large part of the population and they needed the council to implement measures. For example, the eight-hour day , a new protection against dismissal and the elimination of piecework were jointly introduced.
A newly elected citizenry was demanded from almost all political currents. The question of what this election should look like, what the tasks of the new citizenship should be and the timing of the election were extremely controversial. The SPD wanted a quick date for a free, equal and secret election because this was one of the main demands for which they had fought in the years before the revolution. The bourgeois and conservative forces, who previously had mostly rejected a general and equal election, also pushed for an early date. It was the only way for them to regain political influence and break the position of power of the Workers 'and Soldiers' Council. The USPD was rather for a later date in order to secure the success of the revolution and to put it on a solid foundation. The only ones who rejected a constituent assembly were the so-called left - wing radicals , who later joined the newly founded KPD . Among other things, this issue caused such a fierce controversy that a deep rift between the workers' parties was to form for years .
Weimar Republic (1919 to 1933)
From 1919 there was a general and equal right to vote for the citizens. Only since then does the citizenship have full sovereignty . From this point on, senators were elected exclusively by the citizens. In 1921 this was officially included in the newly created constitution. For the first time, the citizenship was a full representation of all electoral citizens in the highest state organ. The Senate was now under the direct control of Parliament.
After the election to the constituent citizenship in 1919 (see below), six elections were held until 1932 according to the rules of the new constitution. The state election of October 9, 1927 had to be repeated due to a ruling by the State Court for the German Reich . The court ruled that the electoral law change, which placed a barrier for small parties to vote for citizenship, was unconstitutional. The hurdle was that the parties had to prove 3,000 supporter signatures and provide bail. However, these measures were not compatible with the imperial constitution .
Overall, there were in the Weimar Republic, 1919-1933 536 politicians that a mandate had as members of the citizenry. Of these, only 44 were women (for the SPD: 18, KPD: 11, DDP : 6, DVP : 4, DNVP : 3, USPD 2).
From 1919 the SPD and the DDP (from 1930 German State Party [DStP]) formed a coalition and were able to determine the first democratic senate of the Hanseatic city. With the general election of October 26, 1924, the previous coalition no longer had a majority and the German People's Party was accepted into the coalition. After the election of September 27, 1931, this union had also lost its majority in the citizenry. On April 24, 1932, the NSDAP became the strongest faction in the citizenry, but could not yet form the Senate. On March 8, 1933, a coalition of NSDAP, DStP, DNVP and DVP was formed.
The SPD was the strongest parliamentary group from 1919 until it was just replaced by the NSDAP in 1932. But she lost over 20% of her votes during this time. In 1919 it was more than 50%, in 1931 it should only be 27.8% of the votes.
State election 1919
In the first state election on March 16, 1919, all citizens of Hamburg were called upon to vote for the first time. The right to vote was no longer dependent on the status as a citizen, but only on the place of residence, which had to be in Hamburg. One of the main tasks of the citizenship was to give the city a new constitution and to fill it with democratic and republican content.
532,911 Hamburg residents took part in the elections, which resulted in a turnout of 80.55%. The SPD clearly won the election with 50.5% of the vote. This was followed in the elections by the DDP (20.5%), the DVP (8.6%), the USPD (8.1%) and the Hamburg Economic Bloc (4.2%). The clear success of the SPD and DDP in the election sent a clear signal for democracy. The two parties had clearly spoken out in favor of a democratic republic from the start. Despite its absolute majority, the SPD entered into a coalition with the DDP. Cooperation between the left-wing liberals ( United Liberals ) and Social Democrats had already been carried out intensively during the imperial era and should now represent a broad mass of government as a government.
In the 1919 state elections, women had the right to vote and stand for election for the first time . In the first parliament, 17 of 185 members of parliament were women (9.2%). Of these, the SPD made up the largest proportion with nine women, followed by the DDP with four and the USPD with two. The DVP and the DNVP each occupied a seat in parliament with a woman.
The Kapp Putsch 1920 in Hamburg immediately obtain from the Hanseatic city of competent chief of the Reichswehr Brigade 9 in Szczecin Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck , the garrison elders supported Colonel von Wangenheim and other officers. Von Wangenheim dissolved the citizenship in the course of the coup and it caused the senate to be dismissed. Most of the teams stationed in Hamburg and their NCOs as well as the police apparently remained loyal to the republic and to the elected representatives of Hamburg. Despite the refusal of the later Senator Hermann Carl Vering to use the resident defense against the putschists, they were largely loyal to the constitution.
During the putsch, the majority of the citizens and the Hamburg Senate supported the democratic government . On this occasion , the liberal politician Christian Koch spoke on behalf of the two social democratic parties (SPD and USPD) and the DDP in the citizenry: “We don't want fratricidal war; but if those unscrupulous people want him, then go ahead. We are ready to offer our lives, so that its achievements will remain with the German people. "The government parties and the Independent Socialists formed a parity occupied Committee and called on the Democrats to be ready for an armed struggle for the republic. The parties mentioned, as well as the trade unions, the works council organizations, civil servants' associations and other social groups called for a general strike.
Due to the vehement resistance of the democratic forces and the consequences of the successful general strike, the putschists quickly realized that they had no chance. Two days before Wolfgang Kapp withdrew from his self-appointed offices, the putsch in Hamburg was over on March 15, 1920.
Three and a half years later, with the communist Hamburg uprising, the citizens were again confronted with an attempted coup. In contrast to the Kapp Putsch, this uprising from October 23 to 24, 1923 was a regional event for Hamburg and the surrounding area. The Hamburg KPD and SPD faced each other even more irreconcilably in the citizenry than supra-regionally in the Weimar Republic . Even before the open revolt, tendencies in the citizenry about a violent conflict were audible. For example, the KPD politician Hugo Urbahns said on September 5, 1923: “[...] that is why we say to the workers: Unite against the company, against this state, against the Social Democratic Party and the union leaders; take up the fight, if need be, with your weapons in your fist, [...] take up the fight by all means; only then will you be sure that you will be saved from entrepreneurship and from the leaders who rage against you! " Such calls were to be repeated in the period leading up to the uprising, especially because the party organ, the Hamburger Volkszeitung , was repeatedly banned. The KPD in the citizenry, however, pursued normal parliamentary activities for the greater part of the time and participated in daily political issues.
After the uprising broke out in the morning hours of October 23, the communists faced a superior force of police from Hamburg and Altona. The riot had failed in almost all areas by the evening of the day. Only in Barmbek and Schiffbek could the rebels hold out until the next day. The result of the two days were over 100 deaths and a further heightening of tensions between the two workers' parties.
On October 24th at 6 p.m., a few hours after the general end of the uprising, the citizens met for their regular meeting. In addition to the communist responsibility of the uprising, the Social Democratic MPs also addressed the plight of the German population, which could only make such an action possible. In addition to the DDP, which was involved in the government, the right-wing parties also rejected the uprising as an act of terrorism. The DVP would have found it appropriate to be even more tough on the insurgents. From the communist side, it was Karl Sess who commented on the events. He said nothing directly about the uprising, but attacked the other parties, above all the SPD, and the capitalist system. On the night of October 24th and the following days, a total of seven communist members of the citizenry were arrested. The MP Hugo Urbahns went into hiding and was only arrested on January 13 of the following year. It was not until a year later that the Communist MPs, editors and trade unionists involved were convicted. The MPs were Karl Rühl , Fritz Esser , Alfred Levy and Karl Köppen . Other politicians like Ernst Thälmann or Hans Kippenberger went into hiding, Ketty Guttmann fled to Moscow, from where she returned a few months later disaffected.
State election 1924
In 1924 the citizenship was elected for the third time during the Weimar Republic. The turnout in this election fell from 80.55% (1919) and 70.9% (1921) to only 66.06%. The absolute number of voters remained almost the same at around 535,000 due to the growth of the city. As a result, ten parties made up the 160 MPs, with the five small parties only able to book a total of eleven seats.
After the ruling coalition was able to assert itself again in the election year 1921 despite great losses, this time it was dependent on another partner. In contrast to the first election in 1919, in which the coalition of SPD and DDP had received an approval of over 70%, in 1921 it had to be satisfied with just under 55% and in 1924 only a little more than 45% of voters trusted it . The DVP was won as a new coalition partner. This party had been able to maintain its result against the election of 1921 and even slightly expand it and was the fourth strongest force. The self-image of this party was completely different from that of the SPD and the DDP. In Hamburg in particular, the party attached great importance to being a right-wing party (or black-white-red party ). She had an aversion to the democratic state and was also not interested in a balance between the social classes. Fighting the state directly, however, was against the "tradition of the Hanseatic property and educated bourgeoisie". The urge of many members of the DVP to come back to the center of power prevailed despite the aversion to the left-liberal and social-democratic parties.
The anti-republican forces on the left and right of the political spectrum emerged stronger from the election with over 30%. With almost 17% of the votes and a gain of over 5% compared to 1921, the DNVP was the second strongest force within parliament. But it should also remain the best result for the party.
State elections in 1927 and 1928
For the first time since the Hamburg uprising , negotiations between the two workers' parties, the SPD and the KPD, took place after the general election of October 9, 1927. But despite these negotiations, the two parties could not agree on a coalition . As a stronger party, the SPD demanded that the guidelines of the common policy be given, which the KPD categorically rejected. On the other hand, the SPD could not accept the minimum demands of the KPD and also not accept the offer to be tolerated by the communists as a minority government . On October 26, the talks were officially declared a failure. The SPD continued the coalition with the DDP and the DVP, which had existed since 1925. Even after the 1927 election was declared invalid by the State Court and had to be re-elected the following year, the coalition remained in place.
Between 1924 and 1929, a “relative stabilization” was evident throughout the Weimar Republic. This also applied to the city of Hamburg, where social reforms were carried out during this period . Despite the coalition partner DVP, which did not make a name for itself as a reform party, the reforms were pushed forward over the years by the SPD and the DDP. In addition, there was pressure on the SPD from the KPD, which was competing for votes.
After the years of revolution and crisis, in which there was no time and no opportunities for major reform projects due to unrest and monetary devaluation , from 1924 the citizens should increasingly turn to the areas of housing, education and social policy. Under Fritz Schumacher as senior building director, funds were approved by the citizens to promote social housing . During the Weimar Republic, and especially between 1923 and 1931, over 60,000 new apartments were built in the city. In the education and training policy many different areas have been addressed. The elementary schools were expanded spatially (they received gymnastics halls and ballrooms) or were newly built. The classes have been made smaller and teacher training has been improved through the university connection for elementary school teachers. The education policy of the social democrats and liberals was denounced by the conservative side in the citizenry as wasteful. Another reform was the creation of a modern penal system based on social rehabilitation under the direction of the member of parliament Christian Koch .
Demise of democracy in Hamburg
In the re-election in 1928 (the election of October 1927 was declared invalid), the National Socialists moved in with three seats. Three years later they had 43 MPs in the next election. The parliamentary majority, which until then had been provided by the SPD, DDP and partly the DVP, no longer existed from this point in time. The parties that rejected the Weimar Republic (NSDAP and DNVP on the right and the KPD on the left) now had a preponderance in parliament, but were ideologically completely opposed and could not agree on a common program. The Senate, which was dependent on the will of the citizenship, no longer had a majority in the citizenship from this point on until the end of the Weimar Republic . However, there was also no majority to vote out the Senate.
Citizenship elections between 1919 and 1932
National Socialism (1933 to 1945)
The persecution of the first KPD citizenship deputies was carried out after the takeover of power by the Hamburg SPD government under pressure from the NSDAP from Berlin with the police senator Adolph Schönfelder . The SPD gave itself up to the illusion of preventing the NSDAP from " seizing power " in Hamburg through "extreme correctness to the Reich government" . By the beginning of March at the latest, the SPD functionaries were taught better. Several Social Democratic MPs were arrested on March 5, despite their actual immunity .
On March 8, 1933, the citizenship elected the new Senate with twelve senators. Half of the senators were members of the NSDAP or were provided by it, the other half came from the middle-class coalition partners. The MPs of the KPD had already been driven out of the citizenry by arrest or persecution. On March 8, the KPD commented on the election of the new Senate at the end of March in a letter to the Mayor Herbert Ruscheweyh : “ An arrest warrant has been issued against the officials and MPs of the KPD. We have no reason to voluntarily surrender our MPs to the fascist dictatorship and are therefore not taking part in today's meeting. ”The Wittmoor concentration camp was set up in Wittmoor at the end of March as the first Hamburg concentration camp. Among other things, the KPD MP Alfred Levy was imprisoned there. Later members of the SPD and SAPD were also imprisoned and tortured there.
On March 31, 1933, the First Gleichschaltungsgesetz (“ Provisional Act on the Equalization of the Lands with the Reich ”) formed the citizenship according to the distribution of votes in the Reichstag election of March 5, 1933 , so that the NSDAP could take over power. At the same time the seats in the citizenry were reduced by deleting the seats of the KPD without replacement. The citizens met on May 10th for their constituent meeting, at which Fritz Meyer (NSDAP) was elected as the new president. Mayor Carl Vincent Krogmann made it clear to the parliamentarians without a doubt that the Senate was no longer accountable to the citizens. It became obvious that the new rulers were not interested in a representation of the people. The remaining parliamentarians of the SPD and the left-wing liberals considered resigning their mandates because it would be pointless to work in a powerless body.
The second citizenship meeting on May 31, 1933 lasted almost half an hour. Debates or discussions were not allowed, the new president was the only speaker at the meeting. The NSDAP proposals were considered to have been accepted, nothing else was negotiated.
On June 28, 1933, the citizenship met for their third session and for the time being for the last time. The 32 SPD MPs were excluded from participation due to the ban on activities issued by Interior Minister Wilhelm Frick on June 21, 1933. After the SPD, like the KPD, was completely banned on July 14, 1933, the pressure on the remaining parties increased. The DStP and the DNVP, renamed the German National Front , were forced or requested to dissolve themselves . The steel helmet , which was represented in the citizenship through the electoral alliance Kampffront Black-White-Red , was taken over into the SA in 1934 under the name National Socialist German Front Fighters Association . The DVP had dissolved in Hamburg on April 1, 1933, and the majority of its members had converted to the NSDAP.
The citizenship no longer met after June 28, 1933; on October 14, 1933, Reich Governor Karl Kaufmann dissolved it . Since no party was officially allowed to exist alongside the NSDAP, the existence of a parliament lost its meaning. The Council of State, newly created on July 20, 1933, was supposed to preserve the appearance of a continuing representation of all classes and classes . With the Greater Hamburg Law in April 1937, the Hamburg State Council was replaced by a so-called councilor assembly , another mock-up of civic participation .
During the time of National Socialism , many former members of the Social Democrats and Communists were persecuted, 18 of them were murdered. The persecution and police terror were also exposed to bourgeois forces from the left-liberal spectrum.
Occupation (1945 to 1949)
During the British occupation, two citizenships were constituted. On the one hand the appointed citizenship in February 1946 and the first freely elected in October of the same year. Hamburg was considerably enlarged by the “ Greater Hamburg Law ” of 1937. The new demarcation of Hamburg was taken over by the Allies , but was also partially called into question. Among other things, the populous areas of Altona , Wandsbek or Harburg-Wilhelmsburg had the opportunity to vote for the Hamburg citizenship for the first time in the first free and democratic election of the post-war period on October 13, 1946 .
The appointed citizenship
After the Second World War , Rudolf Petersen was commissioned as early as the summer of 1945 to form a new Senate for Hamburg . Politicians from former citizenship parties tried on July 26, 1945 to convince Petersen to establish a provisional citizenship. The delegation, consisting of Karl Meitmann (SPD), Friedrich Dettmann (KPD), Max Traeger (state party) and Franz Beyrich (center), was of the opinion that an “Advisory Committee of the Hamburg Citizenship” could stimulate political decision-making and link between Occupying power, appointed Senate and Hamburg population could be. Petersen endorsed the idea, but had to forward the decision to the military government. This refused by not being heard from. It was not until September 22nd that the occupying power announced a council committee. In addition to the previous parties, this should also be filled by people from all walks of life. It was important for the military government to include a broad cross-section of the “ordinary citizens” and thus build democracy from below. On February 27, 1946, the Appointed Citizenship met for their constituent session . Herbert Ruscheweyh , the last president of the mayor before 1933, was granted the chairmanship of parliament again. In addition to the 81 delegates , Lieutenant General Sir Evelyn Barker ( military governor for Schleswig-Holstein and Hamburg) and Hamburg city commander Brigadier H. Armytage also took part in the meeting.
The main task of the appointed citizenship was the drafting of a new constitution, which was passed on May 15, 1946. The future mayor of Hamburg, Paul Nevermann , who was a senator at the time, said in the fundamental debate as a representative of his parliamentary group on March 20, 1946 in front of the citizens: “The" unconstitutional, the terrible time "has been overcome. Political life is to be put back on a broad basis of a constitutional constitution. We want to show that we are willing to develop Germany and Hamburg into a constitutional state again. ”In addition, it was primarily the task of the citizens to organize the city's social problems. The focus was on supplying the population with food, clearing the rubble and thus the first construction measures.
The Appointed Citizenship was part of the gradual reintroduction of democratic elements into the city. In addition, the parties with partly new profiles were able to form and gather together in the citizenry. On October 8, 1946, the appointed citizens finished their work. Paul Nevermann said in retrospect at the last meeting of the elected citizens on October 7th: “It is the historical tragedy of the democratic forces that they always have to take up their duties when an authoritarian state system has powdered national wealth into the air. ] That was the case after the first war and it is now the case again. The fact that in the face of the incalculable destruction of material values in this country, precisely because of the poverty, we are forced to pursue a strong social policy, of course, makes our task particularly difficult. "
1st electoral term (1946 to 1949)
In the first elected citizenship after the Second World War were 110 deputies chosen (later 120 and 121 from 1991). By weighting the votes on the basis of majority voting, the SPD got 83 seats in the citizenry, although it had only achieved 43% of the votes. The SPD thus had an overwhelming majority in the citizenship and could have formed the government all by itself, but nevertheless tried to put the new democracy on a broader basis with a coalition. On the one hand, they wanted to build on the long tradition between social democrats and liberals in Hamburg and, on the other, not let the fratricidal struggle with the KPD arise again. This resulted in a coalition that is very unusual from today's perspective: the SPD received nine, the FDP three and the KPD one seat in the new government .
Criticism (not only from the opposition!) Against the electoral system of the British occupation arose quickly, and this was only applied in modified form in the next general election in 1949 . The newly elected Mayor Max Brauer , who had returned from emigration, was himself convinced that there had to be strong opposition and that the electoral system initially introduced by the British was not appropriate for post-war Hamburg. The fight for a new citizenship suffrage should be on the agenda more often in this electoral term.
The three governing parties showed a clear personal continuity to the parties of the Weimar Republic. The SPD (e.g. Gustav Dahrendorf or Paula Karpinski ) and KPD (e.g. Friedrich Dettmann or Gustav Gundelach ) could fall back on the party structures of the first German Republic, but the FDP was also mainly formed from the members of the former DDP ( e.g. Christian Koch ). In contrast, the opposition CDU was a party of many new politicians who had no practical experience in dealing with parliamentary systems. The exception to this is the former DVP politician Paul de Chapeaurouge , who sought a bourgeois collection movement. Despite this disadvantage in the party structure, individual opposition politicians were quickly able to distinguish themselves (e.g. Erik Blumenfeld or Renatus Weber ).
Federal Republic (from 1949)
2. u. 3rd electoral term (1949 to 1957)
During the 1st electoral period (1946-1949) a new electoral law was passed, which was first implemented in the 1949 election . The superiority of a single party (in this case the SPD) and the pure majority voting system should be replaced. New were the increase in mandates from 110 to 120 parliamentarians and a four-year electoral term (previously three years). The electoral system was a mixed system of majority voting (72 seats) and proportional representation (48 seats). In the 1949 state elections, the SPD was again the strongest party, but only had 65 (previously 83) seats. The coalition between the SPD and FDP had already broken up before the election. The FDP had teamed up with the CDU and the DKP and revived the Father City Association of Hamburg , an idea of MP Paul de Chapeaurouge to bundle the bourgeois forces and to oppose the socialist and communist forces. The voter turnout was 70.5%, almost 10 percentage points below that of 1946. The main task of the citizenship was to advise and draft a Hamburg constitution . Above all, the constitutional experts of the two major parties, the MP Renatus Weber (CDU) and the Senate Syndic Wilhelm Drexelius (SPD), stood out in the constitutional committee and in public deliberations. There were fundamental differences between the two blocs in views of the direction of the constitution. The SPD called for a "socialization of land" and a ban on private economic power and monopoly formation. The bourgeois bloc, on the other hand, called for a more liberal and economically oriented basis for the constitution. An agreement was reached on the following formulation in the preamble , as it is still valid today: “In order to achieve political, social and economic equality, political democracy is combined with the ideas of economic democracy.” In contrast to most other country constitutions are in Hamburg many questions of substantive constitutional law have been shifted to general laws. As a result, many changes that require the opposition's votes to amend the constitution in other federal states can be passed with a simple majority in parliament. The constitution was passed by all members of the citizenry, with the exception of the five MPs of the KPD, on June 4, 1952. Hamburg was the last of the western federal states that had given itself a constitution.
On November 1, 1953, the election for third post-war citizenship took place. After an election campaign, which was at times very emotional and tough, and which mainly dealt with the school reform, a new edition of the civic bloc won, which did not find a majority in the previous election. This time the Hamburg bloc made up of CDU , FDP and DP prevailed and won a narrow majority with 62 seats. The bloc elected the CDU politician Kurt Sieveking as first mayor. As opposition, only the SPD was represented with 58 seats (the KPD no longer made it into parliament because of the newly introduced five percent hurdle ; it was also banned throughout the federal territory on August 17, 1956 during the electoral period).
A government crisis occurred when the MPs of the DP wanted to participate in a constructive vote of no confidence in the mayor together with the SPD . Under pressure from federal politicians, especially from Konrad Adenauer , this crisis was resolved and the MPs of the DP reorganized themselves into the Hamburg block.
4th - 6th electoral term (1957 to 1970)
In the years 1957 to 1966 the balance of power in the citizenry was clearly divided. The SPD won steadily during the elections in 1957, 1961 and 1966 and was able to win an absolute majority of the votes throughout. The CDU remained constant at just under 30% and the FDP below 10% during this period. Despite the absolute majority of the SPD, the FDP continued to be involved in the Senate until April 1966.
In the 1957 state elections , the SPD was able to win back the majority of seats in parliament. The Hamburg bloc, created in the 1953 election as an association of bourgeois parties, could not be continued due to fundamental differences of opinion. The bloc was broken before the election and the parties entered the election campaign in isolation. For the first time, the election was held as a pure proportional representation , as provided for by the new electoral law from 1956.
The German Party (DP), which had moved into parliament with the Hamburg block in 1953, failed to move back into the parliament. The KPD (which had received 3.2% of the vote in the 1953 election) was no longer represented in this and the following elections because of the party ban in 1956. Until the Greens (GAL) first moved in in 1982, it was left to the parties of the SPD, CDU and FDP alone to provide the MPs. No other party made it over the five percent hurdle in these years.
One of the heated debates of the electoral term was the question of the extent to which the Hamburg Airport in Fuhlsbüttel could and should be approached by jet planes. All parties tried to say that one had to be careful about noise. In contrast, however, the MPs had very different opinions on the future use of the airport.
In the general election in 1961 there was a clear vote for the SPD / FDP government. The SPD won, as did the FDP. The only opposition party, the CDU, lost votes and slipped below 30%. During the legislature, the 1962 storm surge became one of the issues. Among other things, the actions of Interior Senator Helmut Schmidt were discussed in detail in the citizenship and the allegedly inadequate protection against such flood disasters was criticized. Another issue that also preoccupied the citizens was the so-called Spiegel affair . In 1965 Paul Nevermann gave up the post of first mayor, his successor was Herbert Weichmann. One year later, with 59% in the general election, the latter achieved the best result to date for the SPD in the Hanseatic city.
After the general election in 1966 , the FDP was no longer willing to take part in government responsibility. The voluntary coalition offers made by the SPD up to then (the SPD could have made the Senate by its absolute majority) were rejected.
7th - 9th electoral term (1970 to 1982)
In the 1970 election , the SPD lost its vote for the first time since 1949. Although the absolute majority was still sufficient to provide the government and the first mayor, the downward trend should continue in the next elections. In return, the CDU was able to usher in an upward trend. Under the state chairman and member of the Bundestag Dietrich Rollmann , the CDU finally wanted to escape the so-called "30 percent ghetto" and was able to realize this. After the rejection of government participation in 1966, the FDP entered a coalition again with the SPD (the Senate in 1970 under Herbert Weichmann and the Senate in 1971 under Peter Schulz ).
The most important issues in the electoral term were the demands of the student body for a reform of university legislation. During the university reform, all parliamentary groups introduced their bills and ideas to the citizens. These negotiations were overshadowed by the sometimes massive student unrest of the time. Another issue was parliamentary reform.
The 1974 state election should confirm the 1970 trend. The SPD lost over 10 percentage points and the First Mayor Peter Schulz resigned six months later due to the result (successor was Hans-Ulrich Klose ). The CDU with its top candidate Erik Blumenfeld made the leap to just over 40%, which meant that the two major parties were only 5% points apart. For the first time, the SPD needed the FDP to be able to provide a Senate. With a gain of 4 percentage points, the Liberals had a significantly better negotiating position than they had with the previous government participations. The SPD parliamentary group, on the other hand, appeared torn and divided on many issues. The Senate's projects such as the construction of two new nuclear power plants , the port expansion, the further expansion of the Elbe as a shipping route and the radical decree were controversial and put the parliamentary group to the test.
In the 1978 election , the trends of the 1970 and 1974 elections were reversed again. The SPD won back an absolute majority with over 50%; the CDU lost slightly and again slipped below 40%. The FDP was the clear loser in the election and, with 4.8%, missed out on parliament. It was the only election period in which only the two major parties, the SPD and CDU, were represented in the citizenry. In the next election, the green alternative list made it into the Hamburg parliament for the first time. In the 1978 election, the two predecessor organizations, Bunte List - Defend Yourselves and the Green List Environmental Protection (GLU), came together to more than 4%, in Hamburg-Eimsbüttel the Bunte List was even able to move into the district assembly with two members.
10th - 13th electoral term (1982 to 1991)
In 1982 and 1986/87 there were supposed to be two citizenship elections each with very different results. Due to the so-called “ Hamburg conditions ”, the parties could not agree on a majority capable of governing and so the only way out in both cases was a new election.
In the first election in June 1982 , the CDU was able to collect the most votes for the first time. With a lead of half a percentage point better than the SPD, but without a real coalition partner, the CDU could not provide a majority in the citizenship. The FDP was not included in the citizenship and failed again just under the five percent hurdle. A grand coalition did not come about due to the sometimes very different views and was also categorically excluded by the top candidate of the SPD and First Mayor Klaus von Dohnanyi .
In purely mathematical terms, the Social Democrats would have the possibility of working with the GAL and there were also talks about the GAL's tolerance of an SPD Senate. The talks between the parties were broken off after a short time. On the part of the GAL, the tolerance talks were held with the aim of portraying the SPD as an unprincipled party and making the contradictions between actions and programs of the SPD clear to the public. In the second election in 1982 in December , the SPD was able to win back its absolute majority. The two bourgeois parties, the CDU and the FDP, lost and the GAL also had to surrender around one percentage point, but managed to make it into parliament. New to the electoral term, which was to run until 1986, was the GAL's rotation principle .
The topics of the election period were the nationwide topics that also made waves in Hamburg: NATO retrofitting and the fight against nuclear energy. In Hamburg, the issues of port expansion , Elbe deepening and the squatted houses in Hafenstrasse are among the key issues of the dispute. In addition, a parliamentary committee of inquiry was set up in this 10th electoral term to deal with the scandal surrounding the doctor Rupprecht Bernbeck at the General Hospital Barmbek . At the end of the electoral term, there will be a demonstration to the Hamburger Kessel , which should keep the citizens busy until well into the next electoral term. The so-called "Hamburg conditions" occurred again in the Hanseatic city in the December 1986 election . It was loss-making for the SPD and resulted in slight gains for the CDU and the FDP, which, however, again failed to make the leap into parliament. The biggest winner of the election was the GAL, which received over 10% of the vote. As in 1982, the positions of the three parties represented in the citizenry were too far apart for the parliamentary groups to agree on a coalition capable of governing. At the constituent citizenship meeting at the end of November 1986, the members of the GAL, who had drawn up an all-women list for the citizenship election, came in pin-striped suits, ties or bow ties. They took up the sarcastic designation of Mayor Dohnanyi, who called a list of women "Punch and Judy Theater".
Because of the unclear balance of power in the town hall, new elections were held again in May 1987 . As in the new elections in 1982, the SPD, the GAL and the CDU lost in percentage points. In contrast to 1982, however, the FDP won and was able to move back into parliament for the first time since 1978 with 8 members. She entered into a coalition with the SPD that was continued until 1991.
The main topic of the electoral term was the conflict over the occupied houses in Hafenstrasse. The situation, which came to a head in November 1987, led to heated debates among the citizens. Against the protests of the CDU opposition and against major concerns in their own parties, the two mayors Klaus von Dohnanyi and Ingo von Münch enforced the tolerance of the squatting on November 19, 1987 in order to counter a possible confrontation. The CDU boss Jürgen Echternach describes the contract concluded between the city and the harbor street residents as "complete nonsense" and enforces a parliamentary committee of inquiry with his parliamentary group.
14.-16. Election period (1991 to 2001)
In the 1991 election, 121 MPs were elected instead of the previous 120. The aim was to prevent stalemates and simplify the formation of a majority. With Henning Voscherau , who had succeeded Dohnanyis in 1988, the SPD received 48.0% of the vote and 61 seats in the 1991 mayor election, i.e. the smallest possible absolute majority. The CDU received 35.1% (minus 5.4 percentage points). The two small parties, GAL and FDP, roughly matched their 1987 results. The turnout of 66.1% was the lowest to date since the Federal Republic was founded; in later elections it was higher again (1993: 69.9%; 1997: 68.7%; 2001: 71.05%).
After the election, a group of around 20 CDU members sued against the validity of the citizenship election. The list of candidates at the CDU would have violated electoral law principles. The Constitutional Court approved the application. There was a new election on September 19, 1993 .
One of the plaintiffs, the publisher Markus Wegner , founded the STATT party . This immediately reached 5.6% in the 1993 election . The CDU received 25.1% (its worst result in its history) and the FDP failed to make it into parliament. The Greens received 19 seats, 10 more than in 1991. The SPD received 40.4%; it formed a coalition with the STATT party ( Senate Voscherau III ).
In 1991 the four established parties (SPD, CDU, GAL and FDP) were still able to unite 95.7 percent of the vote, in 1993 it was only 83.2 percent. “ Small parties ” received a relatively large number of votes: the STATT party 5.6%, Republicans 4.8%, DVU 2.8% and “ The Grays ” 1.6%.
In 1996 the citizenry decided on an extensive constitutional reform. During the 14th electoral term (1991 to 1993), a “ parliamentary reform commission of inquiry ” chaired by the later Justice Senator Wolfgang Hoffmann-Riem was already active; In the 15th electoral term (1993–1997) the Constitutional Committee continued the work of the commission and brought the revision into law. One of the main points of the constitutional reform was the move away from the purely honorary mandate in the citizenry. The status of MPs has been converted to part-time employment.
In the 1997 election , the SPD received 36.2% and the GAL 13.9%. They continued their coalition ( Senate round ); Ortwin Runde became first mayor. The CDU received 30.7%; the FDP failed again at the five percent hurdle. The right-wing extremist DVU received 4.98%; she was missing 190 votes for entry into the citizenry. The STATT party, whose founder Markus Wegner had already resigned in the dispute in 1995, received 3.8%.
With the beginning of the 16th electoral term (1997) the citizenship lost the status of a pure after-work parliament . The members of parliament previously exercised their mandate as an honorary post and received a tax-free lump sum instead of diets . Since 1997, the mandate is no longer honorary, but part-time, the session times start in the early afternoon and the diets have been increased significantly, but at 2500 euros are still below those of other federal states.
On May 18, 1999, the five MPs Norbert Hackbusch , Susanne Uhl , Heike Sudmann , Lutz Jobs and Julia Koppke split from the GAL and formed the group Rainbow - For a New Left . The red-green coalition was not endangered because of its large majority. The citizenship group was unable to assert itself as a community of voters in the next elections (in 2001 it received 1.7% and in 2004 1.1% of the votes).
17. u. 18 electoral term (2001 to 2008)
The CDU lost in the 2001 election and fell well below the 30 percent mark, but was able to form a coalition with the Rule of Law Offensive Party (Schill), newly founded by Ronald Schill , and the FDP. The coalition, which included Ronald Schill's “right-wing populist” party, met with some skepticism.
The SPD, which was able to maintain its 1997 election results, had to go back into the opposition for the first time since 1953 . Thus the strongest party in parliament did not provide the First Mayor, a novelty in Hamburg since 1946. The GAL / Greens lost significantly and slipped below 9%. A traffic light coalition , which was briefly discussed, was quickly swept off the table by the GAL as not realistic.
During this 17th electoral period, the coalition with the party around Interior Senator Schill broke. In the summer of 2003, he threatened Mayor Ole von Beust with revelations. Von Beust went on the offensive, dismissed the Senator for the Interior, but tried to continue the coalition with Schill's party. Due to quarrels with the coalition partner, the CDU felt compelled in December to call new elections and to declare the coalition with the FDP and the Schill party ended.
In the 2004 mayor elections , the CDU was able to win the absolute majority of mandates for the first time in its history, with 47.2% of the vote and 63 seats, and was thus able to provide the Senate alone. In addition, Ole von Beust was able to sharpen his profile through the action against the former interior senator and achieve the best election result so far for the CDU in Hamburg. The new party of Ronald Schill , the SPD and the FDP were the losers of the election. The SPD slipped to the worst result since the Second World War and the party around Schill and the FDP could not climb the five percent hurdle. The only winner of the election besides the CDU was the GAL, which was able to gain more than 10% of the vote.
In 2004 a new electoral law was passed in Hamburg by means of a referendum . In 2006, with the votes of the CDU parliamentary group against the votes of the opposition parliamentary groups, the citizenship abolished core elements of this right to vote. In 2007, the Hamburg Constitutional Court declared the reform of 2006 to be largely constitutional. The parts that had been declared unconstitutional had to be reorganized by the citizens.
19th electoral term (2008 to 2011)
In the 2008 general election , the CDU was able to win the most votes again despite losses. The SPD won, but could not achieve its goal of becoming the strongest parliamentary group again. The GAL lost and fell below 10% of the votes cast. The FDP was able to almost double its result, but just failed to reach the five percent hurdle. For the first time, Die Linke moved into the citizenship with over 6% of the vote. A government coalition of CDU and SPD or CDU and GAL was mathematically possible. It was also a coalition of the SPD, GAL and the Left, but was excluded from everyone involved, including the Left, even before the election.
In the election, a new electoral law was used, in which Hamburg was divided into 17 constituencies. In addition, voters in the constituencies were able to distribute 5 votes to different candidates in addition to one vote for the state list. With the withdrawal of a digital voting pen , the counting of the direct candidates was delayed by several days.
The election campaign in Hamburg was determined on the one hand by city-specific issues and the two top candidates. In addition, the election campaign was influenced by the state elections in Hesse and the stalemate there and possible coalitions. Topics were youth violence and education policy, which were also discussed nationwide. Hamburg-specific topics, on the other hand, were the referendum , the university fee , the new construction of the coal-fired power plant in Hamburg's Moorburg district and the planned deepening of the Elbe. Then there was the topic of dealing with the Left Party, which was particularly decisive at the end of the election campaign. In addition to the topics, it was a personalized election campaign. The two opponents Ole von Beust (CDU) and Michael Naumann (SPD) shaped the image of the city on the election posters.
20th electoral term (2011 to 2015)
In the 2011 mayor elections , the SPD and its top candidate Olaf Scholz were able to win the absolute majority of the seats in the Hamburg parliament, while the CDU drastically lost support among voters and almost halved its share of the vote. In addition to the GAL and the Left, the FDP also came back into the citizenship for the first time since 2001.
Olaf Scholz was elected as the new First Mayor of Hamburg on March 7, 2011 ; the vote on his Senate took place on March 23.
On February 13, 2013, the citizenship decided to extend their electoral term to five years from the next election and to open up the right to vote for 16 and 17 year olds.
21st electoral term (2015 to 2020)
The 2015 general election took place on February 15th. In addition to the five previous parliamentary groups, the alternative for Hamburg also moved into the citizenship with 6.1%, which for the first time since the Second World War included six parties. The SPD lost its absolute majority and formed a red-green Senate with the Greens, which, like the FDP, easily won. Olaf Scholz remained mayor (→ Senate Scholz II ). Katharina Fegebank ( Green Hamburg ) was his deputy . The Left received 8.5% (their best result to date in a state election); the CDU received 15.9% of the vote (after 21.9% in 2011 and 42.6% in 2008 ).
Dora Heyenn received another mandate as the top candidate of the left. After she was not confirmed as group chairman at the constituent group meeting, she declared her resignation from the group. She initially remained a member of the Die Linke party and resigned in November 2015. Dora Heyenn has been a member of the SPD parliamentary group since January 1, 2018. Nebahat Güçlü received a mandate on the state list of Bündnis 90 / Die Grünen Hamburg . After an internal party conflict over an election campaign and a desired expulsion from the party, Güçlü declared her resignation from the party on April 1, 2015. Since then she has been a non-party member of parliament. On February 10, 2016, Ludwig Flocken , who was elected on the AfD's state list, announced that he was leaving the AfD parliamentary group. He has been a non-attached MP since then. The parliamentary group leader of the AfD Jörn Kruse resigned from the parliamentary group and party on November 1, 2018.
In October 2016, the citizenship changed its work structure with the aim of increasing the attractiveness: In addition to earlier meetings and shorter speaking times for members of parliament, a Senate Question Time was planned. An increase in parliamentary group funds of 2,500 euros per month was justified by the increased expenditure for parliamentary committees of inquiry, study commissions and discussions with popular initiatives. The measures should apply until the end of the 2020 legislative period.
The parties had the following group strengths:
- SPD : 59 seats
- CDU : 20 seats
- Greens : 14 seats
- Left : 10 seats
- FDP : 9 seats
- AfD : 6 seats
- non-attached : 3 seats (non-party)
22nd electoral term (since 2020)
After the citizenship election on February 23, 2020 , the constituent meeting of the 22nd citizenship took place on March 18, 2020. The meeting was opened by the senior president Dagmar Wiedemann (SPD). With the meeting of the new citizenship, the 22nd electoral term began at the same time. The new citizenship has a total of 123 members. The FDP missed the five percent hurdle for the state list (see § 5 paragraph 2 of the law on the election of Hamburg citizenship - BüWG) and is therefore no longer represented in parliamentary groups or groups compared to the 21st electoral term in the new citizenship . In the constituency of Blankenese , the FDP was able to win a constituency mandate.
The seats of the 22nd citizenship are distributed among the elected parties as follows:
In its constituent meeting, the citizenship elected Carola Veit (SPD) again as president. Veit received 68 votes in favor, one against and 5 abstentions. Due to the COVID-19 pandemic , only 74 out of 123 elected MPs were present in the town hall's plenary hall. The SPD and the Greens decided to reissue the red-green Senate.
Election results since 1946
The following table lists the election results of all parties that achieved at least 1%. If the party has not moved into the citizenry, the result is printed smaller. The parties that made up the Senate after the election are marked in color.
|October 16, 1949||70.5%||42.8||VBH 34.5||13.3||7.4||-||-||-||-||-||RSF 2.0|
|March 27, 1966||69.8%||59.0||30.0||6.8||-||-||-||-||-||-||-||NPD 3.9|
|March 22, 1970||73.4%||55.3||32.8||7.1||-||-||-||-||-||-||-||NPD 2.7, DKP 1.7|
|06/04/1978||76.6%||51.5||37.6||4.8||-||-||BuLi 3.5||-||-||-||-||GLU 1.1|
|December 19, 1982||84.0%||51.3||38.6||2.6||-||-||6.8||-||-||-||-|
|09/19/1993||69.6%||40.4||25.1||4.2||-||-||13.5||LA 0.5||5.6||-||-||REP 4.8, DVU 2.8, gray 1.6|
|09/21/1997||68.7%||36.2||30.7||3.5||-||-||13.9||0.7||3.8||-||-||DVU 4.98, REP 1.8, BFB 1.3|
|02/29/2004||68.7%||30.5||47.2||2.8||-||-||12.3||-||-||-||ProDM 3.1, Rainbow 1.1, Gray 1.1|
|02/23/2020||63.2%||39.2||11.2||4.96||-||-||24.2||9.1||-||-||5.3||PARTY 1.4, volts 1.3|
- 1978 Colorful List - Defend yourself , from 1981 Green Alternative List, from 1986 as the state association of the Greens (from 1993 Alliance 90 / The Greens ), from 2015 Alliance 90 / The Greens Hamburg
- to 2004 PDS
- CDU, DP and DKonP joined the VBH at
- CDU, DP, FDP and BHE joined the Hamburg-block together
- The Bunte Liste went into the GAL in 1981
- Left alternative - Defend yourself , alliance of PDS, DKP , MLPD and other communist organizations
- waived in favor of rainbow - for a new left
- The FDP just failed to pass the 5% hurdle, but is represented in the citizenry due to a constituency mandate
Minimum number of MPs
Article 6 paragraph 2 of the Constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg of June 6, 1952 (HmbVerf.) Prescribes a minimum of 120 members in the Hamburg Parliament. The minimum number of MPs prescribed by the constitution can also be exceeded and is generally done through so-called overhang and equalization mandates .
Members of the Hamburg Citizenship have been elected for 5 years since 2015 (cf. Art. 10 Paragraph 1 Clause 1 HmbVerf.).
Allocation of seats since 1946
The following table lists the distribution of seats in the citizenships directly after the elections.
|1949||120||65||VBH 40||-||-||-||DP 9, KPD 5, RSF 1|
|1953||120||58||Hamburg block 62||-||-||-|
|1993||121||58||36||-||19th||-||-||Instead of 8|
According to Art. 7 Paragraph 1 Clause 2 HmbVerf. neither bound to orders nor to instructions; one also speaks of the so-called free mandate .
Rights / mandates
The official name affix for the members of the Hamburg Citizenship is MdHB (Member of the Hamburg Citizenship). The constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg of June 6, 1952, the Hamburg Parliamentary Law of June 21, 1996 and the GO of the Hamburg Citizenship regulate the rights of the (parliamentary) mandate.
Separation of office and mandate
The constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg writes according to Art. 39 HmbVerf. the separation of office and mandate . Members of the Hamburg citizenship must therefore suspend their mandate as soon as they become a member of the Senate (state government). (cf. Art. 39 Paragraph 1 and Paragraph 2 HmbVerf.)
Lists of the members of the Hamburg citizenship
A list of the members of the Hamburg Citizenship, divided according to the respective electoral periods, is located at the bottom of the navigation bar "Members of the Hamburg Citizenship".
The organs of the citizenship include the president as the highest representative of the citizenship, the presidium and the council of elders as supporting bodies of the president, the plenum , the parliamentary groups and the committees .
The plenum, i.e. the full assembly of all members of parliament, is the highest decision-making body of the Hamburg citizenship.
The main functions of the plenary are:
- the legislation,
- the election of the First Mayor ,
- the confirmation of the Senate proposed by the First Mayor ,
- control of the Senate and
- decision-making on the budget (budget law).
The citizenry has had a president since 1859 . He or she is re-elected by the Hamburg citizenship after each election and represents it externally. Supported by the Presidium , the President leads the meetings of the citizenship. His or her term of office ends with the end of the electoral term of the citizenship, re-election is possible. It has been parliamentary custom from the outset that the strongest parliamentary group in the citizenry has the right to propose the office of president. The President was supported by two Vice-Presidents until the end of the 16th electoral term (2001). Since the beginning of the 17th electoral term, the number of vice-presidents has been based on the number of parliamentary groups.
The president has the house rules of the Hamburg citizenship, that is, he or she ensures compliance with the rules of procedure of the citizenship and the dignity of the house. He or she attends important events in the city, gives speeches and speeches on behalf of the citizens. He or she is responsible for the citizenship chancellery, a "service center" for all members of parliament. At the first meeting, the task is performed by the elected president of the interim president or the oldest member. He or she is the oldest member of the citizenry in terms of age.
"The election of the presidium takes place after a newly elected citizenry has met for the duration of the electoral term. All parliamentary groups represented in the citizenry have at least one presidium member. The order of appointments is based on the political strength of the parliamentary groups represented." The main task of the Presidium is to support the President in running parliamentary affairs and administration. In the past not all parties that were represented in the citizenry had a seat on the presidium. In the 14th electoral term, for example, the FDP and the GAL were represented in parliament alongside the CDU and SPD (which had sole responsibility for the presidium).
In the 22nd electoral term, the committee currently consists of the President Carola Veit, the First Vice-President, four Vice-Presidents as well as a secretary. It is generally elected in the constituent session of the citizenship for the duration of the legislative period.
The Council of Elders
The Council of Elders is a body that, unlike the President and Presidium, is not anchored in the constitution. Nevertheless, the Council of Elders is a permanent institution within the Hamburg Parliament.
The main tasks are to support the president and the presidium and to reach a cross-factional understanding on issues relating to citizenship. In the council of elders, among other things, the items on the agenda, the technical course of the meeting and the work program are agreed. In addition, the council acts as an advisory body for the president and works towards an agreement on the appointment of chairmen and secretaries of the committees. The committee consists of the president, the vice-presidents and other members appointed by the parliamentary groups. In the 21st electoral term (2015 - March 2020) the council of elders consisted of 31 members. The SPD has seven, the CDU six, the Left and AfD five each and the Greens and FDP four each.
In the parliamentary committees, a distinction is made between so-called permanent and non-permanent (specialist) committees. (cf. §§ 52 ff GO Hamburgische Bürgerschaft dated March 2, 2015)
Standing technical committees are set up by the plenary at the beginning of an electoral term on the proposal of the council of elders and the number of members is determined. The number of members is determined by the fact that each political group should have at least one member on the committee and at the same time the majority should be reflected.
Basically, the committees have the task of preparing resolutions for the citizenship, i.e. the plenary session (cf. § 52 Paragraph 1 GO Hamb. Citizenship). More details on the tasks and limits of their activity are regulated in § 53 GO Hamb. Citizenship.
Each committee can hold hearings as it deals with a topic. Either experts are interviewed (expert hearing) or citizens have their say in a public hearing who want to provide factual information on the subject of the deliberations.
The committees must report to the citizens on their deliberations. (cf. § 61 GO Hamb. Bürgerschaft) The reporting is tied to formal criteria. The reporting must be in writing and must contain a recommendation for a resolution (cf. § 61 Paragraph 1 Clause 1 GO Hamb. Citizenship). Further requirements can be found in § 61 Paragraphs 2 to 6 GO Hamb. Citizenship.
The committees meet in accordance with Section 56 Paragraph 1 Clause 1 GO Hamb. Citizenship is generally public.
Each committee can set up so-called sub-committees. These committees can be set up from a main committee but can also be set up by several committees if, for example, a submission has been referred to several committees by the citizens.
In the 22nd electoral term there are 20 standing committees.
The citizenship can also set up so-called temporary committees. These include parliamentary committees of inquiry and special committees.
Committees of inquiry
The citizenry has the right to set up a committee of inquiry.
At the request of a quarter of the members, the Hamburg citizenship must set up a (parliamentary) committee of inquiry (cf. Art. 26 Paragraph 1 Clause 1 Constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg of June 6, 1952). In this context the so-called minority right is spoken of.
According to § 52 Abs. 3 BürgGO HA 2015, the Hamburg citizenship can set up special committees for individual matters.
In the 21st electoral term, the Hamburg citizenship, chaired by MP Milan Pein (SPD), set up the special committee "Violent riots around the G20 summit in Hamburg ". The committee presented its final report to the citizens on September 26, 2019.
Citizens also have the option of setting up study commissions . At the request of one fifth of the members, a study commission is set up (cf. Art. 27, Paragraph 1, Clause 1, Constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg of June 6, 1952). In addition to the MPs, non-members of the citizenship are also represented as experts in the study commission. (cf. Art. 27 Paragraph 1 Clause 2 Constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg of June 6, 1952).
In the 21st electoral period, the citizenship had to further strengthen the study commission “Child protection and children's rights: review, further development, implementation and compliance with legal principles, professional standards and rules in child and youth welfare - improvement of the interaction between the various systems and actors "Chaired by the expert Professor Dr. Christian Schrapper ( University of Koblenz ) used. On January 17, 2019, the Enquete Commission presented its final report with 70 recommendations to the citizens.
Pursuant to Section 1, Paragraph 1, Clause 1 of the Parliamentary Fraction Act of June 20, 1996, the parliamentary groups are independent institutions in the citizenship with their own rights and obligations, to which members of the citizenship have come together in exercising their free mandate for the permanent pursuit of common political interests. They are legally competent and do not belong to the public administration (see Section 1, Paragraph 3 of the Fractions Act of June 20, 1996).
Among other things, they have the task of participating in parliamentary work and serving to form political will (cf. Section 1, Paragraph 2, Clause 1 of the Parliamentary Group Act). Further details are regulated in the (Hamburg) Fraction Act of June 20, 1996.
There are 5 political groups in the 22nd electoral term.
Administration (Citizenship Chancellery)
The constitution of the state of Hamburg provides the Hamburg citizenship as a state parliament with its own administration (cf. Art. 18, Paragraph 2, Clause 2, Constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg). The parliamentary administration in the Hamburg Citizenship is (traditionally) called the Citizenship Chancellery.
The employer of the Citizenship Chancellery is the Citizenship President (see Art. 18 Paragraph 2 Clause 2 Constitution of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg in conjunction with Section 3 Paragraph 4 Sentence 2 Rules of Procedure of the Hamburg Citizenship). The Citizenship Chancellery is managed by the Director of the Citizenship Chancellery.
The citizenship chancellery has around 90 employees and is divided into the presidential area, department A (central services and information), department B (plenary and committees) and department J (legal department / staff area).
The citizenship chancellery is u. a. responsible for the organization and implementation of the plenary and committee meetings of the Hamburg citizenship.
- Politics in Hamburg
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- Nevermann: Metaller - Mayor - Tenant President, p. 29.
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